f  m 


OUR  MARTYRED  PRESIDENT. 

AS  A  MAN,  THE  NOBLEST  AND  PUREST  OF  HIS  TIMES. 

AS  A   CITIZEN,  THE   GRANDEST   OF   HIS   NATION. 

AS  A  PRESIDENT,  THE   IDOL  OF   FIFTY  MILLIONS  OF  PEOPLE. 


THE  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

OP 

GEN.  JAMES  A.  GARFIELD, 

TWENTIETH   PRESIDENT   OF   THE   UNITED   STATES. 
EMBRACING 

A  FULL  ACCOUNT  OF  HIS  EARLY  LIFE  ;  HIS  STRUGGLES  WITH  POVERTY 
AND  EFFORTS  TO  OBTAIN  AN  EDUCATION;  HIS  BRILLIANT  SER 
VICES   AS  A  SOLDIER    AND   STATESMAN;   HIS   ELECTION 
TO  THE  PRESIDENCY;  HIS  ABLE  AND  PATRIOTIC    ' 
ADMINISTRATION;     HIS    MANFUL   BATTLE 
WITH  RINGS  AND  CORRUPTION 
IN  HIGH  PLACES. 

TOG-ETHER,     WITH     THE 

HISTORY  OF  HIS  ASSASSINATION, 

GIVING  ALL  THE  INCIDENTS  OF  HIS  LONG  AND  PAINFUL  ILLNESS, 
THE  SURGICAL  TREATMENT,  THE  CONSULTATIONS  OF  THE 
EMINENT  PHYSICIANS,  DAILY  SCENES  AT  THE  SUF 
FERER'S    BEDSIDE,   LAST  HOURS  AND   DEATH 
THE  FUNERAL  CORTEGE,  BUPJAL,  ETC. 

BY  JAMES  D.   M^cCABE, 

AUTHOR  OF  "  THE  PICTORIAL  HISTORY  OP  THE  WORLD,"  "  PATHWAYS  OF  THE  HOLY  LAND  " 
"  THE  CENTENNIAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES,"  ETC.,  ETC. 


Embellished  with  a  Fine  Steel  Portrait  and  Numcrsus'  Engravings  on  Weoi 
— — — ..,'*.    »  .      '"•»*  * 


NATIONAL  PUBLISHING  COMPANY: 

PHILADELPHIA,  PA,;  CHICAGO,  ILLS.;  ST.  LOUIS,  MO.- 
ATLANTA,  GA. 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1880,  by 

J.  R.  JONES, 
In  the  Office  of  the  Librarian  of  Congress,  at  Washington,  D.O. 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1881,  by 

J.  R.  JONES, 
In  the  Office  of  the  Librarian  of  Congrees,  at  Washington,  D.  C, 


PREFACE. 


IT  is  the  pride  and  boast  of  America  that  this  is  a 
country  of  self-made  men.  However  humble  may 
be  the  position  of  a  man,  it  is  within  his  power,  in  this 
land  of  equality  and  Republican  Institutions,  to  attain 
the  highest  honors  within  the  gift  of  his  fellow-citizens. 
Our  history  is  full  of  the  names  of  men  who,  without 
friends  or  fortune  to  aid  them,  have  risen  by  the  force 
of  their  own  abilities  to  the  proudest  position  in  the 
Republic — Washington,  Jefferson,  Marshall,  Clay,  Lin 
coln  and  their  glorious  compeers,  were  all  self-made 
men,  and  carved  out  their  great  successes  by  their  own 
unaided  efforts.  Their  example  shines  out  brightly  to 
encourage  and  cheer  others  who  are  struggling  onward 
in  the  road  by  which  they  climbed  to  greatness. 

No  career  in  all  our  history  furnishes  a  more  brilliant 
example  of  this  than  that  of  General  James  A.  Garfield, 
Starting  as  a  poor  farmer  boy,  without  money,  position, 
or  influence,  and  compelled  to  struggle  against  poverty, 
he  has  raised  himself  to  the  highest  pinnacle  of  fame. 
The  poor  boy  that  drove  the  mule  team  of  a  canal 
boat  was  elected  by  his  countrymen  to  the  exalted 
position  of  President  of  the  United  States.  His  das 
tardly  assassination  aroused  an  outpouring  of  grief, 
sympathy  and  love  which  showed  how  strong  was  his 
hold  upon  the  affections  of  the  nation.  (3) 


4  PREFACE. 

It  is  but  natural  that  his  countrymen  should  desire 
to  know  the  means  by  which  this  great  success  was 
accomplished.  To  meet  this  demand  the  author  has 
prepared  this  volume,  which  relates  the  life  of  this 
truly  great  man.  The  work  is  more  interesting  than 
a  novel,  for  it  is  true.  It  is  the  story  of  unconquera 
ble  determination  and  sublime  self-reliance,  of  lofty 
purpose  and  inflexible  resolve,  of  incorruptible  integ 
rity  and1  moral  courage  of  the  highest  type,  of  noble 
effort  and  magnificent  achievement,  of  a  prolonged 
struggle,  crowned  by  the  most  brilliant  triumphs. 

The  history  of  the  dastardly  attempt  upon  the  life 
of  President  Garfield  is  graphically  related,  and  the 
work  contains  a  carefully  written  account  of  the  long 
and  terrible  suffering  of  the  distinguished  patient, 
with  descriptions  of  the  daily  scenes  around  his  bed 
side.  The  skilful  medical  and  surgical  treatment  pur 
sued  by  the  physicians  in  charge  of  the  case,  the  heroic 
firmness  with  which  the  suffering  President  bore  him 
self  in  the  midst  of  his  agony,  the  firm  and  devoted 
conduct  of  Mrs.  Garfield,  "  the  plucky  little  lady  of 
the  White  House,"  the  outpouring  of  sympathy  and 
affection,  not  only  from  our  own  people,  but  from  the 
nations  and  sovereigns  of  the  Old  World,  the  terrible 
struggle  between  life  and  death,  the  final  conquest  by 
the  Great  Enemy,  the  national  outburst  of  grief,  the 
mournful  journey  to  the  grave  in  his  native  State,  the 
scenes  along  the  route  and  at  the  funeral,  are  all  accu 
rately  related,  and  constitute  one  of  the  most  thrilling 
and  fascinating  narratives  ever  written.  Nothing  in  ro 
mance  exceeds  in  startling  tragedy  or  wonderful  pathos 
this  sad  episode  in  our  national  history. 


PREFACE.  5 

i 

The  work  abounds  in  copious  extracts  from  the 
speeches  and  writings  of  General  Garfield,  for  it  is  only 
by  an  intimate  acquaintance  with  his  views  as  set  forth 
in  these  utterances  that  he  can  be  fairly  judged,  or  in 
telligently  appreciated.  His  record  is  presented  here 
clearly  and  without  partiality,  that  all  men  may  see 
that  his  life  was  free  from  stain,  his  services  hon 
orable  and  distinguished,  and  that  his  claims  to  the 
love  and  confidence  of  the  American  people  rest  upon 
a  solid  foundation  of  genuine  merit  and  faithful  service 
honorably  performed,  even  at  the  price  of  martyrdom. 

No  more  truly  did  the  great  Napoleon  rise  from  ob 
scurity  to  the  pinnacle  of  fame  by  herculean  energy 
and  an  indomitable  will  that  carried  him  over  the 
snow-capped  mountains  in  the  piercing  cold  of  mid 
winter,  than  did  James  A.  Garfield,  by  the  same  in 
nate,  progressive  energy,  rise  from  obscurity  to  the 
highest  position  attainable  in  this  the  foremost  nation 
of  the  world.  His  life,  while  wrapped  like  a  cloak  in 
romance,  had  its  shadows,  its  sacrifices,  and  its  mag 
nificent  successes.  It  is  an  inspiring,  captivating  story, 
and  points  such  a  moral  as  only  great  deeds  can. 
The  young  men  of  the  nation  should  read  it,  for  it  may 
be  to  them  a  source  of  inspiration.  The  old  men  of 
the  nation  should  read  it,  for  it  will  recall  to  them 
holy  memories  of  the  great  deeds  and  the  great  men 
of  our  past. 

PHILADELPHIA,  September  30th,  1881. 


1       CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER    I. 

CHILDHOOD   AND   EARLY    YEARS. 

Birth  and  Parentage — Rev.  Hosea  Ballou — Death  of  James  Garfield's  Father 
— A  Western  Widow — Jules  Garfield  resolves  to  keep  the  Family  to. 
gether — Boyhood  of  James  Garfield — Brought  up  to  Hard  Work — An 
Industrious  Boy — James  determines  to  obtain  an  Education — A  Poor 
Boy's  Struggles — The  Village  School — James  makes  an  excellent  lis 
tener — Becomes  a  Boatman  on  the  Ohio  Canal — Is  Promoted— Wishes 
to  be  a  Sailor — A  Fortunate  Illness — James  Garfield  makes  the  Ac 
quaintance  of  Samuel  D.  Bates — Resolves  to  go  to  School— At  the 
Academy— A  Struggle  for  an  Education — Garfield  at  the  Carpenter's 
Bench— Becomes  a  School  Teacher — Leaves  the  Academy — Finds  a 
Friend  who  helps  him  to  enter  College— His  Reasons  for  Selecting 
Williams  College — His  Career  there — Graduates  with  distinction. 

CHAPTER    n. 

PRESIDENT   OF   A   COLLEGE   AND   STATE   SENATOR. 

Mr.  Garfield  joins  the  Church  of  the  Disciples — Statement  of  the  Religious 
Belief  of  this  Church — Reckless  Attacks  of  Political  Enemies  upon  Mr. 
Garfield's  Religious  Views— The  true  state  of  the  Case — Mr.  Garfield 
becomes  a  Professor  of  Hiram  Eclectic  Institute — Is  made  President  of 
the  College — His  life  in  this  capacity— Preaches  the  Gospel — Growing 
Popularity — Marriage  of  Mr.  Garfield — His  Wife — Buys  a  House— Mr. 
Garfield  enters  Political  Life— Joins  the  Free  Soil  Party— Is  Elected  to 
the  State  Senate— Services  in  the  Senate— The  Secession  Troubles— Mr. 
Garfield  becomes  a  Prominent  Union  Leader — His  Position  in  the  Senate 
— A  Rising  Man — Supports  the  War  Preparations  of  Ohio— Denounces 
Secession — Ohio's  Situation  at  the  Commencement  of  the  Rebellion — 
How  the  State  was  Armed  and  Prepared  for  the  War — Growth  of  the 
State  Militia— Outbreak  of  the  War — Rapid  offers  of  Volunteers — 
Enthusiasm  of  the  People — Services  of  Mr.  Garfield  to  the  State — Sup 
ports  Governor  Dennison's  War  Measures — Is  sent  to  Illinois  to  Buy 
Arms— Determines  to  take  part  in  the  War. 

(6) 


0  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER    III. 

THE     COLLEGE     PRESIDENT     BECOMES     A     BRIGADIER-GENERAL. 

Mr.  Garfield  organizes  a  Military  Company  among  his  Students— Is  made 
Lieutenant-Colonel—Is  Promoted  to  be  Colonel  of  the  Forty-second 
Ohio  Infantry — Organization  and  History  of  the  Regiment — A  Noble 
Record — The  Forty-second  ordered  to  the  field — Joins  General  Buell's 
Army  in  Kt  ntucky — Garfield  is  placed  in  Command  of  a  Brigade — State 
of  affairs  in  the  West — Garfield's  first  Campaign— An  Important  Trust 
— The  March  up  the  Sandy  Valley — The  First  Blow  struck — Rout  of 
the  Rebel  Cavalry — Colonel  Garfield  wins  a  handsome  Victory  over 
Humphrey  Marshall  at  Middle  Creek — Flight  of  Marshall's  Forces — 
Garfield  sets  the  Ball  of  Victory  in  motion — A  true  estimate  of  the 
Victory  of  Middle  Creek— A  New  Dodge— Out  of  Supplies— The  Flood 
in  the  Big  Sandy— Garfield  forces  a  Steamboat  to  ascend  the  River— 
Garfield  at  the  Wheel— A  Thrilling  Incident — Garfield  wins  another 
Victory — Drives  the  Rebels  from  Pound  Gap — Is  ordered  to  Louisville 
— Is  congratulated  by  General  Buell  in  General  Orders — Value  of  his 
Operations. 

CHAPTER    IV. 

FROM    SHILOH    TO   CHICKAMAUGA. 

General  Garfield  given  a  Brigade  in  the  Army  of  the  Cumberland — Joins 
Buell  on  the  march— Battle  of  Pittsburgh  Landing — General  Garfield's 
share  in  this  fight — Takes  part  in  the  Pursuit— Th#.  Siege  of  Corinth— 
Garfield's  Brigade  one  of  the  first  to  enter  the  town— Is  ordered  to  re 
pair  the  Memphis  and  Charleston  Railroad— Successful  performance  of 
this  duty— Garfield  at  Huntsville— Detailed  for  Court-martial  duty— 
A  severe  illness — Ordered  to  Cumberland  Gap — Placed  on  the  Fitz  John 
Porter  Court  martial— Ordered  to  South  Carolina— Battle  of  Stone 
River— Garfield  is  appointed  Chief  of  Staff  to  General  Rosecrans— His 
duties  and  services  in  this  position — General  Rosecrans'  quarrels  with 
the  War  Department— Garfield  endeavors  to  harmonize  these  difficulties 
— Rosecrans'  delay  at  Murfreesboro— Reasons  for  it— Garfield's  views 
respecting  it— A  stinging  letter  from  Rosecrans  to  Hal  leek— Garfield's 
advice  respecting  the  Reorganization  of  the  Army— It  is  disregarded — 
He  urges  Rosecrans  to  advance— A  Model  Military  Report— The  Army 
moves  off— The  Tullahoma  Campaign— A,  brilliant  success— It  was 


CONTENTS.  7 

really  due  to  Garfield— Advance  upon  Chattanooga— Retreat  of  Bragg— 
Battle  of  Chickamauga— Garfield's  share  in  it— He  is  promoted  to  be 
Major-General  of  Volunteers  for  his  conduct  at  Chickamauga. 

CHAPTER  V. 

GENERAL  GARFIELD  ENTERS  CONGRESS. 

General  Garfield  Elected  to  Congress  from  the  Western  Reserve  District- 
Desires  to  Remain  in  the  Army — His  Reasons  for  Resigning  his  Com 
mission  and  Entering  Congress — Character  of  his  District — Reasons  for 
his  Election — Decides  to  Leave  the  Army — Enters  Congress — Takes  a 
Commanding  Position  in  the  House— Appointed  to  the  Military  Com 
mittee — Estimate  of  him  as  one  of  the  Leaders  of  the  Republican  Party 
— His  Habits  of  Industry — His  Mode  of  Rest— Mr.  Long,  of  Ohio,  pro- 
poses  to  Recognize  the  Southern  Confederacy — A  Brilliant  Invective — 
An  Impressive  Scene  in  the  House — Delight  of  the  Republicans  over 
Garfield's  Reply — It  Ensures  his  Success  in  the  House — Mr.  Garfield  in. 
Demand  as  a  Speaker — The  Inconvenience  of  being  Too  Ready  an  Orator 
— General  Garfield's  Account  of  Congress — Its  History — Its  Great  Ser 
vices — Its  Intimate  Connection  with  the  People — How  it  has  become  the 
National  Mouthpiece  and  Defender — Congress  and  the  Constitution — 
Congress  and  the  President — Congress  and  the  People — A  Statesman's 
Views. 

CHAPTER   VI. 


GENERAL   GARFIELD  S    CONGRESSIONAL    CAREER. 

The  Wade-Davis  Manifesto  —  General  Garfield  before  the  Convention — 
Moral  Courage  wins,  the  Day— Triumphant  Nomination  and  Election 
of  General  Garfield — Is  appointed  a  Member  of  the  Committee  of  Ways 
and  Means — Speech  on  the  Constitutional  Amendment— A  Grand  De 
nunciation  of  Slavery — Speech  on  the  Reconstruction  of  the  Southern 
States — Speech  on  Confiscation — A  Reminiscence  of  the  War — Gradual 
Rise  of  the  Negro — How  Garfield  refused  to  surrender  a  Fugitive  Slave 
— Speech  on  State  Sovereignty — General  Garfield  as  a  Temperance 
Worker— How  he  shut  up  a  Beer  Brewery — A  Good  Speculation — Gen 
eral  Garfield's  Tariff  Record — Views  of  the  Iron  and  Steel  Bulletin- 
General  Garfield's  Course  Satisfactory — To  the  Protectionists — His  Real 


8  CONTENTS. 

Position  on  this  Question — Re-election  of  General  Garfield  to  Congress 
—Is  made  Chairman  of  the  Military  Committee — Successive  re-elections 
to  Congress— Is  made  Chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Appropriations — 
Debate  on  the  Civil  Appropriation  Bill  of  1872— General  Garfield's  mode 
of  conducting  Public  Business— The  Salary  Grab— General  Garfield'a 
Course  respecting  it — Letter  to  a  Friend — Garfield  successfully  Vindi- 
dicates  his  Course— A  Silly  Rumor  Refuted  —  General  Garfield  urges 
the  Repeal  of  the  Salary  Bill. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

GENERAL    GARFIELD    LEADS    THE     REPUBLICAN    OPPOSITION IS 

ELECTED   TO   THE    SENATE. 

Efforts  to  defeat  General  Garfield  for  Congress — His  triumphant  Re-election 
— The  Democrats  have  a  Majority  in  the  House — Garfield  loses  his  Chair 
manship—One  of  the  Republican  Leaders — A  sharp  Arraignment  of  the 
Democratic  Party — The  Democratic  Graveyard— Ohio  goes  Republican — 
General  Garfield  nominated  for  United  States  Senator — Is  the  Republi 
can  Candidate  for  Speaker  of  the  House — A  Member  of  two  important 
Committees — Becomes  the  Republican  Leader  in  the  House — Garfield 
pours  a  Broadside  into  the  Democratic  Ranks — A  Withering  Denunciation 
of  Democratic  Policy — Reply  to  Mr.  Tucker,  of  Virginia — Garfield  breaks 
the  Democratic  Line — Delight  of  the  Republicans  in  the  House — Com 
ments  of  the  New  York  Herald — Appeal  in  behalf  of  the  Loyal  Men  of 
the  South — Speech  on  the  Judicial  Expenses  Bill — Speech  at  Madison 
Wisconsin — Speech  at  the  Andersonville  Re-union— Plain  Talking  on  a 
Sad  Subject — General  Garfield  is  Elected  to  the  United  States  Senate  ^ 
His  Arrival  at  Columbus — Reception  at  the  Capital — His  Remarks — AA 
dress  of  President  Hinsdale  on  Garfield's  Election — Speech  of  General 
Garfield  on  Democratic  Nullification.. 

CHAPTER  VIII. 


GENERAL   GARFIELD  S   FINANCIAL   RECORD. 

General  Garfield's  Appointment  to  the  Committee  on  Banking  and  Currency 
— His  Efforts  in  Congress  in  behalf  of  Honest  Money— A  Formal  State- 
ment  of  his  Views  on  the  Money  Question— The  Currency  Doctrine  of 
2862 — Definition  of  Money — Money  as  an  Instrument  of  Exchange— 


CONTENTS.  9 

Coin  as  an  Instrument  of  Universal  Credit — Statutes  cannot  Repeal  the 
Laws  of  Value — Paper  Money  as  an  Instrument  of  Credit — Necessity  of 
Resumption — A  Powerful  Argument — General  Garfield's  Speech  on  the 
Weaver  Resolutions. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

THE  CREDIT  MOBILIER  AND  DE  GOLYER  CHARGES GENERAL 

GARFIELD'S  TRIUMPHANT   VINDICATION. 

History  of  the  Credit  Mobilier  Scheme— The  Pacific  Railway— Government 
Aid  extended  to  H.  Oakes  Ames'  Connection  with  the  Road — Congress 
Investigates  the  Credit  Mobilier— General  Garfield's  sworn  Testimony 
before  the  Committee — He  denies  all  Improper  Connection  with  the 
Scheme — Publishes  a  Review  of  the  Case — An  Exhaustive  Discussion 
of  the  Case — Testimony  in  the  Matter — General  Garfield's  Response  to 
the  Charges  of  1872 — Mr.  Ames'  Testimony  Analyzed — Mr.  Ames' 
Memoranda — The  Check  on  the  Sergeant-at- Arms — General  Garfield's  In 
terviews  with  Mr.  Ames  during  the  Investigation — Conclusions — Trium 
phant  Vindication  of  General  Garfield — All  the  Charges  against  him — 
Letter  of  Judge  Poland — General  Garfield  Unanimously  Acquitted  of 
Wrong-doing — The  De  Golyer  Pavement  Company — Charges  against 
General  Garfield — His  Triumphant  Vindication  of  his  Course — The 
Truth  established  at  last. 

% 

CHAPTER  X. 

IHE     CHICAGO    CONTENTION. GENERAL     GARFIELD     NOMINATED 

FOR   PRESIDENT   OF    THE   UNITED   STATES. 

The  Chicago  Convention — Description  of  the  Hall — General  Garfield  a  Del 
egate  from  Ohio — Cordial  Reception  by  the  Convention — Opening  of 
the  Proceedings— The  First  Day's  Work — Events  of  the  Second  Day — 
The  Struggle  between  Grant  and  Elaine — Parliamentary  Skirmishing — 
Proceedings  of  the  Third  Day —  Report  of  the  Committee  on  Credentials 
— The  Evening  Session — The  Fight  over  Illinois — The  Fourth  Day's 
Session — The  Grant  Lines  show  Signs  of  Weakness — Garfield's  Mas 
terly  Management  of  the  Ohio  Delegation — Nomination  of  Candidates 
— Blaine  and  Grant  Presented — General  Garfield  Nominates  John  Sher- 


10  CONTENTS. 

man — A  Noble  Speech — The  Fifth  Day's  Session — Balloting  for  .the 
Presidential  Candidates — A  Stubborn  Fight — A  Detailed  Statement  of 
the  Ballots — The  Sixth  and  Last  Day — Wisconsin  Votes  for  Garfield — 
The  General  endeavors  to  Stop  the  Movement  in  his  Favor — He  is  un 
successful—The  Break  to  Garfield— The  Thirty-sixth  Ballot— Garfield 
Nominated  for  the  Presidency — Exciting  Scenes  in  the  Convention — 
The  Nomination  Made  .  Unanimous — Nomination  of  Vice-President — 
How  Garfield's  Nomination  was  brought  about — Platform  of  the  Re- 
publican  Party  for  1880. 

CHAPTER  XI. 

GENERAL   GARFIELD   SINCE    THE    CHICAGO   CONVENTION. 

The  Nomination  unsought  by  General  Garfield — Congratulatory  Telegrams 
— How  the  News  w:.3  received  in  Congress — Scene  in  the  House — Gen 
eral  Garfield  notified  of  his  Nomination — His  Reply — Returns  Home — 
Keception  at  Cleveland — General  Garfield  presides  at  the  Reunion  of 
Hiram  College — His  Speech  on  that  Occasion — A  Glance  at  the  Past — 
Reception  at  Mentor — Visit  to  Painesville— General  Garfield  addresses 
his  Neighbors — Sunday  at  Home — General  Garfield  returns  to  Wash 
ington  City — His  Journey — A  Serenade  at  Washington — Speech  of  Gen 
eral  Garfield — Adjournment  of  Congress— Fourth  of  July  Speech  at 
Painesville — General  Garfield's  Letter  accepting  the  Nomination  for  the 
Presidency — Personal  Characteristics — General  Garfield's  Washington 
Home — The  Farm  at  Mentor — The  Garfield  Family. 

CHAPTER  XII. 

ASSASSINATION   OF   PRESIDENT   GARFIELD. 

The  Presidential  Election— Garfield  Elected— Life  at  Mentor  after  the  Elec- 
•tion — Departure  for  Washington — The  Inauguration — Brilliant  Scenes — 
The  new  Cabinet — Divisions  in  the  Republican  Party — Nomination  of 
Judge  Robertson — Resignation  of  the  New  York  Senators — The  Presi 
dent  endorsed  by  the  Senate  and  people — Promise  of  a  noble  Adminis 
tration—The  Star  Route  Scandal — Illness  of  Mrs.  Garfield— The  proposed 
New  England  Tour — The  President  Shot — Scenes  at  the  Depot — Removal 
to  the  White  House — Heroic  Courage  of  the  President — A  Brave  Fight — 
Arrival  of  Mrs.  Garfield — Anxiety  of  the  people — Statements  of  Eye- 
Witnesses — Daily  progress  of  the  President's  Case — Hope  at  last — The 
Assassin — His  Crime  and  its  Motive — No  Conspiracy — Details  of  the 
Arrest — Guiteau's  Father  and  Brother  denounce  him. 


CONTENTS.  11 

CHAPTER    XIII. 

THE  PRESIDENT'S  ILLNESS. 

Second  Week  of  the  President's  Illness — Alarming  Symptoms — Cause  of  the 
Relapse — Struggle  between  Life  and  Death — A  Painful  Operation — Loca 
ting  the  Bullet — The  Induction  Balance — Progress  of  the  Case — Hopes 
of  Recovery — Courage  of  the  President — He  desires  to  leave  Washing 
ton — Sympathy  of  Foreign  Powers — Letter  from  Mr.  Gladstone — Another 
Painful  Operation — Another  Kelapse — Dangers  of  Malaria — An  anxious 
Sunday — A  Period  of  Danger — Sympathy  from  China — A  New  Compli 
cation — Inflammation  of  the  Parotid  Gland — Progress  of  this  Feature  of 
the  Case — Incidents  in  the  Sick-Room — The  President  holding  his  own — 
The  Surgeons  decide  upon  Removal — An  Alarming  Relapse — Another 
bad  Saturday — A  Fight  for  Life — A  Message  from  Queen  Victoria — 
Scenes  at  the  Sufferer's  Bedside — An  Interview  with  his  Children — A 
Change  for  the  Better — Continued  Improvement — Dr.  Bliss's  Opinions — 
Scenes  in  and  about  the  White  House — Preparations  for  Removing  the 
President  to  Long  Branch — Public  Prayers  for  the  President — He  parts 
with  his  Sons — The  Preparations  for  Removal  to  Long  Branch  Con 
tinued — Action  of  the  Pennsylvania  Railroad — The  Cottage  at  Long 
Branch — The  Departure  from  Washington — Incidents  of  the  Journey — 
Arrival  at  Long  Branch — The  President  in  his  new  Quarters — Success 
of  the  Journey— A  Change  for  the  Better— The  First  Week  by  the  Seaside 
— A  Touching  Incident — Renewed  Signs  of  Danger. 

CHAPTER    XIV. 

DEATH    OF    PRESIDENT    GARFIELD. 

Slow  Progress  of  the  President's  Case — Is  Placed  in  his  Reclining  Chair — 
Slight  Signs  of  Improvement — The  President  Enjoys  the  View  of  the  Sea 
— A  Change  for  the  Worse — The  Chills  Return — The  Surgeons  lose  Hope 
— September  the  Nineteenth — The  Last  Struggle — Death  of  President 
Garfield — The  Brave  Battle  over — General  Swaim's  Account  of  the  Death- 
Scene — Dr.  Bliss's  Account — Vice-President  Arthur  Notified — The  News 
Spread  Throughout  the  Country — The  National  feorrow — Sympathy  from 
Abroad — Message  from  Queen  Victoria  to  Mrs.  Garfield — The  President's 
Mother  Receives  the  News — The  Post-Mortem — The  Body  Conveyed 
from  Elberon  to  Washington  City — Incidents  of  the  Journey — Arrival  at 
Washington — Conveyed  to  the  Capitol — Lying  in  State  Under  the  Dome 


12  CONTENTS. 

— The  Last  Parting  of  the  Family  with  the  Husband  and  Father — The 
Funeral  Services — The  Journey  to  Cleveland — Scenes  along  the  Route — 
Arrival  at  Cleveland — Lying  in  State  in  Monumental  Park — Sunday  in 
Cleveland — Funeral  of  President  Garfield — The  Nation's  Last  Tribute  to 
its  Martyred  Chief. 


GEN.  CHESTER  A.  ARTHUR. 


CHAPTER    I. 

Birth  and  Parentage — College  Life — Teaches  a  Country  School — Studies 
'  Law — Admitted  to  Practice — Settles  in  New  York — Marries  the  Daugh 
ter  of  a  Hero — Defends  two  Fugitive  Slaves — Carries  his  Case  to  a  Tri 
umphant  Issue — Appointed  Engineer-in-Chief  of  Governor  Morgan's 
Staff- — An  Honorable  Record — Refuses  to  accept  Presents  for  his  Public 
Services — His  Record  on  Civil  Service  Reform — Made  Collector  of  the 
Port  of  New  York — Puts  a  stop  to  Frauds  upon  the  Government — At 
tempts  to  fasten  Charges  of  Fraud  upon  Him  are  Unsuccessful — Re 
moved  from  Office  by  President  Hayes — Offered  the  Post  of  Consul- 
General  to  P&ris — Refuses  it — Personal  Appearance — Nominated  for 
Vice-President — His  Letter  of  Acceptance. 

CHAPTER    II. 

THE    VICE-PRESIDENCY   AND   THE    PRESIDENCY. 

Elected  Vice-President — Inaugurated — Sides  with  the  Stalwarts— Informed 
of  the  Assassination  of  the  President — Summoned  to  Washington — Inter 
view  with  Mrs.  Garfield — Grief  of  General  Arthur — Incidents  of  his 
Stay  in  Washington — Returns  to  New  York — Efforts  to  Induce  him  to 
Assume  the  Presidential  Office — His  Refusal — Noble  and  Dignified  Con 
duct  of  General  Arthur — Informed  of  the  President's  Death — Takes  th« 
Oath  of  Office  as  President — Message  to  the  Cabinet — Goes  to  Elberon — 
Returns  to  New  York — Back  to  Long  Branch — Attends  the  Funeral  Ser 
vices — Accompanies  the  Funeral  Party  to  Washington — Takes  the  Oath 
a  Second  Time — His  Inaugural — Takes  Part  in  the  President's  Funeral 
at  Washington — Remains  at  Washington — Appoints  a  Day  of  Fasting 
and  Prayer — Calls  an  Extra  Session  of  the  Senate. 


THE  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC   SERVICES 


OF 


JAMES  A.  GARFIELD. 


CHAPTER    I. 

CHILDHOOD   AND   EARLY    YEARS. 

U«rth  and  Parentage — Rev.  Hosea  Ballou — Death  of  James  Garfield's  Father 
— A  Western  Widow — Jules  Garfield  resolves  to  keep  the  Family  to 
gether — Boyhood  of  James  Garfield — Brought  up  to  Hard  Work — An 
Industrious  Boy — James  determines  to  obtain  an  Education — A  Poor 
Boy's  Struggles — The  Village  School — James  makes  an  excellent  lis 
tener — Becomes  a  Boatman  on  the  Ohio  Canal — Is  Promoted  —  Wishes 
to  be  a  Sailor — A  Fortunate  Illness — James  Garfield  makes  the  Ac 
quaintance  of  Samuel  D.  Bates — Resolves  to  go  to  School — At  tbe 
Academy — A  Struggle  for  an  Education — Garfield  at  the  Carpenter's 
Bench — Becomes  a  School  Teacher — Leaves  the  Academy — Finds  a 
Friend  who  helps  him  to  enter  College— His  Reasons  for  Selecting 
Williams  College — His  Career  there — Graduates  with  distinction 

JAMES  ABRAHAM  GARFIELD  was  born  in  the  village  of 
Grunge,  in  Cuyahoga  County,  Ghio,  about  twelve  miles 
iroin  Cleveland,  on  the  19th  of  November,  18ol.  His 
parents  were  both  of  New  England  extraction.  His 
father  was  Abraham  Garfield,  a  native  of  Otsego  County, 

New   York,  but  the  ancestors  of  Abraham  Gariield  had 
2 


18        „,    .„..,..      ,     ,     JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

resided  in  Massachusetts  for  generations.  His  mother's 
maiden  name  was  Eliza  Ballou.  She  was  a  native  of 
New  Hampshire,  and  was  a  niece  of  the  Rev.  Hosea  Bal- 
lou,  one  of  the  most  distinguished  Universalist  divines  of 
his  day.* 

James  Garfield  was  the  youngest  of  four  sons.  When 
he  was  scarcely  two  years  old  his  father  died,  in  1833, 
leaving  his  family  in  straitened  circumstances.  The 

*  As  the  connection  between  General  Garfield  and  his  distinguished 
great  uncle  is  exceedingly  interesting,  we  quote  here  the  following  briel 
biography  of  the  latter  : 

"  HOSEA  BALLOU. — An  American  clergyman,  born  at  Richmond,  N.  H., 
April  HO,  1771,  died  at  Boston,  June  7, 1852.  He  was  the  son  of  a  Baptist  cler 
gyman,  who  was  conscientiously  opposed  to  receiving  any  remuneration 
for  his  professional  services,  and  consequently  he  had  so  few  advantages  of 
education,  that  in  learning  to  write  he  «-as  obliged  to  use  birch  bark  instead 
of  paper,  and  charcoal  instead  of  pea  and  ink.  At  the  age  of  nineteen 
he  joined  the  Baptist  church  under  his  father's  care,  but,  having  declared 
his  belief  in  the  final  salvation  of  all  men  he  was  excommunicated.  He 
began  to  preach  at  the  age  of  twenty-one,  and  in  1794  was  settled  at  Dana, 

Mass.  In  1801  he  removed  to  Barnard,  Vermont,  while  in  1804  he  wrote 
his  '  Notes  on  the  Parables'  and  '  Treatise  on  the  Atonement.'  In  1807  he 
became  pastor  of  the  Universalist  church  in  Portsmouth,  N.  H.  In  1815 
he  removed  to  Salem,  Mass.,  and  in  1817  to  Boston,  where  he  became  pastor 
of  the  Second  Universalist  church,  in  which  location  he  continued  for  thirty- 
five  years.  In  1819  he  commenced  the  '  Universalist  Magazine,'  which 
he  conducted  alone  for  several  years,  and  afterwards  in  conjunction  with  the 
Rev.  Thomas  Whitemore.  In  1831,  aided  by  his  grand-nephew,  Hosea  Bal 
lou,  he  commenced  the  '  Universulist  Expositor,'  a  quarterly  publication, 
to  which  he  continued  to  contribute  until  his  death.  Among  his  published 
works,  besides  those  mentioned,  are  20  '  Lecture  Sermons,'  20  '  Select  Ser 
mons,'  an  '  ExA-mioatiou  of  the  Doctrine  of  Future  Retribution  (Ib46),  and 
a  volume  of  poems,  mostly  hymns,  many  of  which  are  embodied  in  the  '  Uni 
versalist  Collection*  edited  by  Adams  and  Cliapin.  He  preached  more  than 
ten  thousand  sermo«i«,  none  of  which  were  written  till  after  their  delivery. 
Two  of  his  brothers,  Benjamin  and  David,  also  became  Uuiveraalist  preach 
ers.  Two  memoirs  of  him  have  been  published,  one  by  his  son,  M.  M.  Bal- 

ou,  the  other  by  Thomas  \Vhitemore  (1854)." — The  American  Encyclo 
pedia,  Vol.  11.  p.  24u. 


CHILDHOOD  AND  EARLY  YEARS.  19 

support  of  the  family  devolved  entirely  upon  Mrs.  Gar- 
field,  but  fortunately  for  her  boys  she  was  a  woman  of 
rare  energy  and  excellent  business  qualities.  The  friends 
of  General  Garfield  are  unanimous  in  declaring  that  it  is 
from  his  mother  that  he  inherits  his  capacity  for  work, 
and  the  patience  and  perseverance  he  displays  in  the  ac 
complishment  of  his  ends.  Mrs.  Garfield  was  determined 
from  the  moment  of  her  husband's  death  that  the  family 
should  not  be  separated,  but  should  be  kept  together 
as  when  the  father  was  living.  To  accomplish  this  re 
quired  a  hard  struggle,  but  she  was  a  woman  of  strong 
faith  and  courage,  and  with  the  aid  of  her  three  elder 
boys  managed  to  gain  a  frugal  support  from  the  little 
farm  left  to  her  by  her  husband.  Young  as  he  was, 
James  was  obliged  to  do  what  he  could  in  the  work  of 
the  farm,  and  in  this  way  learned  the  habits  of  indus 
try  which  have  distinguished  his  manhood,  and  laid  the 
foundation  of  his  strong  and  vigorous  constitution.  He 
worked  with  a  will,  for  he  liked  it,  and  even  as  a  child 
detested  idleness.  When  but  a  little  fellow,  it  was  said 
of  him  by  the  neighbors,  that  he  had  "  not  a  lazy  hair  in 
his  head."  The  farm  was  poor,  and  it  required  constant 
and  hard  work  from  all  the  family  to  get  a  living  out 
or  it. 

From  his  earliest  years,  James  was  anxious  to  obtain 
a  good  education ;  but  the  prospect  before  him  was  dis 
couraging.  He  was  a  poor  boy,  and  without  friends  who 
could  assist  him.  Whatever  he  accomplished  in  life  must 
be  by  his  own  exertions.  This  conviction  became  im 
planted  in  his  mind  at  a  very  early  day,  and  gave  to  him 
an  earnestness  of  character  and  resoluteness  of  purpose 


20  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

remarkable  in  one  so  young.  During  the  summer  months 
he  worked  on  the  little  farm,  and  in  the  winter  he  worked 
at  the  carpenter's  bench,  his  friends  thinking  it  best  that 
a  poor  boy  with  his  way  to  make  in  the  world,  should  be 
master  of  some  good  useful  trade.  When  he  had  suf 
ficiently  mastered  the  rudiments  of  this  trade,  the  neigh 
bors  employed  him  in  such  simple  jobs  as  he  was  capable 
of  performing,  and  in  this  way  he  was  able  to  earn  a 
little  money. 

All  this  while  he  could  neither  read  nor  write,  yet 
he  was  by  no  means  an  ignorant  boy.  There  was  in 
Orange  a  so-called  village  school,  where  the  villagers 
met  in  the  evening  during  the  long  winters,  to  read  and 
discuss  such  books  as  they  possessed  and  the  newspapers 
that  came  to  them  by  the  mail.  Young  Garfield  was  a 
constant  attendant  and  an  eager  listener,  and  in  this  c.i- 
pacity  picked  up  considerable  useful  information.  No  one 
would  have  dreamed  that  the  illiterate  boy  who  drank 
in  so  eagerly  the  prosy  sentences  of  the  county  paper, 
would  one  day  be  the  brilliant  and  accomplished  leader  of 
a  great  party,  and  a  candidate  for  the  highest  honors  in 
the  gift  of  his  countrymen.  What  a  lesson  of  hope  and 
encouragement  does  such  a  life  hold  out  to  the  young 
and  struggling  men  of  America.  The  same  means  by 
which  this  man  rose  to  fame,  are  open  to  every  one  who 
will  use  them  as  faithfully  and  honorably  as  he  did. 

This  constant  attendance  upon  the  village  school  but 
increased  the  desire  of  young  Garfield  to  obtain  an  edu- 
eation.  But  to  obtain  this  money  was  indispensable,  and 
the  boy  had  none.  Naturally  he  began  to  look  about 
him  for  some  avocation  which  would  enable  him  to  earn 


CHILDHOOD  AND  EARLY  YEARS.  21 

money,  and  so  obtain  the  knowledge  he  craved  The 
Ohio  Canal  passed  within  a  short  distance  of  the  Garfield 
farm,  and  the  lad  made  many  acquaintances  among  the 
boatmen.  From  these  he  learned  that  the  wages  paid 
the  canal  men  amounted  to  more  than  he  could  earn  by 
his  labor  on  the  farm  or  by  carpentering,  and  that  they 
were  paid  promptly  and  in  cash.  He  therefore  deter 
mined  to  become  a  boatman,  and  when  but  seventeen 
years  old  succeeded  in  obtaining  employment  as  driver  of 
one  of  the  boats.  Though  his  position  was  humble  in  the 
extreme,  he  displayed  such  fidelity  and  diligence  in  the 
discharge  of  his  duties  that  he  attracted  the  attention  of 
his  superiors,  who  promoted  him  to  the  post  of  steersman, 
a  position  which  brought  him  an  increase  of  wages.  He 
held  this  position  for  about  eighteen  months,  working 
hard,  and  laying  by  as  much  as  he  could  of  his  small 
earnings.  In  the  fall  of  1848,  being  dissatisfied  with 
canal  life,  he  resolved  to  take  a  step  forward  and  ship  as 
a  sailor  on  one  of  the  vessels  plying  on  Lake  Erie.  Be 
fore  he  could  carry  out  this  resolution,  however,  he  was 
seized  with  a  severe  attack  of  ague  and  fever,  which  com 
pelled  him  to  leave  the  canal  and  return  to  his  mother's 
house  an  invalid.  This  sickness  proved  the  turning-point 
in  his  life,  and  as  a  result  of  it,  James  A.  Garfield,  in 
stead  of  burying  himself  in  the  forecastle  of  a  ship,  be 
came  one  of  the  leading  statesmen  of  the  American 
Republic. 

Young  Garfield's  illness  lasted  three  months,  and 
during  this  time  he  became  acquainted  with  Samuel  D. 
Bates,  a  young  man  engaged  in  teaching  the  district 
school  that  winter.  Bates  had  recently  been  a  pupil  at 


««  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD. 

the  "  Geauga  Seminary,"  in  an  adjoining  county,  and  his 
conversation  aroused  in  the  invalid  all  the  old  desire  to 
obtain  an  education,  which  had  almost  died  out  under  the 
influence  of  his  canal-boat  associates.  The  plan  of  be 
coming  a  sailor  was  abandoned,  and  the  young  man  re 
solved  to  give  all  his  energies  now  to  the  acquirement  of 
knowledge.  He  had  managed  with  the  aid  of  some  friends 
to  learn  to  read,  and  could  do  simple  examples  in  arith 
metic,  but  this  was  the  sole  basis  upon  which  he  proposed 
to  build  up  the  structure  of  knowledge  he  meant  to  rear. 
It  was  enough,  however,  for  one  so  ambitious  arid  deter 
mined.  His  mother  entered  fully  into  his  plans  and 
hopes,  and  moreover  was  able  to  aid  him  with  a  little 
money  which  she  had  saved  by  the  most  pinching  econ 
omy.  With  this  small  capital  he  started,  in  March,  1849, 
for  the  "  Geauga  Academy,"  an  obscure  institution  located 
at  Chester,  a  small  country  village  not  far  from  Orange. 
He  was  accompanied  by  a  cousin  and  another  young  in.in 
from  his  village.  The  young  men  were  too  poor  to  pay 
one  dollar  and  fifty  cents  a  week  for  board,  in  addition 
to  the  cost  of  their  tuition,  and  so  they  took  with  them 
frying-pans,  dishes,  and  other  cooking  utensils.  Upon 
reaching  Chester  they  rented  a  room  in  an  old  unpainted 
frame  building,  not  far  from  the  academy,  and  during 
their  stay  there  "  kept  house"  for  themselves.  From 
this  day  James  A.  Garfield  earned  his  own  living,  and  to 
his  credit  be  it  said  never  possessed  a  dollar  that  he  had 
not  gained  by  honest  and  faithful  toil.  He  applied  him 
self  with  ardor  to  his  studies,  for  his  heart  was  in  his 
work,  ajid  failure  had  become  among  the  impossibilities 
with  him.  His  industry  enabled  him  to  distance  his  com- 


CHILDHOOD    AND    EARLY    YEARS.  23 

petitors,  and  he  soon  took  rank  as  the  most  promising 
pupil  in  the  academy.  During  all  tliis  while  he  earned 
his  own  living.  Tie  found  work  with  the  carpenters  oi 
Chester,  and  his  mornings  and  evenings  and  Saturdays 
were  spent  in  working  in  the  shop.  He  earned  fair 
wages,  and  was  thus  enabled  to  pay  his  way  as  he  went. 
A 8  may  be  imagined,  he  had  few  leisure  moments;  but 
work  with  him  was  a  pleasure,  and  he  had  the  happiness 
and  encouragement  of  feeling  that  he  was  surely  prepar 
ing  himself  for  a  man's  p:irt  in  the  great  struggle  of  life. 
When  the  summer  vacation  came,  he  devoted  himself 
steadily  to  work,  and  by  laying  aside  his  earnings  pro 
vided  a  fund  for  the  expenses  of  the  fall  and  spring  terms 
at  ^chool.  During  the  winter  he  taught  a  district  school, 
and  so  added  to  his  income.  Thus  he  kept  on  for  several 
years,  teaching  in  the  winter,  working  at  the  bench  in 
the  summer,  and  attending  the  academy  during  the  fall 
and  spring  terms.  He  practised  the  most  rigid  economy, 
laying  aside  all  he  could  of  his  earnings,  for  the  purpose 
of  paying  for  a  collegiate  course,  upon  which  he  was  now 
resolved  to  enter.  He  had  the  fortune  to  enjoy  excellent 
health  during  this  time.  He  was  a  bill,  muscular,  fair- 
haired  country  lad  in  those  days,  looking  a  good  deal  like 
a  German  in  spite  of  his  pure  Yankee  blood.  Healthy  in 
mind  and  body,  he  was  also  genial  in  temper  and  ever 
ready  to  oblige  a  friend.  He  was  a  good  wrestler  ami 
ball  player  as  well  as  a  good  student,  and  was  a  great 
favorite  with  his  classmates  and  teachers. 

In  1854,  Mr.  Garfield  determined  to  leave  the  acad 
emy,  as  he  felt  that  he  had  exhausted  its  capacity  for 
imparting  knowledge.  He  was  now  twenty-three  years 


24  JAMES    A.  GARFTELD. 

old,  and  it  was  important  that  he  should  lose  no  time 
in  entering  college,  if  he  meant  to  do  so  at  all.  During 
the  five  years  he  hud  passed  at  the  academy  and  at 
work,  he  had  laid  by  a  considerable  sum  of  money  for  the 
expenses  of  his  collegiate  course,  and  he  was  confident 
that  his  hard  studies  had  fitted  him  to  enter  the  junior 
class  at  college.  But  even  this  would  require  a  two 
years'  course  at  college,  and  his  savings  were  several 
hundred  dollars  short  of  the  amount  necessary  to  defray' 
his  expenses.  How  was  he  to  raise  the  balance?  For 
awhile  this  troubled  him  greatly  ;  but  friends  now  came 
to  his  assistance,  and  he  began  to  reap  in  part  the  reward 
of  the  good  life  he  had  led.  His  course  at  the  academy 
had  established  for  him  a  reputation  for  honesty  and  per 
sistency  of  purpose,  which  now  stood  him  in  good  stead. 
A  gentleman  who  had  watched  his  career  with  great  in 
terest,  agreed  to  advance  him  the  necessary  money,  taking 
jis  security  a  life-insurance  policy,  which  Mr.  Garfield, 
being  in  excellent  health,  had  no  difficulty  in  securing. 
This  loan  placed  him  in  possession  of  sufficient  funds  to 
oarry  out  his  plan.  The  next  step  was  to  determine 
upon  a  college.  After  canvassing  the  merits  of  various 
institutions,  Mr.  Garfield  chose  Williams  College,  at  Wil- 
liamstown,  Mass.,  as  the  one  most  suited  to  his  needs. 
Before  leaving  home,  he  placed  his  policy  of  life  insur 
ance  in  the  hands  of  his  kind  friend,  as  security  for 
the  loan.  "If  I  live,"  he  said,  "  1  will  pny  you.  If  F 
die,  you  will  suffer  no  loss."  The  deht  was  paid  soon 
after  his  graduation,  and  the  creditor  has  ever  since  been 
one  of  Mr.  Garfield's  closest  and  most  devoted  friends, 
reaping  a  rich  reward  in  the  brilliant  career  of  the  young 


CHILDHOOD  AND  EARLY  YEARS.  25 

man  he  helped  to  reach  fame  and  honors.  Mr.  GbirfieM 
had  ori.irinally  intended  to  attend  Bethany  College,  the 
institution  sustained  by  the  church  of  which  he  was  a 
member,  and  presided  over  hy  Alexander  Campbell,  the 
man  above  all  others  whom  he  had  been  taught  to  admire 
and  revere.  But  as  study  and  experience  had  enlarged 
his  vision,  he  had  come  to  see  that  there  were  better 
institutions  outside  the  limits  of  his  peculiar  sect,  A 
familiar  letter  of  his,  written  about  that  time,  from  which 
a  fortunate  accident  enables  us  to  quote,  shall  tell  us 
how  he  reasoned  and  acted. 

"  There  are  three  reasons  why  I  have  decided  not 
to  go  to  Bethany :  1st.  The  course  of  study  is  not  so 
extensive  or  thorough  as  in  the  Eastern  colleges.  2d. 
Bethany  leans  too  heavily  toward  slavery.  3d.  I  am 
the  son  of  Disciple  parents,  am  one  myself,  and  have  had 
but  little  acquaintance  with  people  of  other  views ;  and, 
having  always  lived  in  the  West.  I  think  it  will  make  me 
more  liberal,  both  in  my  religious  and  general  views  and 
sentiments,  to  go  into  a  new  circle  where  I  shall  be  under 
new  influences.  These  considerations  led  me  to  conclude 
to  go  to  some  New  England  college.  I  therefore  wrote 
to  the  Presidents  of  Brown  University,  Yale,  and  Wil 
liams,  setting  forth  the  amount  of  study  I  had  done,  and 
asking  how  long  it  would  take  me  to  finish  their  course. 

"  Their  answers  are  now  before  me.  All  tell  me  I 
can  graduate  in  two  years.  They  are  all  brief,  business 
notes,  but  President  Hopkins  concludes  with  this  sen 
tence  :  *  If  you  come  here,  we  shall  be  glad  to  do  what 
we  can  for  you.'  Other  things  being  so  nearly  equal, 
this  sentence,  which  seems  to  be  a  kind  of  friendly  grasp 


26  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

of  the   hand,  has   settled  the  question  for  ine.     I  shall 
start  for  Williams  next  week.'1 

Some  points  in  this  letter  of  a  young  man  about  tc 
start  away  from  home  to  college  will  strike  the  reader  as 
remarkable.  Nothing  could  show  more  mature  judgment 
jihout  the  matter  in  hand  than  the  wise  anxiety  to  get 
out  from  the  Disciples'  influence,  and  see  something  or 
other  men  and  other  opinions.  It  was  notable  that  one 
trained  to  look  upon  Alexander  Campbell  as. the  master- 
intellect  of  the  churches  of  the  day,  should  revolt  against 
studying  .in  his  college  because  it  leaned  too  strongly  to 
slavery.  And  in  the  final  turning  of  the  decision  upon 
the  little  friendly  commonplace  that  closed  one  of  the 
letters,  we  catch  a  glimpse  of  the  warm  sympathetic 
nature  of  the  man,  which  much  and  wide  experience  of 
the  world  in  after  years  has  never  hardened. 

Repairing  to  Williams  College,  in  the  fall  of  1854, 
Mr.  Garfiuld  was  admitted  to  the  junior  class,  his  private 
studies  having  enabled  him  to  master  the  freshman  ami 
sophomore  courses.  His  life  at  Williams  opened  a  new 
experience  to  him.  He  was  now  thrown  into  the  society 
of  polished  young  students,  who  looked  somewhat  con 
temptuously  on  the  rough  Western  carpenter  and  farmer 
who  had  dropped  among  them.  His  experience  from  a 
social  point  of  view  was  far  from  pleasant,  and  he  was 
the  subject  of  many  rude  remarks  and  much  ruder  treat 
ment.  He  bore  all  this  with  patience,  though  his  high 
.spirit  inwardly  chafed  at  it.  lie  had  come  to  colbge  for 
H  fixed  purpose,  and  that  purpose  he  kept  steadily  in 
view,  allowing  nothing  to  swerve  him  from  it.  Disregard 
ing  the  slights  he  constantly  received,  he  applied  himself 


CHILDHOOD    AND    EARLY    YEARS.  27 

with  energy  to  his  studies,  and  made  a  reputation  that 
not  even  those  who  affected  to  look  down  upon  him  could 
afford  to  despise.  In  1856,  two  years  after  his  admis 
sion,  he  was  graduated,  bearing  off  the  honors  of  his  class 
in  metaphysics,  a  distinction  which  is  regarded  as  among 
the  highest  within  the  gift  of  the  institution  to  its  gradu 
a  ting  members.  This  high  honor  was  an  ample  reward  to 
him  for  all  the  slights  he  had  endured  while  struggling 
for  it  How  his  classmates  would  have  smiled  had  they 
been  told  that  the  man  they  affected  to  despise  was  one 
day  to  become  a  leader  whom  they  would  gladly  and  en 
thusiastically  follow  in  one  of  the  greatest  contests  that 
ever  marked  the  history  of  the  country  1 


CHAPTER    II. 

PRESIDENT   OF   A   COLLEGE    AND    STATE    SENATOR. 

Mr.  Garfield  joins  the  Church  of  the  Disciples — Statement  of  the  Religion* 
Belief  of  this  Church — Reckless  Attacks  of  Political  Enemies  upon  Mr. 
Garfield's  Religious  Views — The  true  state  of  the  Case — Mr.  Garfield 
becomes  a  Professor  of  Hiram  Eclectic  Institute — Is  made  President  of 
the  College — His  life  in  this  capacity— Preaches  the  Gospel— Growing 
Popularity— Marriage  of  Mr.  Garfield — His  Wife — Buys  a  House — Mr. 
Garfield  enters  Political  Life — Joins  the  Free  Soil  Party— Is  Elected  to 
the  State  Senate — Services  in  the  Senate — The  Secession  Troubles — Mr. 
Garfield  becomes  a  Prominent  Union  Leader — His  Position  in  the  Senate 
— A  Rising  Man — Supports  the  War  Preparations  of  Ohio — Denounces 
Secession — Ohio's  Situation  at  the  Commencement  of  the  Rebellion — 
How  the  State  was  Armed  and  Prepared  for  the  War — Growth  of  the 
State  Militia — Outbreak  of  the  War — Rapid  offers  of  Volunteers — 
Enthusiasm  of  the  People — Services  of  Mr.  Garfield  to  the  State — Sup 
ports  Governor  Dennison's  War  Measures — Is  sent  to  Illinois  to  Buy 
Arms — Determines  to  take  part  in  the  War. 

WHILE  attending  the  Geauga  Academy,  Mr.  Garfield 
made  a  profession  of  religion,  and  joined  the  Disciples' 
Church,  a  new  sect  which  had  spread  with  great  rapidity 
in  Ohio,  under  the  influence  of  the  eloquent  preaching  of 
its  founder,  Alexander  Campbell.  The  religious  belief 
of  the  Disciples  is  thus  stated  by  the  Rev.  Irving  A. 
Searles,  pastor  of  the  South  Side  Christian  Church,  Chi 
cago:— 

1.   We  call  ourselves    Christians  or  Disciples.     The 
term  "  Cnmpbellite  "  is  a  nickname  that  others  have  ap- 


PRESIDENT   OP  A   COLLEGE   AND   STATE   SENATOR.          29 

plied  to  us,  as  the  early  Methodists  were  called  "  Rant 
ers."     Good  taste  forbids  the  use  of  nicknames. 

2.  We  believe  in  God  the  Father. 

3.  We  believe  that  Jesus  is  the  Christ,  the  Son  of 
the  living  God,  and  our  only  Saviour.      We  regard  the 
divinity  of  Christ  as  the  fundamental  truth  in  the  Chris 
tian  system. 

4.  We    believe    in  the  Holy   Spirit,    both  as  to  its 
agency  in  confession  and  as  an  indweller  in  the  heart  of 
the  Christian. 

5.  We   accept   both    the    Old    and    New    Testament 
Scriptures  as  the  inspired  word  of  God. 

6.  We  believe  in  the  future  punishment  of  the  wicked, 
and  the  future  reward  of  the  righteous. 

7.  We    believe    the   Deity    is   a   prayer-hearing  and 
prayer-answering  God. 

8.  We  observe  the  institution  of  the  Lord's   Supper 
on  every  Lord's  Day.     To  this  table  it  is  our  practice 
neither  to  invite   nor   debar.     We  say  it  is  the  Lord's 
Supper  for  all  the  Lord's  children. 

9.  We  plead  for  the  union  of  all  God's  people  upon 
the  Bible  arid  the  Bible  alone. 

10.  We  maintain  that  all  the  ordinances  of  the  Gos 
pel  should  be  observed  as  they  were  in  the  days  of  tho 
Apostles. 

11.  The  Bible  is  our  only  creed. 

The  Christian  Church  numbers  about  500,000  com 
municants  in  the  United  States. 

Since  the  nomination  of  General  Garfield  for  the 
Presidency,  some  of  the  more  reckless  of  his  political  op 
ponents  have  endeavored  to  show  that  he  has  no  religious 


30  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

belief.  Commenting  upon  this,  the  Philadelphia  Times,  a 
journal  unfavorable  to  the  Chicago  nominations,  said  re 
cently  : 

"  Some  of  the  more  reckless  organs  have  assailed 
General  Garfield  as  a  religions  heretic.  While  the  theory 
of  our  government  is  that  the  religious  belief  should  not 
hinder  or  promote  individual  advancement  in  public  trust, 
it  is  none  the  less  true  th:it  this  is  a  Christian  govern 
ment,  and  that  no  man  could  reach  the  Presidency  who 
was  not  what  is  commonly  accepted  as  orthodox  in  his 
faith  ;  and  because  General  Gar  field  is  not  an  adherent 
of  one  of  the  several  leading  religious  organizations,  he 
has  been  accused  of  unbelief.  Such  a  charge  against  him 
is  wholly  without  foundation  in  fact,  and  without  even 
plausible  ground  to  give  the  semblance  of  sustaining  it. 

"  General  Garfield  is  a  religious  follower  of  Alexander 
Campbell,  as  are  a  number  of  prominent  men  of  all  politi 
cal  convictions  in  Western  Pennsylvania,  West  Virginia. 
Tennessee,  Kentucky,  and  Ohio.  Campbell  emigrated  to 
this  country  from  Ireland,  in  1809,  and  located  in  Wash 
ington  county,  Pennsylvania,  near  Bethany,  West  Vir 
ginia,  which  subsequently  became  his  home,  and  where  he 
founded  a  college  over  which  he  presided  until  his  death 
at  an  advanced  age.  He  was  a  Presbyterian  minister,  but 
in  1810  he  and  his  father  seceded  from  the  Presbyterian 
Church  and  organized  a  new  society  at  Brush  Run,  Penn 
sylvania,  called  "Disciples  of  Christ."  They  have  been 
popularly  known  as  "  Campbellites,"  because  of  the  name 
of  their  d:stinguished  founder,  who  was  one  of  the  ablest 
theological  disputants  of  his  time.  The  first  point  of  dis 
pute  raised  with  the  Presbyterian  Church  by  Campbell 


PRESIDENT   OF    A    COLLEGE    AND    STATE    SENATOR.  31 

was  in  rejecting  the  entire  Confession  of  Fait.h,  and 
declaring  that  the  Bible  should  be  the  sole  creed  of  the 
new  church.  Subsequently  the  Disciples  accepted  bap 
tism  by  immersion,  and  that,  with  the  free  interpreta 
tion  of  the  Scriptures  as  members  shall  choose  for  them 
selves,  sums  up  the  whole  faith  of  the  followers  of  Alex 
ander  Campbell. 

"  The  Disciples  of  Christ  now  number  nearly  or  quite 
half  a  million  of  people,  and  they  command  the  respecl 
of  all  religious  denominations  by  the  simplicity  and  liber 
ality  of  their  faith.  They  have  no  ordained  ministry,  but, 
like  the  Quakers,  all  teach  when  so  moved  by  the  Spirit. 
So  far  from  being  unbelievers,  they  cherish  and  teach  the 
utmost  sanctity  for  both  the  Old  and  New  Testaments  as 
the  inspired  word  of  God.  and  the  divinity  of  Christ  is 
one  of  the  fundamental  truths  of  their  religious  system 
They  simply  accept  the  Bible  as  their  creed,  rejecting  all 
the  creeds  of  men,  and  allow  the  widest  latitude  of  belief 
in  the  interpretation  of  the  Holy  Word.  They  adminis 
ter  the  Sacrament  on  every  Lord's  Dny,  and  exhibit  their 
opposition  to  bigotry  and  intolerance  by  permitting  us  to 
join  them,  as  none  nre  invited  and  none  debarred.  To 
assume  that  the  believer  of  such  a  religious  faith  is  at 
wnr  with  the  Christian  religion,  is  to  make  bigotry  one 
of  the  cardinal  attributes  of  Christianity ;  and  those  who 
issail  General  Garfield  because  of  the  choice  he  has  made 
of  his  church  will  harm  only  themselves." 

Mr.  Garfield  was  now  twenty-five  years  old,  and  was 
about  to  begin  the  world  for  himself  in  a  newer  sense. 
As  the  result  of  twenty  years  of  hard  work  he  had  his 
collegiate  education,  his  diploma,  his  books,  his  clothes, 


32  JAMES   A.  GAKF1ELD. 

good  health,  a  clear  conscience,  and  a  debt  of  four  hun 
dred  and  fifty  dollars.  His  task  now  was  to  find  some 
employment  that  would  support  him,  and  enable  him  to 
discharge  his  debt.  To  go  back  to  the  carpenter's  bench 
was  not  to  be  thought  of.  He  had  qualified  himself  for 
a  higher  place  in  life,  and  must  now  take  it.  His  con 
nection  with  the  Disciples'  Church  now  shaped  his  destiny 
as  much  as  did  his  own  inclinations.  All  his  family  were 
members  of  that  church,  which  had  a  very  large  following 
in  Ohio.  In  the  county  of  Portage,  not  far  from  where 
the  Garfields  lived,  the  Disciples  had  a  struggling  college, 
called  Hiram  Eclectic  Institute,  which  undertook  to  fur 
nish  education  and  religious  training  at  the  lowest  possible 
price.  It  was  natural  that  the  young  talented  Disciple, 
who  had  just  been  graduated  with  distinction  in  an  east 
ern  college,  should  be  attracted  to  this  struggling  school. 
He  went  to  Hiram,  and  was  made  Professor  of  Latin  and 
Greek.  It  was  no  easy  place  into  which  he  had  fallen. 
The  college  was  poor,  the  professors  were  poor,  the  stu 
dents  were  poor,  and  the  salaries  paid  were  small,  as  were 
the  tuition  fees  received.  Plain  living  and  high  thinking 
was  the  order  of  the  day  at  the  institute j  and  there  was 
much  hard  labor  to  be  done  on  the  part  of  the  new  pro 
fessor.  It  was  done  with  characteristic  energy,  and  from 
the  first  told  well  upon  the  success  of  the  college.  At 
the  close  of  his  first  year  Professor  Garfield  was  made 
president  of  the  college,  and  his  field  of  labor  was  thus 
widened.  In  this  capacity  he  not  only  taught  and  lec 
tured,  but  preached  also. 

According   to  the  c*oed  of  the  Disciples,  any  person 
having  the  power,  was  entitled  to  preach,  and  the  presi- 


MRS.   LUCRETIA  GARFIELD,    WIFE  OF  THE  PRESIDENT. 


i»IlEStt>ENT    OF    A    COLLEGE    AND    STATE    SENATOR.  33 

dent  of  the  college  was  expected  to  deliver  a  sermon 
every  Sunday  as  a  part  of  his  official  duty.  President 
Garfield  preached  with  great  eloquence  and  effect,  and 
his  fame  spread  through  the  Campbellite  settlement.  It 
was  this  fact  that  gave  rise  to  the  story  that  he  had  been 
a  minister,  a  story  which  he  has  taken  occasion  to  deny 
publicly  on  several  occasions.  Gar  field's  purpose  was  to 
be  a  lawyer,  and  he  had  not  swerved  from  it  at  the  time 
he  used  to  talk  of  religion  and  a  future  life  to  the  little 
congregations  in  the  Disciples'  meeting  house  in  Northern 
Ohio.  The  new  president  was  only  twenty  six  years  old, 
probably  the  youngest  man  that  ever  held  such  a  posi 
tion.  He  carried  into  his  new  office  the  remarkable 
energy  and  vigor  and  good  sense  which  are  the  main 
springs  of  his  character.  He  soon  doubled  the  attend 
ance  at  the  school,  raised  its  standard  of  scholarship, 
{strengthened  its  faculty,  and  inspired  everybody  con 
nected  with  it  with  something  of  his  own  zeal  and 
enthusiasm.  At  the  same  time  he  diligently  prosecuted 
the  study  of  the  law,  the  profession  he  had  marked  out 
for  himself,  but  which  he  has  never  been  called  on  to 
practise  to  any  extent.  He  was  also  an  omnivorous 
reader  of  general  literature,  and  his  remarkable  memory 
enabled  him  to  retain  what  he  read.  The  life  at  Ilirain 
was  peaceful  and  pleasant  to  the  hard-working  president. 
Hiram  is  a  lonesome  village,  three  miles  from  a  railroad. 
It  lies  on  a  high  hill,  and  overlooks  twenty  miles  of 
cheese-making  country  to  the  southward.  It  contains 
fifty  or  sixty  houses  clustered  around  the  green,  in  the 
centre  of  which  stands  the  homely  red  brick  college 
structure.  The  people  were  very  proud  of  their  college 


34  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

president,  and  he  soon  became  well  known  throughout 
Northern  Ohio.  He  was  frequently  called  upon  for  pub 
lic  speeches,  and  these  added  greatly  to  his  reputation 
and  popularity. 

Mr.  Garfield's  place  in  life  now  seemed  won,  and  he 
felt  at  liberty  to  marry.     During  his  attendance  at  the 
Geauga  Academy,  he  made  the    acquaintance   of  Miss 
Lucretia  Rudolph,  a  pupil,  and  the  daughter  of  a  farmer 
in  the  neighborhood.     The  acquaintance  ripened  into  af 
fection,  and  the  young  people  entered  into  an  engage 
ment  to  be  married  as  soon  as  the  lover  should  be  able  to 
assume  the  responsibility  of  such  a  step.     In  1857  Mr. 
Garfield  and   Miss  Rudolph  were  married.      The   mar 
riage  was  one  purely  of  love,  and  the  choice  was  a  wise 
one.     Miss  Rudolph  was  a  refined,  intelligent,  affectionate 
girl,  who  shared  young  Garjleld's  thirst  for  knowledge 
and  his  ambition  for  culture,  and  had  at  the  same  time 
the  domestic  tastes  and  talents  which  fitted  her  equally 
to  preside  over  the  home  of  the  poor  college  professor 
and  that  of  the  famous  statesman.     Mrs.  Garfield  is  a 
quiet   thoughtful    woman,  and    much    of  her   husband's 
prosperity  has    been  due    to    the    gentle    influence    she 
has    exercised   over   him.      She    has    grown    with    her 
husband's  growth,  and  has  been,  during  all  his  career, 
the   appreciative  companion  of  his  studies,   the   loving 
mother  of  his  children,  the  graceful,  hospitable  hostess 
uf  his    friends   and   guests,  and   the    wise  and   faithful 
helpmeet   in   the    trials,  vicissitudes,    and    successes    of 
his    busy   life.       Immediately    upon   his    marriage,    Mr. 
Garfield  purchased  a  cottage,  fronting  upon  the  college 
green,  and  here  the  young  couple  began  their  married 


PRESIDENT   OF   A    COLLEGE    AND    STATE    SENATOR.  35 

life,  poor  and  in  debt,  but  with  brave  hearts  and  bright 
hopes  for  the  future. 

Two  years  after  his  marriage,  General  Garfield's  polit 
ical  life  began.  His  sermons  had  attracted  great  atten 
tion  to  him,  and  the  people  of  his  district  began  to  think 
that  so  eloquent  and  forcible  a  speaker  could  do  them 
good  service  in  other  capacities.  In  1859  the  Anti- 
Slavery  party  of  Portage  arid  Summit  counties  nominated 
him  as  their  candidate  for  State  Senator,  and  elected 
him  by  a  large  majority.  He  had  taken  part  in  the  polit 
ical  campaigns  of  1857  and  1858,  and  had  become  well 
known  as  a  vigorous  local  stump  orator.  Young  as  he 
was  he  took  a  leading  position  in  the  State  Senate  as  a 
man  unusually  well  informed  on  the  subjects  of  legisla 
tion,  and  effective  and  powerful  in  debate.  He  seemed 
always  prepared  to  speak,  and  always  spoke  with  great 
eloquence  and  force.  He  did  not  resign  the  presidency 
of  his  college,  as  he  thought  a  few  weeks  spent  at  Colum 
bus  during  the  winter  would  not  materially  interfere  in 
the  duties  of  that  position,  and  his  associates  were  anx 
ious  that  he  should  not  sever  his  connection  with  them. 
His  most  intimate  friend  in  the  Senate  was  J.  D.  Cox, 
who  subsequently  became  a  major-general  of  volunteers 
and  Governor  of  Ohio. 

During  the  session  of  1860-61,  when  the  States  oi 
the  South  began  to  secede  from  the  Union,  General  Gar- 
field's  course  was  outspoken  and  manly.  He  declared 
his  belief  in  the  right  of  the  general  government  to  coerce 
the  seceded  States,  and  spoke  eloquently  in  favor  of  the 
prompt  and  vigorous  exercise  of  that  power.  The  Union, 
he  maintained,  was  meant  to  be  perpetual,  and  the  gov 


36  JAMES    A.  GABF1ELD. 

ernment  should  prevent  its  disruption  at  any  cost.  He 
urged  upon  the  State  of  Ohio  the  necessity  of  preparing 
to  support  the  general  government  with  all  its  resources, 
and  avowed  his  willingness  to  do  his  part  in  behalf  of 
the  Union  should  the  controversy  end  in  war.  His  elo 
quence  and  energy  ranked  him  among  the  foremost  of 
the  Union  leaders,  and  drew  upon  him  the  favorable  at 
tention  of  the  entire  State. 

Concerning  his  service  in  the  Senate,"  Mr.  Whitelaw 
Reid,  the  accomplished  author  of  "  Ohio  in  the  War," 
says :  "  Senator  Garfield  at  once  took  high  rank  in  the 
legislature.  .  .  His  genial,  warm-hearted  nature  served 
to  increase  the  kindness  with  which  both  political  friends 
and  opponents  regarded  him.  Three  Western  Reserve 
Senators  formed  the  Radical  triumvirate  in  that  able  and 
patriotic  legislature  which  was  to  place  Ohio  in  line  for 
the  war.  One  was  a  highly  rated  professor  of  Oberlin 
College;  another  a  lawyer  already  noted  for  force  and 
learning,  the  son-in-law  of  the  president  of  Oberlin ;  the 
third  was  one  village  carpenter  and  village  teacher  from 
Hiram.  He  was  the  youngest  of  the  three,  but  he 
speedily  became  the  first.  The  trials  of  the  next  six  years 
were  to  confirm  the  verdict  of  the  little  group  about  the 
State  capitol  that  soon  placed  Garfield  before  both  Cox 
and  Monroe.  The  college  professor  was  abundantly  sat 
isfied  with  the  success  in  life  which  made  him  a  consul 
at  a  South  American  port.  The  adroit,  polished,  and 
able  lawyer  became  a  painstaking  general,  who,  perhaps, 
ol'tener  deserved  success  than  won  it,  and  who  at  last, 
profiting  by  the  gratitude  of  the  people  to  their  soldiers, 
rose  to  be  governor  of  the  State,  but  there  (for  the  time 


PRESIDENT   OF    A   COLLEGE    AND    STATE    SENATOR.  o  i 

at  least)  ended.  The  village  carpenter  started  lower  in 
the  race  of  the  war,  and  rose  higher,  became  one  of  the 
leaders  of  our  national  councils,  and  confessedly  one  of 
the  ablest  among  the  younger  of  our  statesmen. 

"  When  the  secession  of  the  Southern  States  began, 
national  considerations  came  to  occupy  a  large  share  of 
the  attention  of  the  Senate.  Mr.  Garfield's  course  was 
manly  and  outspoken.  He  was  foremost  in  the  very 
small  number  (only  six  voting  in  the  line)  who  thought 
the  spring  of  1861  a  bad  time  for  adopting  the  Corwin 
constitutional  amendment,  forbidding  Congress  from  ever 
legislating  on  the  subject  of  slavery  in  the  States.  He 
was  among  the  foremost  in  maintaining  the  right  of  the 
national  government  to  coerce  the  seceded  States. 
'  Would  you  give  up  the  forts  and  other  government 
property  m  those  States,  or  would  you  fight  to  maintain 
your  right  to  them  ? '  was  his  adroit  way  of  putting  the 
question  to  a  conservative  Republican  who  deplored  his 
incendiary  views.  He  took  the  lead  in  revising  the  old 
statute  about  treason,  with  a  view  to  adapting  it  to  the 
instant  exigencies.  When  the  '  Million  War  Bill,'  as  it 
was  popularly  known  at  the  time,  came  up,  he  was  the 
most  conspicuous  of  its  defenders.  Judge  Key,  of  Ham 
ilton  county  (subsequently  a  noted  member  of  McClel- 
lan's  skiff),  preluded  his  vote  for  it  with  a  protest  against 
the  policy  of  the  administration  in  entering  upon  the  war. 
It  was  left  to  Gurfield  to  make  the  reply.  The  newspa 
pers  of  that  day  all  make  mention  of  his  effort  in  terms 
of  the  highest  admiration.  '  He  regretted  that  Senator 
Key  should  have  turned  from  honoring  his  country  to 
pay  his  highest  tribute  of  praise,  at  a  time  like  this,  to 


38  JAMES    i.   GARFIELD. 

party.  The  senator  approved  a  defense  of  national  prop 
erty,  but  denounced  any  effort  to  retake  it  if  only  it  were 
once  captured.  Did  he  mean  that  if  Washington  were 
taken  by  the  Rebels,  he  would  oppose  attempts  to  regain 
possession  of  the  national  capital  ?  Where  was  this  doc 
trine  of  non-resistance  to  stop  ?  He  had  hoped  that  the 
senator  would  not,  in  this  hour  of  the  nation's  peril,  open 
the  books  of  party  to  re-read  records  that  ought  now,  at 
least,  to  be  forgotten.  But  since  the  senator  had  thought 
this  a  fitting  time  to  declare  his  distrust  of  the  President 
and  of  the  cabinet,  and  particularly  of  Ohio's  honored 
representative  in  the  cabinet,  he  had  only  this  to  say  in 
reply  :  that  it  would  be  well  for  the  senator,  amid  his 
partisan  recollections,  to  remember  whose  cabinet  it  was 
that  embraced  traitors  among  its  most  distinguished  rep 
resentatives,  and  sent  them  forth  from  its  most  Secret  ses 
sions  to  betray  their  knowledge  to  their  country's  ruin.'  ' 

Mr.  Garfield  was  determined  from  the  first  to  resign 
his  position  in  the  legislature  and  enter  the  army.  The 
legislature  was  still  in  session  when  the  time  for  ap 
pointing  the  officers  of  the  Ohio  troops  came,  and  Gar- 
field  did  not  immediately  press  his  claims  for  an  appoint 
ment.  There  was  still  much  to  be  done  in  the  work  of 
preparing  the  State  for  war,  and  in  this  he  took  an  active 
and  leading  part.  In  "  Ohio  in  the  War,"  from  which 
we  have  quoted  before,  Mr.  Whitelaw  Reid  thus  runs  up 
what  was  done  in  this  respect,  and  the  part  taken  by  Mr. 
Garfield  : 

"  The  State  of  Ohio,  which  in  the  next  four  years 
was  to  contribute  to  the  national  service  an  army  of 
soldiers  amounting  in  the  aggregate,  according  to  the 


PRESIDENT    OF    A    COLLEGE    AND    STATE    SENATOR.  39 

figures  of  the  Provost- Marshal  General,  to  three  hundred 
and  ten  thousand  men,  had  in  1860  a  population  of  not 
quite  two  and  a  half  millions.  The  existence  of  its  ter 
ritorial  organization  had  only  begun  a  year  before  the 
century ;  but  it  was  already,  and  as  it  seemed  was  likely 
long  to  remain,  the  third  State  in  population  and  wealth 
in  the  Union.  More  than  half  of  its  area  was  under  cul 
tivation,  and  more  than  half  of  its  adult  males  were  far 
mers,  there  being  of  this  class  two  hundred  and  seventy- 
seven  thousand  owning  farms,  averaging  a  little  over 
ninety  acres  to  each  man.  So  well  was  this  most  impor 
tant  body  of  the  State's  producers  aided  by  the  natural 
fertility  of  the  soil,  that  they  furnished  each  year  more 
than  double  the  entire  amount  of  food,  animal  and  vege 
table,  that  was  needed  for  the  support  of  the  whole  popu 
lation  of  the  State.  In  1860  they  exported  nearly  two 
million  barrels  of  flour,  over  two  and  a  half  million  bush 
els  of  wheat,  three  million  bushels  of  other  grains,  and 
half  a  million  barrels  of  pork.  The  value  of  the  exports 
of  agricultural  products  for  that  year  from  Ohio  swelled 
to  fifty-six  and  a  half  million  dollars. 

"  Not  less  industrious  and  prosperous  were  the  manu 
facturers  of  the  State.  The  value  of  their  products  for 
1860  was  over  one  hundred  and  twenty- two  millions  of 
dollars,  an  increase  of  ninety-eight  per  cent,  in  a  single 
decade.  The  city  of  Cincinnati  alone,  where  Indians 
were  trading  wampum  and  buying  blankets  when  New 
York  had  already  attained  the  rank  of  the  metropolis  of 
the  continent,  manufactured  in  1SGO,  sixteen  million  dol 
lars  worth  of  clothing,  a  larger  quantity  than  New  York 
itself  produced  in  the  same  year. 


4:0  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

1 

"  Bufc  the  wealth  of  the  State  and  the  welfare  of  her 
people,  so  eloquently  illustrated  in  figures  like  these,  may 
perhaps  be  more  clearly  presented  in  a  briefer  statement. 
The  assessed  value  of  her  taxable  property  rose  in  1860 
to  nearly  a  thousand  million  dollars  ;  while,  by  the  esti 
mate  of  her  Commissioner  of  Statistics,  the  entire  debts 
of  the  people  would  not  amount  to  twenty  per  cent,  of 
that  valuation.  Let  us  not  fail  to  add  that,  by  the  benef 
icent  legislation  of  the  State,  none  of  her  children  were 
growing  up  without  the  free  gift  of  an  education  that 
should  fit  them  for  the  duties  of  citizenship ;  that  there 
were  published  and  mainly  circulated  within  her  borders 
twenty-four  daily  newspapers,  two  hundred  and  sixty- 
five  weeklies,  and  fifty-four  monthlies,  making  in  the  ag 
gregate  seventy-two  million  copies  ;  and  that  so  general 
was  the  devotion  to  religion  and  the  provision  for  relig 
ious  instruction,  that  the  church  edifices  in  the  State  con 
tained  sittings  enough  for  the  entire  population  of  the 
State. 

"  The  impending  war  was  to  have  for  its  essence  the 
spirit  of  hostility  lo  the  existence,  or  at  least  to  the 
power  of  the  system  of  human  slavery ;  and  so  it  comes 
that  the  position  of  the  State  on  this  subject  is  not  less 
essential  to  a  comprehension  of  her  great  part  in  the 
struggle,  than  is  an  appreciation  of  her  wonderful  pro 
gress  and  resources.  The  political  conservatism  which 
prosperity  and  accumulating  wealth  naturally  engender, 
was  further  favored  in  Ohio  by  the  circumstances  of  her 
settlement  and  geography.  Along  four  hundred  and 
thirty-six  miles  of  her  border  lay  slave  States.  From 
these  many  of  her  pioneers  had  come ;  many  more 


PRESIDENT   OF   A   COLLEGE    AND    STATE    SENATOR.  41 

traced  with  Kentuckians  and  West  Virginians  their  com 
mon  lineage  back  to  the  eastern  slope  of  the  ancient 
Dominion.  In  time  of  war  the  most  effective  support 
to  the  exposed  settlements  of  the  infant  State  had  come 
from  their  generous  and  warlike  neighbors  across  the 
Ohio.  In  the  long  peace  that  followed,  the  heartiest 
friendships  and  warmest  social  attachments  naturally 
went  out  to  those  who  had  been  proved  in  the  hour  of 
trial.  If  her  churches  on  every  hillside  taught  a  re 
ligion  which  found  no  actual  warrant  in  the  Bible  for  the 
system  of  human  slavery,  they  at  least  had  no  difficulty 
in  believing  that  the  powers  that  be  are  ordained  of 
God,  and  by  consequence  in  enforcing  a  toleration  which 
proved  quite  as  acceptible  across  the  border  as  the  most 
exhaustive  scriptural  exegesis.  North  of  the  National 
Road,  which  for  many  years  was  the  Mason  and  Dixon's 
line  of  Ohio  politics,  different  views  prevailed  ;  and  the 
people,  tracing  their  ancestry  to  Puritan  rather  than  Vir 
ginia  stock,  cherished  different  feelings  ;  but  the  southern 
half  of  the  State,  being  more  populous  and  more  influen 
tial,  long  controlled  the  elections,  and  inspired  the  temper 
of  the  government  and  the  legislation. 

"  In  the  Presidential  contest  of  1848,  the  electoral  vote 
of  the  State  was  thus  thrown  for  Lewis  Cass.  In  1852, 
it  was  in  like  manner  given  to  Franklin  Pierce.  But  by 
this  time  a  change  hao*  begun.  In  the  very  heart  of  the 
conservative  feeling  of  the  State,  one  of  the  foremost  law 
yers  of  the  city  of  Cincinnati  had  for  years  been  keeping 
up  an  antislavery  agitation.  He  had  found  «a  few,  like- 
minded  with  himself,  but  society  and  the  church  had 
combined  to  frown  him  down.  Still,  so  single-minded  ani 


42  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

sincere  was  he,  that,  though  the  most  ambitious  of  men, 
he  resolutely  faced  the  popular  current,  shut  his  eyes  to 
all  hope  of  political  advancement,  and  daily  labored  at 
the  task  of  resisting  the  pretentious  of  slavery,  giving 
legal  protection  to  the  friendless  and  helpless  negroes, 
and  diffusing  an  abolition  sentiment  among  the  conserva 
tive  men  of  the  border,  and  the  influential  classes  of  the 
great  city  of  the  State,  whose  prosperity  was  supposed  to 
depend  upon  her  intimate  relations  and  immense  trade 
with  the  slave-holding  regions  to  the  south  of  her.  To 
this  task  he  brought  some  peculiar  qualifications.  Pro 
foundly  ignorant  of  men,  he  was,  nevertheless,  profoundly 
versed  in  the  knowledge  of  man.  The  baldest  charlatan 
might  deceive  him  into  trusting  his  personal  worth,  but 
the  acutest  reasoner  could  not  mislead  him  in  deter 
mining  the  general  drift  of  popular  sentiment,  and  the 
political  tendencies  of  the  times.  Conscious  of  abili 
ties  that  might  place  him  in  the  front  rank  of  our  states 
men,  his  sagacity,  not  -  less  than  his  conscience,  taught 
him  to  take  Time  for  his  ally,  arid  lightly  regarding  the 
odium  of  his  present  work,  to  look  confidingly  to  the 
larger  promises  of  the  future.  Loving  personal  popu 
larity,  he  was  entirely  destitute  of  the  qualifications  for 
attaining  it.  Really  warm-hearted  and  singularly  tena 
cious  in  his  attachments,  he  was  perpetually  regarded 
as  utterly  selfish  and  without  capacity  for  friendship  ;  so 
that  his  defects,  no  less  than  his  merits,  shut  him  up 
to  a  course  which  could  hope  for  personal  triumph  only 
in  the  triumph  of  great  principles.  He  was  gifted  by 
nature  with  a  massive  and  cogent  eloquence,  little  likely 
to  sway  the  immediate  passions  of  the  populace,  but 


PRESIDENT   OF    A    COLLEGE    AfrD    STATE    SENATOR.  43 


sure  to  infiltrate  the  judgment  and  conscience  of  the 
controlling  classes  in  the  community.  His  energy  was 
tireless,  and  his  will  absolutely  inflexible. 

"  Under  such  leadership,  ably  seconded  by  the  faith 
ful  and  true  old  man  who  so  long  stood  in  Ohio  the 
champion  of  Abolition,  pure  and  simple,  and  the  peculiar 
representative  of  the  Reserve,  a  new  element  sprang  up 
in  Ohio  politics.  It  cast  a  handful  of  votes  for  Birney 
for  the  Presidency  ;  had  risen  to  proportions  which  mado 
it  a  respectable  element  in  political  calculations,  when  it 
cast,  what  was  thought  to  be,  the  vote  of  the  balance  of 
power  for  Van  Buren  ;  and  had  reached  the  height  of  its 
unpopularity  with  the  old  ruling  class  of  the  State  when, 
in  1852,  refusing  to  sustain  General  Scott  on  account  of 
the  '  anti-agitation'  and  '  finality  of  the.  slavery  question' 
features  in  his  platform,  it  persisted  in  again  giving  the 
votes  of  its  balance  of  power  to  John  P.  Hale,  and  thus 
permitting  the  triumph  of  Franklin  Pierce. 

"  But  before  another  Presidential  election  the  shrewd 
calculations  of  the  sagacious  leader  of  this  outcast  among 
parties  had  been  realized.  Holding,  as  has  been  seen, 
the  balance  of  power,  and  subordinating  all  minor  ques 
tions  to  what  they  regarded  as  the  absorbing  issue  of 
slavery  or  antislavery,  they  had  already,  with  a  handful 
of  votes,  controlled  a  great  election,  and  sent  this  Aboli 
tion  leader  to  the  United  States  Senate.  A  greater 
triumph  now  awaited  him.  As  dexterous  in  managing 
parties  as  he  was  blind  in  managing  men,  he  placed  such 
stress  upon  the  new  organization  which  had  risen  upon 
the  ruins  of  the  old  Whig  party,  that,  detesting  his 
principles  and  distrusting  himself,  they  were,  nevertlia 


:  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

less,  forced  to  secure  the  votes  without  which  the  elec 
tion  were  lost  in  advance,  by  placing  his  name  at  the 
head  of  their  ticket,  and  bearing  the  odious  Abolitionist 
in  triumph  into  the  chair  of  the  chief  executive  of  tho 
State.  jThe  impulse  thus  given  was  never  wholly  lost; 
for  though  the  people  were  by  no  means  as  radical  as 
their  governor,  they  gave  at  their  next  Presidential 
election  a  handsome  majority  to  Fremont,  and  a  year 
later  again  elected  their  Abolition  leader. 

"Whether  it  was  through  a  far-seeing  anticipation  of 
what  was  to  grow  out  of  this  antislavery  struggle,  or 
whether  it  was  only  a  result  of  the  sagacious  forecast 
which  in  most  things  distinguished  his  administration, 
Governor  Chase  early  began  to  attempt  an  effective  or 
ganization  of  the  militia.  In  this,  as  in  his  political 
views,  he  was  in  advance  of  his  times.  In  every  State 
west  of  the  Alleghanies  the  militia  had  fallen  into  undis 
guised  contempt.  The  old-fashioned  militia  musters  had 
been  given  up ;  the  subject  had  been  abandoned  as  fit 
only  to  be  the  fertile  theme  for  the  ridicule  of  rising 
writers  and  witty  stump  orators.  The  cannon  issued  by 
the  Government  were  left  for  the  uses  of  political  parties 
on  the  occasion  of  mass  meetings  or  victories  at  the  polls. 
The  small  arms  were  scattered,  rusty,  and  become  worth 
less.  In  Chicago  a  novel  drill  had  been  an  inducement  for 
the  organization  of  the  Ellsworth  Zouaves,  and  here  and 
there  through  the  West  the  young  men  of  a  city  kept  up  a 
military  company;  but  these  were  the  exceptions.  Popu 
lar  prejudice  against  doing  military  duty  was  insurmount 
able,  and  no  name  for  these  exceptional  organizations  so 
struck  the  popular  fancy  as  that  of  '  Corn-stalk  Militia.' 


PRESIDENT    OF    A    COLLEGE    AND    STATE    SENATOIl.  45 

"  Governor  Chase  at  once  essayed  the  formation  of 
similarly  uniformed  and  equipped  militia  companies  at  all 
leading  points  throughout  the  State,  with  a  provisional 
organization  into  regiments  and  brigades.  At  first  the 
popular  ridicule  only  was  excited  ;  by  and  by  attention  to 
the  subject  was  slowly  aroused.  Some  legislative  support 
was  secured,  a  new  arsenal  was  established  ;  an  issue  of 
new  arms  was  obtained  from  the  general  government; 
and  an  approximation  was  at  last  made  to  a  military  peace 
establishment.  Such  was  the  interest  finally  excited 
that  at  one  time  a  convention  of  nearly  two  hundred 
officers  assembled  at  Columbus  to  consult  as  to  the  best 
means  of  developing  and  fostering  the  militia  system  ; 
and  the  next  year,  before  going  out  of  office,  Governor 
Chase  had  the  satisfaction  of  reviewing,  at  Dayton,  nearly 
thirty  companies,  assembled  from  different  parts  of  the 
State — every  one  of  which  was  soon  to  participate  in  the 
war  that  was  then  so  near  and  so  little  anticipated.  IlLs 
successor  continued  the  general  policy  thus  inaugurated, 
urged  the  legislature  to  pay  the  militia  for  the  time  spent 
in  drill,  and  enforced  the  necessity  of  expanding  the 
system.  Comparatively  little  was  accomplished,  and  yet 
the  organization  of  Ohio  militia  was  far  superior  to  that 
existing  in  any  of  the  States  to  the  westward.  All  of 
them  combined  did  not  possess  so  large  a  militia  force  as 
the  First  Ohio  Regiment,  then  under  the  command  of 
Colonel  King,  of  Dayton. 

"  Thus,  materially  prosperous  and  politically  progres 
sive,  yet  with  much  of  the  leaven  of  her  ancient  conser 
vatism  still  lingering,  and  with  the  closest  affiliations  of 
friendship  and  trade  with  the  slave-holding  States  of  the 


4G  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

Ohio  and  Mississippi  valleys,  but  with  the  germs  of  a 
preparation  for  hostilities,  and  such  a  nucleus  of  militia 
as  might  serve  to  protect  the  border  from  immediate 
ravages,  Ohio  entered  upon  the  year  that  was  to  witness 
the  paralysis  of  her  industry  and  trade,  the  sundering  of 
her  old  friendships,  her  political  revolution,  and  the  devo 
tion  of  her  entire  energies  to  the  business  of  war. 

"  The  legislative  and  executive  departments  of  the 
State  government,  upon  which  were  precipitated  the 
weightiest  burdens  of  the  war,  had  been  chosen  as  repre 
sentatives  rather  of  the  average  antislavery  progress  of  the 
Whig  party,  than  of  the  more  advanced  positions  to  which 
ex-Governor  Chase  had  been  committing  his  supporters. 
Great  pains  were  taken  to  welcome  the  legislatures  of 
Kentucky  and  Tennessee  on  their  visit  to  Columbus,  and 
to  convince  them  of  the  warm  friendship  borne  them,  not 
less  by  the  government  than  by  the  people  of  the  State. 
Union-saving  speeches  and  resolutions  marked  the  popular 
current;  and,  as  had  long  been  usual,  the  Union-saving 
temper  went  largely  toward  the  surrender  to  the  South 
of  everything  save  the  absolutely  vital  points  in  contro 
versy.  The  governor,  in  his  inaugural  address,  while 
firmly  insisting  upon  hostility  to  the  extension  of  slavery, 
had  also  advocated  the  colonization  of  the  blacks  in  Cen 
tral  or  South  America,  and  faithful  obedience  to  what 
were  regarded  as  our  constitutional  obligations  to  the 
slave-holding  States.  A  leading  member  of  the  party  in 
the  Senate*  had  introduced  a  bill  to  prevent  by  heavy 
penalties  the  organization  or  the  giving  of  any  aid  to 

*  Hon.  R.  D.  Harrison,  afterward  elected  from  the  Seventh  District,  to 
•ucceed  ex-Govecuor  Gorwiu  in  Congresa. 


PRESIDENT    OF    A    COLLEGE    AND    STATE    SENATOR.  47 

parties  like  John  Brown's,  and  it  had  come  within  three 
votes  of  a  passage. 

"  More  striking  proof  of  the  conciliatory  disposition 
with  which  the  legislature  was  animated  was  to  be  given. 
The  constitutional  amendment  carried  through  Congress 
by  Thomas  Corwin,  and  submitted  to  the  legislatures  of 
the  several  States  for  ratification,  provided  that  hereafter 
no  amendment  or  other  change  in  the  powers  of  govern 
ment  should  be  permitted,  whereby  the  national  authori 
ties  should  be  enabled  to  interfere  with  slavery  within  its 
present  limits.  Before  the  beginning  of  actual  hostilities 
in  Charleston  Harbor,  it  was  apparent  that,  carrying 
the  effort  for  conciliation  to  the  farthest  extreme,  the 
heavy  Republican  majority  in  the  legislature  meant  to 
give  the  sanction  of  Ohio  to  this  irreversible  guarantee  to 
slavery  in  the  fundamental  law  of  the  land.  Before  its 
place  on  the  Senate  calendar  was  reached,  however,  came 
the  bombardment  of  Suinter,  the  surrender,  and  the  call 
of  the  President  to  protect  the  capital  from  the  danger 
of  sudden  capture  by  the  conspirators.  On  the  15th  of 
April,  Columbus  was  wild  with  the  excitement  of  the  call 
to  arms.  On  the  16th  the  feeling  was  even  more  intense ; 
troops  were  arriving,  the  telegraphs  and  mails  were  bur 
dened  with  exhortations  to  the  legislature  to  grant  money 
and  men  to  any  extent ;  the  very  air  came  laden  with 
the  clamor  of  war,  and  of  the  swift,  hot  haste  of  the  peo 
ple  to  plunge  into  it.  On  the  17th,  while  every  pulse 
around  them  was  at  fever-heat,  the  senators  of  Ohio,  as  a 
last  effort,  passed  the  Corwin  constitutional  amendment, 
only  eight  members  out  of  the  whole  Senate  opposing  it.* 

*  The   eight  who  had  the  foresight  to  perceive  that  the  17th  of  April, 


48  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

"  But  this  was  the  last  effort  at  conciliation.  Thence 
forward  the  State  strove  to  conquer  rather  than  to  com 
promise.  Already,  on  the  16th  of  April,  within  less  than 
twenty-four  hours  after  the  President's  call  for  troops 
had  been  received,  the  Senate  had  matured,  carried 
through  the  several  readings,  and  passed  a  bill  appropria 
ting  one  million  of  dollars  for  placing  the  State  upon  a 
war  footing,  and  for  assisting  the  general  government  in 
meeting  the  shock  of  the  rebellion.* 

"  The  debate  which  preceded  the  rapid  passage  of 
this  bill  illustrated  the  melting  away  of  party  lines  under 
the  white  heat  of  patriotism,  Senator  Orr,  the  Demo 
cratic  representative  of  the  Crawford  County  Senatorial 
District,  '  was  opposed  to  the  war,  and  even  to  the  pur 
poses  of  the  bill,  but  he  should  vote  for  it  as  the  best 
means  of  testifying  his  hostility  to  secession/  Judge 

18G1,  was  not  a  time  to  be  striving  to  add  security  to  slavery  were,  Messrs. 
Buck,  Cox,  Garfield,  Glass,  Monroe,  Morse,  Parrish,  and  Smith. 

*  Some  days  earlier  a  bill  had  been  introduced  appropriating  a  hundred 
thousand  dollars  for  war  purposes.  On  a  hint  from  the  executive  that  per 
haps  other  and  more  important  measures  might  be  needed,  action  was  de 
layed.  Then  the  million  war  bill  was  introduced,  in  response  to  a  message 
from  Governor  Denuison,  announcing  the  call  from  Washington,  maintain 
ing  the  necessity  for  defending  the  integrity  of  the  Union,  and  concluding 
as  follows : 

"  But  as  the  contest  may  grow  to  greater  dimensions  than  is  now  antici 
pated,  I  deem  it  my  duty  to  recommend  to  the  General  Assembly  of  this 
State  to  make  provisions  proportionate  to  its  means  to  assist  the  National 
authorities  in  restoring  the  integrity  and  strength  of  the  Union,  in  all  its 
amplitued,  as  the  only  means  of  preserving  the  rights  of  all  the  States,  and 
*  insuring  the  permanent  peace  and  prosperity  of  the  whole  country.  I  ear 
nestly  recommend,  also,  that  an  appropriation  of  not  less  than  four  hundred 
and  fifty  thousand  dollars  be  immediate. y  made  for  the  purchase  of  arms 
and  equipments  for  the  use  of  the  volunteer  militia  of  the  State.  I  need 
not  remind  you  of  the  pressing  exigency  for  the  prompt  organization  and 
arming  of  the  military  force  of  the  State." 


PRESIDENT    OF   A    COLLEGE    AND    STATE    SENATOR.          49 

Thomas  M.  Key,  of  Cincinnati,  the  ablest  Democrat  in 
ihe  Senate,  followed.*  He,  too,  was  in  favor  of  the  bill. 
f  Yet  he  felt  it  in  his  soul  to  be  an  unwarranted  declara 
tion  of  war  against  seven  sister  States.  He  entered  his 
solemn  protest  against  the  line  of  action  announced  by 
the  executive.  It  was  an  usurpation  by  a  President,  in 
whom  and  in  whose  advisers  he  had  no  confidence;  it 
was  the  beginning  of  a  military  despotism.  He  firmly 
believed  it  to  be  the  desire  of  the  administration  to  drive 
off  the  border  States,  and  permanently  sever  the  Union. 
l3ut  he  was  opposed  to  secession,  and  in  this  contest 
he  could  do  no  otherwise  than  stand  by  the  stars  and 
stripes/  Next  came  Mr.  Moore,  of  Butler  county,  con 
spicuous  as  the  most  conservative  of  those  reckoned  at 
all  with  the  Republican  party  in  the  Senate  ;  in  fact  as 
almost  the  ideal  of  the  old  <  Silver-Gray  Whig.'f  Hith 
erto  he  had  voted  consistently  against  all  military  bills, 
and  had  even  avowed  his  readiness  to  surrender  the 
Southern  forts  rather  than  bring  on  a  collision.  *  Now 
lie  felt  called  upon  to  do  the  most  painful  duty  of  his  life. 
But  there  was  only  one  course  left.  He  had  no  words  of 
bitterness  for  party  with  which  to  mar  the  solemnity  of 
the  hour.  This  only  he  had  to  say  :  He  could  do  noth 
ing  else  than  stand  by  the  grand  old  flag  of  the  country, 
and  stand  by  it  to  the  end.  He  should  vote  for  the  bill.' 
"  Thus,  to  recur  to  the  figure  already  used,  did  the 
iron  rules  of  party  discipline  and  prejudice,  melting  be 
neath  the  white  heat  of  patriotism,  still  mark  in  broken 
outline  the  old  divisions  beneath  and  through  which  the 

*  Subsequently  colonel  and  judge-advocate  on  MoClellan's  Btaflf. 
f  Subsequently  colonel  of  one  of  the  hundred  days'  regiments. 
4 


50  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

molten  currents  freely  mingled.  The  bill  passed  by  an 
almost  unanimous  vote ;  one  senator  only,  Mr.  Newman* 
of  Scioto  county,  voting  against  it.* 

"  In  the  House,  however,  party  opposition  gave  way 
more  slowly.  That  same  afternoon  the  bill  went  over 
from  the  Senate,  and  an  effort  was  made  to  suspend  the 
rules,  so  as  to  put  it  upon  its  passage.  The  Democrats 
demanded  time  for  consultation.  Mr.  Wm.  B.  Woods  f 
(ex-Speaker  and  Democratic  leader)  gave  notice  that  it 
could  not  be  unanimously  passed  without  time  were 
given.  For  one,  he  wanted  to  hear  from  his  constituents. 
Mr.  Geo.  W.  Andrews,J  of  Auglaize  county,  denounced 
the  excitement  on  the  subject  of  war,  here  and  over  the 
country,  as  crazy  fanaticism.  Mr.  Devore,  of  Brown 
county,  ( regarded  the  interests  of  the  country,  south  of 
the  Ohio  River  as  well  as  north  of  it.  The  despatches 
.about  the  danger  to  Washington  were  preposterous,  and 
were  mostly  manufactured  for  evil  purposes.'  Mr.  Jes- 
sup,  of  Hamilton  county,  gave  notice  that  if  the  majority 
wanted  his  vote  they  must  wait  for  it.  And  so,  the  Re 
publicans  agreeing  to  delay  in  the  hope  of  securing  har 
mony,  the  bill  went  over,  after  two  ineffectual  efforts  to 
suspend  the  rules.  || 

*  Under  the  terrible  pressure  of  public  condemnation,  especially  in  his 
own  district,  Mr.  Newman  shortly  afterward  asked  leave  to  change  his  vote. 

f  Subsequently  colonel  of  a  three  years'  regiment,  and  brevet  major- 
general  of  volunteers. 

\  Subsequently  Colonel  of  the  Fifteenth  Ohio  in  the  three  months'  ser 
vice,  and  Lieutenant-Colonel,  until  after  the  Clarksville  surrender,  of  the 
Seventy-fourth  Ohio. 

\  IH  these  efforts  twenty  five  Democrats  voted  against  suspending  the 
rules,  fourteen  voted  with  the  Republicans  for  suspension,  and  eight  were 
absent  when  the  roll  was  called. 


PRESIDENT   OF   A   COLLEGE   AND    STATE    SENATOR.  51 

"  The  next  day,  the  Democrats  having  in  the  mean 
time  spent  three  hours  in  excited  debate  in  caucus,  the 
effort  to  suspend  the  rules  again  failed.  But  the  leaders 
earnestly  assured  the  house  that  with  another  day's  de 
lay  there  was  a  strong  probability  of  the  unanimous  pas 
sage  of  the  bill.  A  despatch  had  already  been  received 
from  Scioto  county,  denouncing  Senator  Newman  for  his 
vote  against  it  in  the  Senate,  and  it  was  said  that  his  son 
was  enlisted  in  one  of  the  companies  then  on  the  way  to 
Columbus.  Mr.  Hutcheson,  of  Madison  county,  an  ex 
treme  States'-Rights  Democrat,  and  almost  a  secessionist, 
spoke  handsomely  in  favor  of  the  bill,  and  drew  out 
hearty  applause  from  house  and  galleries.  But  delay 
was  still  insisted  upon,  and  so  the  bill  went  over  to  the 
third  day  from  the  date  of  its  introduction. 

"  Then  all  were  ready.  Ex-Speaker  Woods  led  off 
in  a  stirring  little  speech,  declaring  his  intention  '  to 
stand  by  the  Government  in  peace  or  in  war,  right  or 
wrong.'  Mr.  William  J.  Flagg,  of  Hamilton  county, 
followed.  ( He  was  glad  that  delay  had  produced  una 
nimity.  But  he  had  been  of  the  number  that  had  favored 
instant  action.  He  had  done  so  because  Jefferson  Davis 
had  shown  no  hesitation  in  suspending  the  rules,  and 
marching  through  first,  second,  and  third  readings  with 
out  waiting  to  hear  from  his  constituents.  He  had  ever 
advocated  peace,  but  it  was  always  peace  for  the  Union. 
Now  he  was  ready  for  peace  for  the  Union,  or  war  for  it, 
love  for  it,  hatred  for  it,  everything  for  it.'  Mr.  Andrews, 
of  Auglaize  county,  had  less  to  say  of  the  crazy  fanati 
cism  of  the  excitement.  '  The  act  of  South  Carolina  to 
ward  the  Democrats  of  the  North  was  a  crime  for  which 


62  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

the  English  language  could  find  no  description.     It  had 
forever  severed  the  last  tie  that  bound  them  together.' 

"  Amid  such  displays  of  feeling  on  the  part  of  the 
opposition,  the  bill  finally  went  through,  on  the  18th  of 
April,  by  an  unanimous  vote ;  ninety-nine  in  its  favor. 
It  appropriated  half  a  million  dollars  for  the  purpose  of 
carrying  into  effect  any  requisition  of  the  President  to 
protect  the  national  government ;  four  hundred  and  fifty 
thousand  dollars  for  the  purchase  of  arms  and  equipments 
for  the  militia  of  the  State  ;  and  the  remaining  fifty  thou 
sand  as  an  extraordinary  contingent  fund  for  the  gov 
ernor.  The  Commissioners  of  the  Sinking  Fund  were 
authorized  to  borrow  the  money,  at  six  per  cent,  interest, 
and  to  issue  certificates  therefor  which  should  be  free  from 
State  taxation. 

"  Meantime  the  Senate,  under  the  leadership  of  Mr. 
Garfield,  had  matured  and  passed  a  bill  defining  and  pro 
viding  punishment  for  the  crime  of  treason  against  the 
State  of  Ohio.  It  declared  any  resident  of  the  State  who 
gave  aid  and  comfort  to  the  enemies  of  the  United  States 
guilty  of  treason  against  the  State,  to  be  punished  by  im 
prisonment  in  the  penitentiary  at  hard  labor  for  life.* 

"With  the  passage  of  these  bills  all  semblance  of 
party  opposition  to  necessary  war  measures  disappeared 
from  the  proceedings  of  the  legislature.  Mr.  Vallandig- 
ham  visited  the  capital  and  earnestly  remonstrated  with 
the  Democrats  for  giving  their  sanction  to  the  war ;  but 
the  patriotic  enthusiasm  of  the  crisis  could  not  be  con 
trolled  by  party  discipline..  Under  the  leadership  of  ex- 

*  This  bill  was  understood  at  the  time  to  be  specially  aimed  at  Mr.  Val- 
landigham. 


PRESIDENT   OF   A   COLLEGE   AND   STATE   SENATOR.          53 

Speaker  Woods,  a  bill  passed  exempting  the  property  of 
volunteers  from  execution  for  debt  during  their  service. 
Then,  as  within  a  few  days  it  became  evident  that  far 
more  troops  were  pressing  for  acceptance  than  were 
needed  to  fill  the  President's  call  for  thirteen  regiments, 
the  legislature  acceded  to  the  sagacious  suggestion  of 
the  governor  that  they  should  be  retained  for  the  service 
of  the  State.  The  bill  authorized  the  acceptance  of  ten 
additional  regiments,  provided  five  hundred  thousand 
dollars  for  their  payment,  and  a  million  and  a  half  more 
to  be  used  in  case  of  invasion  of  the  State,  or  the  ap-. 
pearance  of  danger  of  invasion.  Other  measures  were 
adopted  looking  to  the  danger  of  shipments  of  arms 
through  Ohio  to  the  South ;  organizing  the  militia  of  the 
State ;  providing  suitable  officers  for  duty  on  the  staff  of 
the  governor;  requiring  contracts  for  subsistence  of  the 
volunteers  to  be  let  to  the  lowest  bidder;  authorizing 
the  appointment  of  additional  general  officers.  No  little 
hostility  toward  some  members  of  Governor  Dennison's 
staff  was  exhibited,  but  with  the  governor  himself  the 
relations  of  the  legislature  were  entirely  harmonious. 
In  concert  with  him  the  war  legislation  was  completed ; 
and  when,  within  a  month  after  the  first  note  of  alarm 
from  Washington  the  General  Assembly  adjourned,  the 
State  was,  for  the  first  time  in  its  history,  on  a  war 
footing. 

"  Before  the  adjournment  the  acting  speaker  had  re 
signed  to  take  a  command  in  one  of  the  regiments  start 
ing    for  Washington;     two    leading    senators   had   been 
appointed  brigadier-generals ;  and  large  'numbers  of  the 
members  had,  in  one  capacity  or  another,  entered 


54  JAMES    A.  GAKFIELD. 

the  service.  It  was  the  first  of  the  war  legislatures. 
It  met  the  first  shock ;  under  the  sudden  pressure  ma 
tured  the  first  military  laws.  It  labored  under  difficul 
ties  inseparable  from  so  unexpected  a  plunge  into  duties 
so  novel.  But  it  may  now  be  safely  said  that  in  patriot 
ism,  in  zeal  and  ability,  it  was  second  to  neither  of  its 
successors,  and  that  in  the  exuberance  of  patriotic  senti 
ment  which  wiped  out  party  lines  and  united  all  in  com 
mon  efforts  to  meet  the  sudden  danger,  it  surpassed  them 
both. 

"Although  the  country  had  been  greatly  excited  by 
the  acts  of  secession  by  the  several  States,  the  seizure 
of  forts,  and  the  defiance  of  the  general  government, 
there  still  lingered  in  the  minds  of  the  most  a  trust  that 
in  some  way  the  matter  would  be  adjusted  and  blood 
shed  would  be  avoided.  There  was  much  talk  of  war  on 
the  part  of  the  young  and  excitable,  but  the  influential 
men  and  the  masses  were  slow  to  believe  in  the  possi 
bility  of  war. 

"  Before  the  bombardment  of  Fort  Sumter  had  ended 
twenty  full  companies  were  offered  to  the  Governor  of 
Ohio  for  immediate  service.  With  the  news  of  the  sur 
render  and  the  call  of  the  President  for  volunteers,  the 
excitement  became  fervidly  intense.  Militia  officers  tele 
graphed  their  readiness  for  orders.  The  President  of 
Kenyon  College  tendered  his  services  in  any  capacity,  and 
began  by  enlisting  in  the  ranks.  The  Cleveland  Grays, 
the  Rover  Guards,  the  Columbus  Videttes,  the  State  Fen- 
cibles,  the  Governor's  Guards,  the  Dayton  Light  Guards, 
the  Guthrie  Grays — the  best  known  and  best  drilled  mili 
tia  companies  in  the  State  —  held  meetings,  and  unani- 


PRESIDENT    OF    A    COLLEGE    AND    STATE    SENATOR.  55 

mously  voted  to  place  themselves  at  the  disposal  of  the 
Government,  and  telegraphed  to  Columbus  for  orders. 
Portsmouth  announced  a  company  ready  to  march.  Chil- 
licothe  asked  if  she  should  send  a  company  t]jat  day. 
Cirdeville  telegraphed  offering  one  or  more  companies, 
announcing  that  they  had  two  thousand  dollars  raised 
to  equip  them.  Xenia  asked  leave  to  raise  a  battery 
of  artillery  and  a  company  of  infantry.  Canton  sent  up 
an  officer,  begging  the  acceptance  of  two  companies. 
Lebanon  wanted  two  companies  accepted.  Springfield 
wanted  the  same.  Lancaster  started  a  company  to  Colum 
bus.  Cincinnati,  Dayton,  Cleveland  counted  their  offers 
by  the  thousand.  Steedman,  from  Toledo,  pledged  a  full 
regiment  in  ten  days.  Prominent  men,  all  over  the 
State,  telegraphed  asking  what  they  could  do,  and  plac 
ing  themselves  at  the  disposal  of  the  authorities.  The 
instant,  all  devouring  blaze  of  excited  patriotism  was  as 
amazing  as  it  was  unprecedented.  Let  it  not.be  forgot 
ten  that  among  the  first  offers  were  some  from  colored 
men  promising  companies,  and  that,  in  obedrence  to  the 
temper  of  those  times,  they  were  refused. 

•**•*###••*# 
"  But  a  single  day  was  required  to  raise  the  first  two 
regiments  in  answer  to  the  President's  call.  On  the  next 
they  arrived,  in  separate  companies,  at  Columbus,  on  their 
way,  as  it  proved,  to  Washington.  .  .  On  the  morning  of 
the  18th  of  April  the  First  and  Second  Ohio  were  or 
ganized  from  the  first  companies  that  had  thus  hurried  to 
Columbus.  They  were  mostly  made  up  of  well  known 
militia  organizations  from  leading  towns  and  cities. 

"  There  were  no  arms,  uniforms,  equipments,  transpor- 


56  JAMES    A.  OARFIELD. 

tation  for  them.  But  the  Government  was  importunate. 
'  Send  them  on  instantly/  was  the  order  from  Washing 
ton,  <  and  we  will  equip  them,  here.7  Even  among  the 
civilians,  then  for  the  first  time  attempting  the  manage 
ment  of  soldiers,  there  were  forebodings  concerning  the 
policy  of  starting  troops  to  defend  a  threatened  city  with 
out  guns  or  ammunition ;  but  with  wild  cheers  from  the 
volunteers,  and  many  a  *  God  bless  you'  from  the  on 
lookers,  the  trains  bearing  the  unarmed  crowd  moved 
out  of  the  Columbus  depot,  long  before  dawn,  on  the 
morning  of  the  19th  of  April.  But  before  they  started, 
fresh  arrivals  had  more  than  filled  their  places  in  the 
hastily  improvised  camp  i-n  the  woods  beyond  the  rail 
road  depot,  which,  with  a  happy  thought  of  the  first 
advocate  for  the  '  coercion  of  sovereign  states,'  Governor 
Dennison  had  named  Camp  Jackson. 

******  *-* 

"  What  it  now  remains  to  us  to  tell  of  the  first  war 
administration  of  Ohio,  constitutes  the  highest  claim  of 
the  maligned  governor  to  the  regard  and  gratitude  of  his 
state  and  of  the  country.  To  a  man  of  his  sensitive 
temper  and  special  desire  for  the  good  opinion  of  others, 
the  unjust  and  measureless  abuse  to  which  his  earnest 
efforts  had  subjected  him  were  agonizing.  But  he  suf 
fered  no  sign  to  escape  him,  and  with  a  single-hearted 
devotion,  and  an  ability  for  which  the  State  had  not 
credited  him,  he  proceeded  to  the  measures  most  neces 
sary  in  the  crisis. 

"  First  of  all,  the  loan  authorized  by  the  Million  War 
Bill  was  to  be  placed,  for  without  money  the  State  could 
do  nothing.  The  common  council  of  Cincinnati  offered  to 


PRESIDENT    OF   A    COLLEGE    AND    STATE    SENATOR.  57 

take  a  quarter  of  a  million  of  it,  and  backed  its  offer  by 
forwarding  the  money.  The  State  bank,  full  of  confi 
dence  in  its  old  officer,  now  at  the  head  of  the  adminis 
tration,  was  entirely  willing  to  take  the  rest;  the  com 
mon  council  of  Columbus  was  willing  to  take  a  hundred 
thousand  dollars ;  and  offers  speedily  came  in  for  smaller 
amounts  from  other  quarters.  The  governor  was  anxious, 
however,  that  a  general  opportunity  should  be  given  to 
patriotic  citizens  throughout  the  State.  He  therefore 
discouraged  somewhat  the  large  subscribers,  and  soon 
had  the  loan  favorably  placed. 

"  Next  after  money  came  the  demand  for  arms. 
For  its  twenty-three  regiments  already  raised,  the  State 
of  Ohio  had  only  one  thousand  nine  hundred  and  eighty- 
four  muskets  and  rifles  of  all  calibres,  and  one  hundred 
and  fifty  sabres.  The  Governor  of  Illinois  had  on 
hands  a  considerable  number,  of  which  Dennison  heard. 
He  at  once  resolved  to  procure  them.  Senator  Garfield 
was  at  hand,  ready  and  willing  for  any  work  to  which 
he  might  be  assigned.  Duly  armed  with  a  requisition 
from  the  proper  authorities,  he  was  dispatched  to  the 
Illinois  capital.  He  succeeded  in  securing  five  thousand 
muskets,  and  shipped  them  straightway  to  Columbus. 
At  the  same  time — for  the  governor,  in  the  midst  of  the 
popular  abuse,  had  already  begun  to  display  a  capacity 
for  broad  and  statesmanlike  views — he  was  instructed  to 
lay  before  the  Illinois  executive  a  suggestion  as  to  the 
propriety  of  uniting  the  Illinois  troops  and  all  others  in 
the  Mississippi  Valley  under  the  Ohio  major-general. 
Glad  to  hear  of  an  officer  anywhere  who  knew  anything 
about  war,  they  joyfully  consented,  and  so  McClellan's 


58  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

department  was,  with  their  full  approval,  presently  ex 
tended  from  West  Virginia  to  the  Mississippi. 

"  Five  thousand  arms,  however,  were  but  a  drop  in 
the  bucket,  and  accoutrements  were  almost  wholly  want 
ing.  The  supply  in  the  entire  country  was  quite  limited ; 
even  in  Europe  there  were  not  enough  immediately  ac 
cessible  to  meet  the  sudden  demand ;  and  it  was  evident 
that  the  first  and  most  energetic  in  the  market  would  be 
the  first  to  secure  arms  for  their  soldiers.  Governor 
Dennison  accordingly  selected  Judge-Advocate-General 
Wolcott  of  his  staff,  a  gentleman  of  fine  ability  and  of 
supposed  business  capacity,  to  proceed  forthwith  to  New 
York  as  his  agent  for  the  purchase  of  arms.  It  was 
under  his  management  that  the  hasty  shipment  of  tent- 
poles  had  been  made,  on  which  was  based  one  of  the 
earliest  complaints  against  the  State  administration. 
He  secured  at  once,  on  terms  as  favorable  as  could  then 
be  obtained,  abtfut  five  thousand  muskets,  with  equip 
ments,  knapsacks,  canteens,  etc.,  to  correspond.  Meet 
ing  the  agent  of  the  State  of  Massachusetts,  just  as  he 
was  about  to  sail  for  England  to  purchase  arms,  he  com 
missioned  him  to  purchase  there,  for  Ohio,  a  hundred 
thousand  dollars  worth  of  Enfield  rifles.  Subsequently 
Mr.  Wolcott  secured  authority  from  the  Ordnance  Office 
of  the  War  Department,  to  purchase  directly,  on  the 
account  of  the  United  States,  such  arms  and  accoutre 
ments  as  were  needed  for  Ohio  troops;  and  the  energy 
and  personal  supervision  which  the  governor  was  thus 
able  to  secure  in  the  transaction  of  the  government  busi 
ness  for  his  State,  went  largely  to  aid  the  rapid  arming 
and  equipment  of  the  Ohio  troops.  Before  this,  however, 


PKESLDENT    OF    A    COLLEGE    AND    STATE    SENATOR.  59 

by  the  aid  of  another  agent,  General  Wool  had  been 
prevailed  upon  to  order  ten  thousand  muskets  through 
to  Columbus,  and  the  first  needs  were  thus  supplied." 

To  all  of  Governor  Dennison's  efforts,  Mr.  Gar  field 
gave  a  cordial  and  active  support,  and  rendered  the  most 
valuable  assistance  in  the  task  of  putting  the  State  in 
condition  to  do  its  full  duty  in  the  great  struggle  which 
had  now  fairly  opened. 


CHAPTER    III. 

TH»     COLLEGE     PRESIDENT     BECOMES     A     BRIGADIER-GENERAL. 

Mr.  P-wfield  organizes  a  Military  Company  among  his  Students — Is  made 
Lieutenant-Colonel — la  Promoted  to  be  Colonel  of  the  Forty-second 
Ohio  Infantry — Organization  and  History  of  the  Regiment — A  Noble 
Record— The  Forty-second  ordered  to  the  field — Joins  General  Bueli's 
Army  in  Kentucky — Garfield  is  placed  in  Command  of  a  Brigade — State 
of  affairs  in  the  West — Gar  field's  first  Campaign — An  Important  Trust 
— The  March  up  the  Sandy  Valley — The  First  Blow  struck — Rout  of 
the  Rebel  Cavalry — Colonel  Garfield  wins  a  handsome  Victory  over 
Humphrey  Marshall  at  Middle  Creek — Flight  of  Marshall's  Forces — 
Garfield  sets  the  Ball  of  Victory  in  motion — A  true  estimate  of  the 
Victory  of  Middle  Creek— A  New  Dodge— Out  of  Supplies— The  Flood 
in  the  Big  Sandy — Garfield  forces  a  Steamboat  to  ascend  the  River — 
Garfield  at  the  Wheel — A  Thrilling  Incident — Garfield  wins  another 
Victory — Drives  the  Rebels  from  Pound  Gap — Is  ordered  to  Louisville 
— Is  congratulated  by  General  Buell  in  General  Orders — Value  of  his 
Operations. 

As  has  been  stated,  it  was  Mr.  Garfield's  intention  from 
the  first  to  enter  the  army.  He  was  not  able  to  carry 
this  intention  into  effect  until  after  his  return  from  Illi 
nois,  whither  he  had  been  sent  to  purchase  arms,  as 
has  been  related.  He  now  set  to  work  to  organize  a 
command,  which  was  mainly  recruited  from  among  the 
students  of  Hiram  Eclectic  Institute.  This  company  was 
promptly  offered  for  service,  and  constituted  the  nucleus 
of  the  Forty-second  Ohio  Regiment,  of  which  organiza 
tion  Mr.  Garfield  was  appointed  lieutenant-colonel  by 


BECOMES    A    BRIGADIER-GENERAL. 


61 


Governor  Denison.  Mr.  Garfield  might  have  ;  een  ap 
pointed  colonel  of  the  regiment  had  he  chosen  to  press 
the  matter,  but  with  characteristic  modesty  he  lefrained 
from  doing  so,  and  accepted  the  position  offered  to  him, 
though  it  was  inferior  to  the  rank  he  was  entitled  to 
expect.  He  declared  his  entire  willingness  to  start  low, 
and  learn  as  he  advanced.  Five  weeks  were  devoted 
to  organizing  and  drilling  the  regiment,  and  about  the 
time  it  was  complete,  and  ready  for  service,  Garfield 
was  promoted,  without  any  solicitation  on  his  part,  to 
the  colonelcy. 

It  will  be  interesting  to  the  reader  to  know  the  sub 
sequent  history  of  this  gallant  regiment.  The  following 
list  of  its  officers  and  the  account  of  its  brilliant  career 
are  taken  from  Whitelaw  Reid's  "  Ohio  in  the  War." 


42D    REGIMENT    OHIO    VOLUNTEER    DSTFANTRY. 


ROSTER,   THREE   YEARS'   SERVICE. 


RANK. 

NAME. 

DATE    OF 
RANK. 

COM.  ISSUED. 

REMARK'S. 

Oolonel 
Do. 

JAMES  A.  GARPIELD 
LIONEL  A   SHELDON 

Aug.  14,  1861 
Mar.  14,  1862 

Dec.  14,  1861 
Mar.  28,  1862 

Appointed  Brig.-G  en.  Volt, 

Mustered  out. 

Lt.-Col. 

LIONEL  A.  SHKLUON.... 

Sspt.  6,  1861 

Dec.  14,  1861 

Promoted  to  Colonel. 

Do. 

DON  A.  PAKDEE  

Mar.  14,  1862 

Mar.  28,  1862 

Must'd  out  Oct.  26,  1864. 

Major 

DON  A.  PARDEE  

Sept.    5,  1861 

Dec.  14,  1861 

Promoted  u>  Lieut.-Col. 

Do. 

FRED.  A.  WILLIAMS.... 

Mar.  14,  1862 

Mar.  28,  1862 

Died  July  35,  1863. 

Do. 

WM.  H.  WILLIAMS  

July  as,     " 

uct      6,    ll 

Mustered  out. 

Surgeon 
A  as  >  t  Sur 

JOEL  POMERENE  
JOSEPH  W.  HARMON.... 

Sept.   7,  1861 
Oct.     3,     " 

Dec.  14,  1861 
"      14,    " 

Resigned  July  26,  1863. 
Resigned  Nov.  9,  1862. 

Do. 

J.N.  MINER  

Aug.  26,  1662 

Aug.  27,  1862 

Died  Dec.  13,  186a. 

Do. 

JOSEPH  KALB  

Mar.  10,  1863 

Mar.  10,  1863 

Resigned  Aug.  37,  1864. 

Do. 
Do. 

JOHN  W.  DRISCOLL  
H    E   WARNER  

"       31, 

Nov.  10, 

'k     10, 
Nov.  10 

Resigned  July  i,  1863. 

Chaplain. 
Captain  .  . 
Do.     .. 
Do.     .. 
Do.     .. 

TEFKKRSON  H.  JONES  
T.  C.  Bushnell  
Wm.  H.  Williams  
Chas.  H.  Howe  

"         21,    l86l 

Aug.  27, 
Sept.    3, 

Dec.  14,  1861 
Mar.    6,  1862 
6, 

Resigned  April  18,  1863. 
Resigned  Oct.  aa.  i86§. 
Prom'd  to  Major  Joly  35,186* 
Resigned  May  37,  1863. 

Tames  H    Rio-<r<!... 

Do.     ..  Chas.  P.  Jewett... 

ik      10. 

"      6.' 

Resiorifid  Tnlv  n     rRfii. 

62 


JAMES   A.  GARFIELD. 


RANK. 

NAME. 

DATE   OF 
RANK. 

COM.   ISSUED. 

REMARKS. 

Captain.. 
Do.     .. 
Do.     .. 
Do.     .. 
Do.     .. 
Do.     .. 
Do.     .. 
Do.     .. 
Do.     .. 
Do.     .. 
Do.     .. 
Do.     .. 

Do.     .. 

Do.     .. 
Do.     .. 
Do.     .. 
Do.     .. 
Do.     .. 
ist  Lieut. 
Do.     .. 

Do.     .. 
Do.     .. 
Do.     .. 
Do.     .. 
Do.     .. 
Do.     .. 
Do.     .. 
Do.     .. 
Do.     .. 
Do.     .. 
Do.     .. 
Do.     .. 
Do.     .. 
Do.     .. 
Do.     .. 
E>o.     .. 
Do.     .. 
Do.     .. 
Do.     .. 
Do.     . 
Do.     .. 
Do.     .. 
Do.     .. 
Do.     .. 
Do.     .. 
Do.     .. 
Do.     .. 
Do.     .. 
Do.     .. 
Do.     .. 
Do.     .. 
Do.     .. 
Do.     .. 
Do.     .. 
Do.     .. 
Do.     .. 
Do.     .. 
Do.     .. 
»-t  Lieut. 
Do.     .. 
Do.     .. 
Do.     .. 
Do.     .. 
Do.     .. 
Do.     .. 

Frederick  A.  Williams. 
Andrew  Gardner,  jr.  .  . 
Seth  M.  Barber  

Sept.  20,  1  86  1 
44     28,    tk 
Nov.  2,    " 

Mar.   6,  1862 

!!    6'  «! 

6, 

Promoted  to  Major. 
Resigned  Jan.  28,  1863. 
Honorably  dis'd  Mar.  6,  1864 
Honorably  dis'd  Jan.  3,  1864. 
Resigned  March  3,  1863. 
Revoked. 
Killed  May  i,  1863. 
Mustered  out  Sept.  30,  1865. 
Mustered  out  Sept.  30,  1865. 
Mustered  out. 
Mustered  out. 
Tranferred  to  and  mustered 
out  with  g6th  O.  V.  1. 
Mustered  out  Sept.  30,  1864. 
Honorably  dis'd  Apr.3o,  1864. 
Mustered  out. 
Mustered  out. 

Horace  H.  Willard  
Rollin  B.  Lynch  
Wm  N  Starr  

"     a6\    " 
Mar.  14,    " 
"     U,    " 
July  25,"' 

Oct.    22,      " 

Mar.    3,    " 
Jan.   38,  1863 
May  37,    " 

44       6,    " 
Apr.  14,    44 
44     14,    " 
Oct.     6,    " 
Nov.  17,    ik 
Apr.  22,  1863 
"       9.    " 
June  26,    " 

Wm  W  Olds  

Wm.  N.Starr  
Melvin  H.  Benham  
Thomas  L.  Hutchins.  .  . 
Edward  B.  Campbell.. 

J.  S.  Ross  

PorterS.  Foskett  
David  N.  Prince  
John  B.  Helman  

July  it,    " 
Jan.      1,1864 
May    9,    " 

1     10,    " 
Jan.    39,  1864 
May    9,    '"' 

George  K.  Pardee  
Alvin  J  Dyer  

July  25,    " 
Aug.  14,  1861 
44     16,    " 

"     3i,    " 
Sept.    3,    " 

::  -'75;  •" 

17, 

'     ao,    4< 
*•     28,    " 
Oct.     7,    4t 

Nov.    9,    " 

44        12,      " 

Feb.  28,1862 
Mar.  17,    " 
41     14.    " 

July  35,    " 
Aug.  30,  1861 
Dec.  14,    " 

M,    " 
I4i    " 
J4,    " 
T4i     " 
'4,     " 
14,    " 

It  ' 

*4,    " 

Feb.  28,'  1862 
Mar.  17,    " 
Apr.  14,    " 

Mustered  out. 
Promoted  to  Captain. 
App.  A.  Q.  M.  of  vols.;  mus 
tered  out  Nov.  15.  iS6a. 
Promoted  to  Captain. 
Promoted  to  Captain. 
Resigned  March  37,  1862. 
Resigned  April  3,  1862. 
Resigned  Jan.  31,  1863. 
Resigned  Feb.  8,  1862. 
Promoted  to  Captain. 
Transferred  to  colored  reg't 
Resigned  June  n,  1862. 
Resigned  June  5,  1863. 
Resigned  June  6,  1863. 
Promoted  to  regular  army. 
Revoked. 
Promoted  to  Captain. 
App.  Cap.  A.A.G.May  15,  '6-j 
Promoted  to  Captain. 
Promoted  to  Captain. 
Promoted  to  Captain. 
Promoted  to  Captain. 
Promoted  to  Capiain. 
Resigned  Oct.  23,  1863. 
Promoted  to  Captain. 
Promoted  to  Captain. 
Resigned  Aug.  5,  1863. 
Resigned  June  29,  1864. 
Mustered  out. 
Resigned  Sept.  24,  1864. 
Resigned  as  zd  Lieut. 
Mustered  out. 
Mustered  out. 
Mustered  out. 
Mustered  out. 
Mustered  out. 
Mustered  out  Sept.  30,  1864 
Resigned  Sept.  24,  1864. 
Mustered  out. 
Mustered  out. 
Mustered  out. 
Prom,  to  ist  Lt.  June  n,  1869 
Promoted  to  ist  Lieut. 
Died. 
Promoted  to  ist  Lieut. 
Resigned  July  5,  1862. 
Promoted  to  ist  Lieut. 
Resigned  May  9,  1863. 

Wm  W  Olds  

Joseph  D  Stubbs 

Wm.  N.Starr  
Horace  Potter  

George  F.  Brady.... 

Herman  Suaebedissen.  . 
David  Scott  

Howard  S  Bates..  . 

Thomas  L.  Hutchins... 
Orlando  C.  Risdon  
Wm.  S  Spencer.... 

Timothy  G.  Loomis... 
Marion  Knight  

Edwin  D.  Saunders.... 
John  R.  Helman  

Melvin  H.  Benham  
Wm  H  Clapp 

•  *::  :: 

June    6,    " 

«  ,f:  : 

July  35,     ' 
1     =5,     * 

Oct.    22,       ' 

Nov.  13,     ' 
Jan.   28,  1863 

^ar-  3'  '! 

May  37,    " 
ii    " 
44     a8,    " 
Dec.  16,    " 
July  it,    " 
Feb.  *6,  1864 
44     26,    " 
44     26,   4l 
Pet.   23,  1863 
May    9,  1864 

»  .£  •• 

July   35.    ll 
"     25, 
Sept.    4,  1861 

»  %  •". 

4       30,     " 
14       33,     ll 

Oct.     4,    44 

44        5t     44 

May    5,    " 
June  24,    " 
Oct.     6,    " 
"     24,    " 

;:  |;:; 

Nov.  17,    " 
Dec.  31,    " 

Apr.    9,1863 

32,     " 

June  36,   " 
44     10,    'l 

41       10,      4k 

Jan.   28,    " 
Aug.  10,    " 
Feb.  26,  1864 
'•     36,    " 

"      36,      " 

Dec.  31,  1863 
May    9,1864 
9-    " 

'    25, 

July  25,  " 
44   25,  4k 

Dec.  14,  1861 
k     14,    *' 
4     14,    4I 

::  ^  :: 

14,  " 

44      14,     <l 

Edward  B.  Campbell.. 
David  N  Prince  

J.  S.  Ross  
PorterS  Foskett  

Charles  B.  Howk  
Alvin  J.  Dyer  

George  K.  Pardee  
Charles  P.  Goodwin... 
James  T.  Henry  
Charles  E  Henry  . 

Wm  L.  Wilson 

Henry  C.  Jennings  
Albert  L.  Bowman.... 
Joseph  D  Moody  

Augustus  B.  Hubbell.. 
John  F.  Flynn  

Peter  Miller  

Henry  A.  Howard  
Matthew  Rodecker  

Horace  S.  Clark  

Lester  K  Lewis  

John  R.  Helman  
Wm.  L.  Wilson  

Andrew  J  Stone  

Wm  H  Clapp 

Horace  H.  Willard.... 
Samuel  H.  Cole  

BECOMES    A    BRIGADIER-GENERAL. 


63 


RANK. 

r 

NAMK. 

DATE    OF 
RANK. 

COM.  ISSUED. 

REMARKS. 

ad   Lieut 
Do. 
Do. 
Do. 
Do. 
D9. 
Do. 
Do. 
Do. 
Do. 
Do. 
Do. 
Do. 
Do. 
Do. 
Do. 
Do. 
Do. 
Do. 
Do. 
Do. 
Do. 
Do. 
Do. 
Do.      .. 

Melvin  H.  Benham... 
Edwin  C    Leach 

Oct.    10,1861 
Nov.    2,    " 

'k       32,      " 
"       36,      " 

Feb.  28,  1862 
Mar.  30,    " 
9'    " 

::  a  •"• 

June    6,    il 
July   s»   l< 
'     25,    " 

T  "  35>   ! 

June  n,     ' 
"     ii,     l 

Oct.    82,'        ' 

July  35,    ' 

Nov.  13,     ' 
Jan.   28,  1863 
Mar.   3,    " 
Apr.     i,    l< 
May     i,    " 
"     28,    " 
i4     25,  1864 

Dec.  14,  1861 
1     14,    " 
'     '4,     " 
'     »4»    " 
Mar.  20,  1862 

"       20,      " 

Apr.  14,    " 

May1}',    " 
June  34, 
Sept.   8,    " 
Oct.     6,    " 
"      6,    " 
"      6,    " 
11      6,    " 
"      6,    *« 
N'ov.i7,    " 
"     17,    ' 
Dec.  24,    ' 
Apr.    3,  1863 

"      33,      k 

[uly  20,    ' 
[une  10,    * 
"•     10,    ' 
May  25,1864 

Promoted  to  ist  Lieut. 
Resigned  June  5,  1863. 
Promoted  to  ist  Lieut. 
Promoted  to  ist  Lieut. 
Resigned  Nov.  13,  1863. 
Promoted  to  ist  Lieut. 
Resigned. 
Promoted  to  ist  Lieut. 
Promoted  to  ist  Lieut. 
Transferred  to  colored  reg't. 
Promoted  to  ist  Lieut. 
Declined. 
Promoted  to  ist  Lieut. 
Promoted  to  ist  Lieut. 
Promoted  to  ist  Lieut. 
Resigned  Jan.  9,  1864. 
Promoted  to  ist  Lieut. 
Promoted  to  ist  Lieut. 
Promoted  to  ist  Lieut. 
Promoted  to  ist  Lieut. 
Promoted  to  ist  Lieut. 
Promoted  to  ist  Lieut. 
Promoted  to  ist  Lieut. 
Promoted  to  ist  Lieut. 
Promoted  to  ist  Lieut. 

Porter  H.  Foskett.... 

Wm.  L.  Steward  
Edward  B.  Campbell 
Henry  C.  Jennings.. 
Charles  P.  Goodwin. 
T  S  Ross 

John  F.  Robinson... 
Peter  Miller  

Calvin  C.  Marquis... 
Charles  E.  Henry  
Charles  B.  Howk.... 
James  T  Henry 

James  S.  Bowlby  
Geonre  K.  Pardee... 
Joseph  D.  Moody  
Augustus  B.  Hwbbell 
Albert  L.  Bowman... 

Matthew  Rodecker.... 

Horace  S.  Clark  

"  THE  Forty-second  Ohio  was  organized  at  Camp 
Chase,  near  Columbus,  Ohio.  Companies  A,  B,  C,  and 
D  were  mustered  into  the  service  September  25,  1861; 
company  E,  October  30th  ;  company  F,  November  12th  ; 
and  companies  G,  H,  I,  and  K,  November  26th,  at  which 
time  the  organization  was  completed. 

"  On  the  14th  of  December  orders  were  received  to 
take  the  field,  and  on  the  following  day  it  moved  by  rail 
road  to  Cincinnati,  and  thence  by  steamer  up  the  Ohio 
River  to  Catlettsburg,  Kentucky,  where  it  arrived  the 
morning  of  December  17th.  The  regiment,  together 
with  the  Fourteenth  Kentucky  Infantry  and  McLaugh- 
lin's  squadron  of  Ohio  cavalry,  proceeded  to  Louisa,  Ken 
tucky,  and  moved  forward  to  Green  Creek.  The  whole 
command  advanced  December  31st,  and  by  the  night  of 
January  7,  1862,  encamped  within  three  miles  of  Puints- 
ville,  and  the  next  morning  five  companies,  under  com- 


64  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

mand  of  Lieutenant-Colonel  Sheldon,  took  possession  of 
the  village.  On  the  evening  of  the  same  day  Garfield 
took  the  Forty-second  and  two  companies  of  the  Four 
teenth  Kentucky,  and  advanced  against  Marshall's  for 
tified  position,  about  three  miles  south  of  the  village  of 
Paints ville.  The  infantry  reached  the  works  about  nine 
o'clock  P.  M.,  found  them  evacuated,  and  everything  valu 
able  either  carried  away  or  destroyed  ;  and  after  an  all- 
night  march,  returned  to  Paintsville  a  little  after  daylight. 
"  About  noon  on  the  9th,  Colonel  Garfield,  with 
eleven  hundred  infantry  from  the  Forty-second  Ohio  and 
other  regiments,  and  about  six  hundred  cavalry,  started 
in  pursuit  of  Marshall,  and  about  nine  o'clock  in  the  even 
ing  the  advance  was  fired  upon  by  Marshall's  pickets, 
on  the  summit  of  Abbott's  Hill.  Garfield  took  posses 
sion  of  the  hill,  bivouacked  for  the  night,  and  the  next 
morning  continued  the  pursuit,  overtaking*  the  enemy 
at  the  forks  of  Middle  Creek,  three  miles  south-west  of 
Prestonburgh.  Marshall's  force  consisted  of  about  three 
thousand  five  hundred  men,  infantry  and  cavalry,  with 
three  pieces  of  artillery.  Major  Pardee,  with  four  hun 
dred  men,  was  sent  across  Middle  Creek  to  attack  Mar 
shall  directly  in  front,  and  Lieutenant-Colonel  Monroe 
(Twenty-second  Kentucky)  was  directed  to  attack  on 
Marshall's  right  flank.  The  fight  at  once  opened  with 
considerable  spirit,  and  Pardee  and  Monroe  became  hotly 
engaged  with  a  force  four  times  as  large  as  their  own. 
They  held  their  ground  with  great  obstinacy  and  bravery 
until  re-enforcements  reached  the  field,  when  the  enemy 
commenced  to  fall  back.  The  national  forces  slept  upon 
their  arms,  and  at  early  dawn  a  reconnoissance  disclosed 


BECOMES    A    BRIGADIER-GENERAL.  65 

the  fact  that  Marshall  had  burned  his  stores  and  had  fled, 
leaving  a  portion  of  his  dead  upon  the  field. 

"  On  the  llth  the  command  took  possession  of  Pres- 
tonburgh,  Kentucky,  and  on  the  12th  returned  to  Paints- 
ville,  and  went  into  camp  until  the  first  of  February, 
when  the  force  moTed  by  boats  up  the  Big  Sandy  to 
Pikeville.  On  the  14th  of  March  the  regiment,  with 
other  troops,  took  possession  of  Pound  Gap  and  de 
stroyed  the  enemy's  camp  and  stores.  The  regiment  was 
engaged  in  several  other  expeditions  against  the  gue 
rillas.  The  arduous  nature  of  the  campaign,  the  exceed 
ingly  disagreeable  weather,  and  the  want  of  supplies, 
were  disastrous  to  the  health  of  the  troops,  and  some 
eighty-five  of  the  Forty-second  died  of  disease. 

"  On  the  18th  of  March  the  regiment  received  orders 
to  proceed  to  Louisville,  where  it  arrived  and  went  into 
camp  on  the  29th.  The  Forty-second  was  attached  to 
Brigadier-General  George  W.  Morgan's  command,  and 
moved  by  rail  to  Lexington,  Kentucky,  and  from  there 
marched  to  Cumberland  Ford,  with  three  hundred  and 
fourteen  men  for  duty.  At  Cumberland  Ford  the  regi 
ment  was  brigaded  with  the  Sixteenth  Ohio,  the  Four 
teenth  and  Twenty-second  Kentucky,  Colonel  John  F. 
De  Courcey  (Sixteenth  Ohio)  commanding.  On  the 
15th  of  May  the  brigade  crossed  the  Cumberland  River 
and  encamped  at  the  junction  of  the  roads  leading  to 
Cumberland  Gap  and  Rogers'  Gap.  On  the  5th  of  June 
Morgan's  entire  command  took  up  the  line  of  march  to 
cross  the  mountains  into  the  rear  of  Cumberland  Gap. 
Moving  by  way  of  Rogers'  Gap  into  Powell's  Valley, 
Hie  advance  was  unopposed  until  it  reached  Rogers' 

5 


66  JAMES    A.  GAPvFIELD. 

Gap  When  a  series  of  skirmishes  ensued,  nearly  all  of 
them  between  the  Forty-second  and  the  enemy.  At  one 
o'clock  A.  M.,  June  18th,  Morgan  moved  against  a  force 
at  Big  Spring,  the  Forty-second  leading;  but  the  enemy 
fled,  and  Morgan  moved  toward  Cumberland  Gap,  reach 
ing  it  at  five  P.  M.,  and  found  it  had  been  evacuated  a 
few  hours  before.  The  Forty-second  at  once  moved  into 
the  Gap,  and  was  the  first  regiment  to  plant  its  flag  on 
this  stronghold.  The  regiment  camped  on  the  extreme 
right,  near  Yellow  Creek,  performing  heavy  picket  duty, 
and  being  frequently  on  expeditions.  It  skirmished  at 
Baptist's  Gap,  at  Tazewell,  and  on  the  5th  of  August  en 
gaged  and  held  back  the  advance  of  the  army  with  which 
Kirby  Smith  invaded  Kentucky. 

"  On  the  morning  of  the  6th  a  heavy  force  attacked 
the  brigade  two  miles  beyond  Tazewell,  and  it  fell  back 
leisurely  to  Cumberland  Gap.  Company  E,  of  the  Forty 
second,  escorted  a  forage  train,  and  was  nearly  sur 
rounded,  but  by  shrewdness  and  gallantry  it  saved  the 
train  and  escaped  without  loss.  The  Gap  was  finally 
evacuated,  and  the  forces  fell  back  through  Manchester, 
crossed  the  Kentucky  River  at  Proctor,  and  crossed  the 
Ohio  at  Greenupsburg.  The  regiment  acted  as  rear 
guard  during  the  march.  When  the  Forty-second  left 
the  Gap  it  numbered  seven  hundred  and  fifty  men,  and 
while  on  the  march  there  were  issued  to  it  two  hundred 
and  seventy-five  pounds  of  flour,  four  hundred  pounds  of 
bacon,  and  two  rations  of  fresh  pork ;  the  rest  of  the  food 
consisted  of  corn,  grated  down  on  tin  plates  and  cooked 
upon  them.  The  distance  marched  was  two  hundred  and 
fifty  miles ;  the  weather  was  very  dry,  and  the  men  suf 


BECOMES    A    BRIGADIER-GENERAL.  01 

fered  for  water.  They  were  without  shoes,  and  their 
clothing  was  ragged  and  filthy.  The  Forty-second  lost 
but  one  man  on  the  retreat  from  all  causes,  and  it  was 
the  only  regiment  that  brought  through  its  knapsacks 
and  blankets.  These  proved  of  great  service,  as  the  men 
were  compelled  to  camp  at  Portland,  Jackson  County, 
Ohio,  two  weeks  before  clothing,  camp,  and  garrison  equi 
page  could  be  furnished  them. 

"On  the  21st  of  October  the  regiment  proceeded  to 
Gallipolis,  and  thence  up  the  Kanawha  to  Charlestown, 
Virginia.  It  returned  to  the  Ohio,  November  10th,  and 
embarked  for  Cincinnati,  and  moved  from  there  down  to 
Memphis,  encamping  near  the  city  on  the  28th.  While 
at  Portland,  Ohio,  the  regiment  received  one  hundred 
and  three  recruits,  and  at  Memphis  it  received  sixty-five 
more.  It  had  from  time  to  time  obtained  a  few,  so  that 
the  whole  number  reached  two  hundred  or  more,  and  the 
regiment  could  turn  out  on  parade  nearly  nine  hundred 
men.  General  Morgan's  division  was  reorganized,  and 
was  denominated  the  Ninth  Division,  Thirteenth  Army 
Corps. 

"On  the  20th  of  December,  the  Forty-second,  with 
other  troops,  under  General  W.  T.  Sherman,  embarked 
at  Memphis,  and  proceeding  down  the  river,  landed 
at  Johnston's  plantation  on  the  Yazoo.  The  Forty- 
second  led  the  advance  against  the  defenses  of  Vicks- 
burg  on  the  27th  of  December,  and  skirmished  with  the 
enemy  until  dark.  The  next  morning  the  regiment  re 
sumed  the  attack  against  the  enemy  thrown  out  beyond 
their  works,  and  protected  in  front  by  timber  and  lagoon. 
The  regiment  continued  to  advance,  without  driving  the 


68  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

enemy,  until  Colonel  Pardee  ordered  a  charge,  which  was 
made  with  great  spirit,  and  resulted  in  gaining  possession 
of  the  woods  and  driving  the  rebels  into  their  works. 
About  nine  o'clock  A.  M.  on  the  29th,  a  charge  was  made, 
the  Forty-second  being  on  the  extreme  right  of  the 
assaulting  column.  The  storm  of  shot  and  shell  was  ter 
rific,  but  the  regiment  maintained  its  organization,  and 
came  off  the  field  in  good  order.  During  the  remainder 
of  the  engagement  the  regiment  held  its  position  in  line. 
The  army  finally  retired,  re-embarked,  and  moved  to 
Milliken's  Bend. 

"On  the  4th  of  January,  1863,  the  fleet  steamed  up 
the  river  to  White  River,  and  up  it  through  a  "cut-off" 
into  the  Arkansas,  and  up  it  to  Arkansas  Post,  where  the 
troops  disembarked  and  invested  Fort  Hindman,  De 
Courcey's  brigade  being  held  in  reserve.  After  four 
hours  of  severe  cannonading  the  infantry  advanced,  and, 
several  unsuccessful  charges  having  been  made,  De  Cour 
cey's  brigade  was  ordered  to  join  Sheldon's  brigade  in 
assaulting  Fort  Hindman.  The  Forty-second  led  the 
advance,  and,  soon  after  getting  fairly  under  fire,  the 
enemy  surrendered.  Seven  thousand  prisoners,  all  the 
guns  and  small  arms,  and  a  large  quantity  of  stores  were 
captured. 

"  In  a  few  days  the  troops  re-embarked,  and  on  the 
24th  of  January  landed  at  Young's  Point.  Here  the 
Forty-second  was  allotted  its  proportion  of  the  work  on 
the  canal,  and  was  allowed  four  days  to  perform  it;  but 
so  vigorous  was  the  regiment  in  the  discharge  of  its  duties, 
that  it  accomplished  its  work  in  seventeen  hours.  On  the 
10th  of  March  the  division  moved  to  Milliken's  Bend, 


BECOMES   A    BRIGADIER-GENERAL.  69 

where  it  was  soon  joined  by  the  remainder  of  the  corps. 
Here  supplies  were  received,  and  four  weeks  were  spent 
in  drilling  and  fitting  for  the  coming  campaign. 

"  The  Ninth  Division  took  the  advance  in  the  move 
ment  toward  the  rear  of  Vicksburg.  The  troops  moved 
to  Richmond,  Madison  Parish,  Louisiana,  and  embarked 
about  thirty  miles  below  Vicksburg,  on  transports  which 
had  run  the  batteries,  and  moved  down  to  Grand  Gulf. 
Here  they  debarked,  crossed  the  point,  again  took  trans 
ports,  moved  down  to  Bruinsburg,  and  debarked  on  the 
Mississippi  side  of  the  river.  The  division  advanced 
against  Port  Gibson,  and  at  twelve  o'clock  at  night  had 
a  Alight  engagement  with  the  enemy.  The  whole  corps 
moved  up  and  bivouacked  near  Magnolia  Church.  At 
daybreak  the  troops  were  under  arms  and  advancing. 
The  Ninth  Division,  taking  the  left  of  the  line,  speedily 
engaged  the  enemy,  and  continued  in  action  until  four 
o'clock  P.  M.  The  Forty-second  was  placed  under  a 
heavy  fire  of  artillery  at  seven  o'clock  A.  M.,  and  con- 
tiued  there  until  nine  oVlock  A.  M.,  when  it  was  advanced 
to  the  centre  of  the  division  line  and  ordered  to  charge. 
The  order  was  obeyed  with  spirit  and  courage,  but,  meet 
ing  with  unexpected  obstacles,  the  division  commander 
ordered  it  to  retire.  It  continued  skirmishing  until 
twelve  o'clock,  when  it  joined  the  Sixteenth  Ohio  and 
Twenty-second  Kentucky,  and  charged  a  strong  position 
held  by  the  rebels,  but,  after  a  brave  effort,  failed  to 
dislodge  them,  and  was  again  ordered  to  retire.  It  was 
moved  to  the  right,  and  about  three  o'clock  P.  M.  made  a 
third  charge,  and  in  conjunction  with  the  Forty-ninth 
Indiana  and  One  Hundred  and  Fourteenth  Ohio,  carried 


70  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

the  enemy's  position.  In  this  engagement  the  regiment 
sustained  a  heavier  loss  than  any  other  one  in  the  corps. 

"  On  the  2d  of  May  the  corps  advanced  and  took 
possession  of  Port  Gibson,  and  moved  on  by  way  of 
Champion  Hills  and  Big  Black  Bridge  to  the  rear  of 
Vicksburg.  The  regiment  was  engaged  both  at  Cham 
pion  Hills  and  Big  Black,  but  the  loss  was  comparatively 
slight.  It  participated  in  the  charges  on  the  works  at 
Vicksburg  on  the  19th  and  22d  of  May,  the  Ninth  Divis 
ion  holding  an  advanced  position  in  the  Thirteenth  Corps. 
In  these  assaults  the  regiment  lost  heavily,  especially  on 
the  22d.  On  the  10th  of  June  the  Forty-second  was 
moved  toward  the  right  in  support  of  some  batteries, 
where  it  remained  until  June  27th,  when  it  moved  to  Big 
Black  Bridge.  After  the  surrender  of  Vicksburg  the 
regiment  inarched  to  Jackson  and  participated  in  the 
reduction  of  that  place,  and  then  returned  to  Vicksburg, 
where  it  remained  until  ordered  to  the  Department  of 
the  Gulf. 

"  The  regiment  arrived  at  Carrollton,  near  New  Or 
leans,  August  15th,  and  on  the  6th  of  September  started 
on  the  Western  Louisiana  campaign.  At  Brashear  city 
the  Ninth  and  Twelfth  Divisions  of  the  Thirteenth  Corps 
were  consolidated,  and  Brigadier-General  Lawler  was 
assigned  to  the  command  of  the  brigade.  The  brigade 
moved  up  to  Vermilion  Bayou,  and  from  there  to  Ope- 
lousas,  where  it  remained  a  few  days,  and  returned  with 
the  corps  to  Berwick  Bay.  On  the  18th  of  November 
the  brigade  crossed  to  Brashear  city,  with  the  intention 
of  going  into  Texas,  but  the  following  night  it  was  ordered 
to  Thibodeaux,  and  proceeded  thence  by  way  of  Donald- 


BECOMES   A   BRIGADIER-GENERAL.  71 

*onville  to  Plaquemine,  arriving  November  21st.  The 
regiment  remained  here  during  the  winter,  and  on  the 
24th  of  March,  1864,  moved  to  Baton  Rouge,  and  wis 
detailed  as  provost-guard  for  the  city.  On  the  1st  of 
May  the  Forty-second,  with  other  troops,  marched  on  an 
expedition  toward  Clinton,  Louisiana,  engaged  an  equal 
force  of  the  enemy  for  seven  hours,  and  at  last  drove  the 
rebels  five  miles  through  canebrakes  and  over  the  Comite 
River.  On  this  expedition  the  infantry  marched  fifty- 
four  miles  in  eighteen  hours.  The  regiment  embarked  on 
boats,  May  16th,  and  reported  to  General  Canby  at  the 
mouth  of  Red  River,  and  moved  up  to  Simmsport,  on 
the  Atchafalaya  River,  where  a  provisional  brigade  was 
formed,  comprising  the  Seventh  Kentucky,  Twenty- 
second  and  Twenty-third  Iowa,  Thirty-seventh  Illinois, 
and  Forty-second  Ohio,  Colonel  Sheldon  commanding. 
Meeting  General  Banks'  army  here,  the  regiment 
marched  to  Morganza,  Louisiana,  with  it.  The  regiment 
was  on  several  expeditions  and  in  one  slight  skirmish. 
Here  the  Forty-second  was  attached  to  the  First  Brigade, 
Third  Division,  Nineteenth  Corps.  Here,  also,  a  test- 
drill  was  held  in  the  Nineteenth  Corps,  and  company  E 
of  the  Forty-second  Ohio,  won  the  first  prize. 

"  The  brigade  moved  up  the  Mississippi,  July  15th, 
and  landed  at  the  mouth  of  White  River.  While  lying 
here  a  detachment  of  the  regiment  crossed  into  Mississippi, 
marched  fifteen  miles,  captured  two  small  parties  of  rebels, 
and  returned  within  ten  hours.  The  brigade  moved  up 
to  St.  Charles,  on  White  River,  and  after  working  ten 
days  on  the  fortifications,  made  an  expedition  of  some 
sixty  miles  into  the  country.  On  the  6th  of  August  the 


72  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD. 

brigade  returned  to  Morganza,  and  on  the  6th  of  Septem 
ber  moved  to  the  mouth  of  White  River  again.  Com 
panies  A,  B,  C,  and  D  were  ordered  to  Camp  Chase, 
Ohio,  September  15th,  and  were  mustered  out  September 
30th.  The  remaining  six  companies  were  ordered  to 
Duvall's  Bluff,  Arkansas.  Companies  E  and  F  were 
mustered  out  November  25th,  and  the  other  four  com 
panies  were  mustered  out  December  2,  1864.  One 
hundred  and  one  men  remained,  whose  term  of  service 
had  not  expired,  and  they  were  organized  into  a  com 
pany  and  assigned  to  the  Ninety-sixth  Ohio. 

"  The  regiment  bears  upon  its  banners  the  names  of 
eleven  battles,  in  which  it  lost  one  officer  and  twenty 
men  killed,  and  eighteen  officers  and  three  hundred  and 
twenty-five  men  wounded." 

On  the  14th  of  December  the  Forty-second  Ohio  re 
ceived  orders  to  take  the  field.  The  regiment  was  or 
dered  to  Catlettsburg,  Kentucky,  and  Colonel  Gar  field 
was  directed  to  report  in  person  to  General  Buell,  of 
whose  army  his  command  was  to  form  a  part.  He  did  so 
promptly,  and  was  cordially  received  by  General  Buell, 
who,  though  holding  opinions  diametrically  opposed  to 
those  of  Colonel  Garfield,  was  a  true  soldier,  and  at  once 
recognized  that  his  young  subordinate  was  made  of  the 
right  kind  of  material. 

On  the  17th  of  December,  Garfield  was  assigned  by 
General  Buell  to  the  command  of  the  Seventeenth  Bri 
gade,  which  consisted  of  the  Fortieth  and  Forty-second 
Ohio,  the  Fourteenth  and  Twenty-second  Kentucky  In 
fantry,  six  companies  of  the  First  Kentucky  Cavalry, 
and  two  companies  of  McLaughlin's  Ohio  Cavalry. 


BECOMES    A    BRIGADIER-GENERAL.  73 

The  first  duty  to  which  Colonel  Garfield  was  ordered, 
was  the  task  of  driving  Humphrey  Marshall's  confederate 
forces  out  of  the  Sandy  Valley  in  Eastern  Kentucky.  Up 
to  this  time  the  interest  of  the  war  had  been  confined 
mainly  to  the  country  east  of  the  Alleghanies.  and  but 
little  had  been  attempted  in  the  Ohio  Valley.  The  prin 
cipal  engagement,  that  of  Belmont,  had  been  unsuccess 
ful,  and  even  in  the  east  the  disasters  at  Bull  Run  and 
Ball's  Bluff  had  spread  a  gloom  over  the  loyal  States. 
General  Buell  was  collecting  a  strong  force  in  Kentucky, 
for  the  purpose  of  advancing  upon  the  Confederate  posi 
tion  at  Bowling  Green,  but  his  movements  were  ham 
pered  by  the  presence  of  two  co-operating  forces  skilfully 
planted  on  their  striking  distance  of  his  flank.  These 
were  the  command  of  General  Zollicolfer,  who  was  mov 
ing  from  Cumberland  Gap  toward  Mill  Spring,  and  the 
forces  of  General  Humphrey  Marshall,  who  was  leisurely 
moving  down  the  Sandy  Valley  and  threatening  to  over 
run  Eastern  Kentucky.  These  forces  were  a  serious 
menace  to  General  Buell,  and  until  they  could  be  driven 
back  an  advance  upon  Bowling  Green  would  be  hazard 
ous  in  the  extreme,  if  not  impossible.  Brigadier-General 
George  H.  Thomas  was  ordered  to  drive  ZollicofFer  back, 
and  Colonel  Garfield  was  directed  to  force  Marshall  out 
of  Kentucky.  The  fate  of  the  whole  campaign  depended 
upon  the  success  of  these  movements. 

Some  persons  were  inclined  to  think  that  the  choice 
of  Garfield  for  this  delicate  and  important  service  was 
rarfh.  He  had  never  seen  a  gun  fired  in  battle,  or  exer 
cised  the  command  of  troops  save  on  parade,  or  in  camp, 
or  on  the  march.  But  he  now  found  himself  at  the  head 


74  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD. 

of  four  regiments  of  infantry  and  eight  companies  of  cav 
alry,  and  was  sent  upon  a  service  the  success  or  failure  of 
which  would  aid  or  defeat  the  entire  plan  of  campaign  on 
the  part  of  General  Buell.  Opposed  to  him  was  one  of 
the  most  trusted  and  accomplished  of  the  Southern  com 
manders,  and  a  veteran  who  had  won  high  distinction  as 
the  colonel  of  the  heroic  Kentucky  regiment  at  Buena 
Vista,  in  the  war  with  Mexico.  He  had  under  him 
nearly  five  thousand  men,  with  artillery  and  cavalry,  and 
was  strongly  posted  at  the  village  of  Paiutsville,  sixty 
miles  up  the  Sandy  Valley.  Marshall  was  ordered  hy 
the  Confederate  Government  to  advance  to  Lexington, 
unite  there  with  Zollicoffer,  and  establish  the  authority 
of  the  Confederacy  over  Kentucky.  It  did  indeed  seem 
that  Garileld  was  overmatched ;  but  Buell  had  measured 
his  man,  and  was  satisfied  that  if  success  could  be  won, 
the  young  Ohio  colonel  would  win  it ;  and  he  was  content 
to  await  the  issue. 

Upon  receipt  of  his  orders,  Colonel  Garfield  at  once 
joined  the  bulk  of  his  brigade  which  was  stationed  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Big  Sandy  River.  He  at  once  broke  up 
camp,  and  advanced  up  the  valley,  sending  orders  to  the 
rest  of  his  forces  at  Paris,  to  move  across  the  country 
and  join  him  a  short  distance  below  Paintsville.  The 
force  with  which  he  began  the  movement  up  the  vailey 
was  about  twenty-two  hundred  strong. 

Marshall  was  promptly  informed  of  Garfield's  move 
ments  by  the  Southern  sympathizers  of  the  valley.  He 
left  a  small  force  of  cavalry  to  hold  his  old  position,  to 
act  as  an  escort  and  protect  his  trains,  and  with  the  rest 
of  his  forces  fell  back  to  a  stronger  position  near  Preston- 


BECOMES    A    BRIGADIER-GENERAL.  75 

Imrgh,  where  he  awaited  attack.  On  the  7th  of  January, 
1862,  while  pressing  his  advance  up  the  valley,  Colonel 
Gar  field  was  informed  of  the  position  of  Marshall's  cav 
alry,  and  at  once  sent  a  detachment  of  his  own  mounted 
men  to  attack  it,  while  with  the  rest  of  his  command  he 
pushed  on  to  make  a  reconnoissance  in  force  of  the  posi 
tion  he  still  supposed  Marshall's  main  body  to  occupv. 
To  his  surprise  he  found  the  Confederate  forces  had 
retreated.  Being  anxious  to  capture  the  cavalry  left 
behind  by  Marshall,  he  sent  orders  to  the  officer  com 
manding  the  troops  he  had  dispatched  to  attack  it,  direct 
ing  him  not  to  bring  on  the  action  until  the  main  body 
had  seized  the  Confederate  line  of  retreat.  The  courier 
who  bore  this  order  was  detained,  and  the  Union  cavalry 
in  the  meantime  attacked  the  Confederate  cavalry  and 
drove  it  back  in  confusion  after  a  short  but  sharp  en 
counter.  In  the  meantime  Garfield  pushed  on  with 
speed  towards  the  road  by  which  the  Confederates  must 
retreat.  Upon  reaching  it,  he  found  it  strewn  with  over 
coats,  blankets,  arms,  and  cavalry  equipments,  which 
showed  that  the  Union  attack  had  been  successfully 
made,  and  that  the  Confederates  had  already  retreated 
over  the  road,  and  in  great  confusion.  He  at  once  threw 
forward  the  cavalry  with  him  in  hot  pursuit,  and  con 
tinued  the  chase  until  the  outposts  of  Marshall's  new 
position  were  reached.  A  brief  reconnoissance  was 
made,  and  then  Colonel  Garfield  drew  back  his  whole 
force,  and  encamped  at  Paintsville.  The  next  morning 
he  was  joined  by  the  detachment  that  had  marched  over 
land  from  Paris.  This  brought  his  whole  force  to  about 
three  thousand  four  hundred  men,  but  he  was  without 


7(5  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD. 

artillery.  The  troops  remained  in  camp  throughout  the 
8th,  waiting  for  rations,  which  were  obtained  with  the 
greatest  difficulty. 

On  the  9th  of  January,  Colonel  Garfield  advanced 
upon  Marshall's  new  position  near  Prestonburgh.  He  was 
obliged  to  leave  about  one  thousand  of  his  men  at  Paints- 
ville  to  secure  rations  for  them,  but  with  the  rest  of  his 
force  he  made  a  vigorous  attempt  to  develop  the  enemy's 
position,  and  by  nightfall  had  driven  in  the  Southern 
pickets  and  completed  his  dispositions  for  an  attack.  He 
now  ordered  up  the  rest  of  his  command  from  Paintsville, 
and  prepared  to  open  the  attack  the  next  morning. 
That  night  the  troops  bivouacked  on  their  arms,  and  in 
the  midst  of  a  heavy  rain. 

By  four  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  January  10,  1862, 
the  Union  forces  were  in  motion.  Marshall  was  believed 
to  be  stationed  on  Abbott's  Creek.  Garfield 's  plan,  there 
fore,  was  to  get  over  upon  Middle  Creek,  and  so  plant 
himself  in  the  enemy's  rear.  But  in  fact,  Marshall's 
force  was  upon  the  heights  of  Middle  Creek  itself,  only 
two  miles  west  of  Prestonburgh.  So,  when  Garfield, 
advancing  cautiously  westward  up  the  Creek,  had  con 
sumed  some  hours  in  these  movements,  he  came  upon  a 
semicircular  hill,  scarcely  one  thousand  yards  in  front 
of  which  was  Marshall's  position,  between  the  forks  of 
the  Creek.  The  expected  re-enforcements  from  Paints 
ville  had  not  arrived ;  and  conscious  of  his  comparative 
weakness,  Colonel  Garfield  determined  first  to  develop 
the  enemy's  position  more  carefully.  A  small  body  of 
picked  men  sent  dashing  up  the  road,  drew  a  fire  from 
both  the  head  of  the  gorge  through  which  the  road  led, 


BECOMES    A   BRIGADIER-GENERAL.  77 

and  from  the  heights  on  its  left.  Two  columns  were 
then  moved  forward,  one  on  either  side  of  the  creek,  and 
the  rebels  speedily  opened  upon  them  with  musketry 
and  artillery.  The  fight  became  somewhat  severe  at 
times,  but  was,  on  the  whole,  desultory.  Garfield  re-en 
forced  both  his  columns,  but  the  action  soon  developed 
itself  mainly  on  the  left,  where  Marshall  speedily  con 
centrated  his  whole  force.  Meantime  Garfield's  reserve 
was  now  also  under  fire  from  the  commanding  position 
held  by  the  enemy's  artillery.  He  was  entirely  without 
artillery  to  reply ;  but  the  men  stationed  themselves  be 
hind  trees  and  rocks,  and  kept  up  a  brisk  though  irregu 
lar  fusillade. 

"At  last,  about  four  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  the  re- 
enforcements  from  Paintsville  arrived.  As  we  now  know, 
these  still  left  Marshall's  strength  superior  to  his  young 
assailant,  but  the  troops  looked  upon  their  opportune  ar 
rival  as  settling  the  contest.  Unbounded  enthusiasm  was 
aroused,  and  the  approaching  column  was  received  with 
prolonged  cheering.  Garfield  now  promptly  formed  his 
whole  reserve  for  attacking  the  enemy's  right,  and  carry 
ing  his  guns.  The  troops  were  moving  rapidly  up  in  the 
fast  gathering  darkness,  when  Marshall  hastily  abandoned 
his  position,  fired  his  camp  equipages  and  stores,  and  be 
gan  a  retreat  that  was  not  ended  until  he  had  reached 
Abingdon,  Virginia.  Night  checked  the  pursuit.  Next 
day  it  was  continued  for  some  distance,  and  some  pris 
oners  were  taken,  but  a  farther  advance  in  that  direction 
was  quite  impossible  without  more  transportation,  and  in 
deed  would  have  been  foreign  to  the  purpose  for  which 
General  Buell  had  ordered  the  expedition." 


78  JAMES    A.   GARFIELD. 

This  brilliant  success  was  won  by  the  Union  forces 
with  the  loss  of  but  one  man  killed  and  seven  wounded. 
Two  of  these  were  members  of  Colonel  Garfield's  own 
regiment,  and  died  of  their  wounds  shortly  after  the 
action.  Thus  was  the  first  campaign  of  the  young  Ohio 
colonel  a  handsome  success.  Speaking  of  the  battle  of 
Middle  Creek,  sometime  afterwards  when  he  had  learned 
more  of  war,  Garfield  modestly  said,  "  It  was  a  very 
rash  and  imprudent  affair  on  my  part.  If  I  had  been 
an  officer  of  more  experience,  I  probably  should  not  have 
made  the  attack.  As  it  was,  having  gone  into  the  army 
with  the  notion  that  fighting  was  our  business,  I  did  not 
know  any  better."  Captain  F.  H.  Manton,  in  his  his 
tory  of  the  Forty-second  Ohio  Regiment,  furnishes  us 
with  a  juster  view  of  this  battle  than  the  modesty  of  the 
Union  commander  allowed  him  to  indulge  in.  He  says  : 

"  The  battle  of  Middle  Creek,  skirmish  though  it  may 
be  considered  in  comparison  with  later  contests,  was  the 
first  substantial  victory  won  for  the  Union  cause.  At 
Big  Bethel,  Bull  Run,  in  Missouri,  and  at  various  points 
at  which  the  Union  and  Confederate  forces  had  come  in 
contact,  the  latter  had  been  uniformly  victorious.  The 
people  of  the  North,  giving  freely  of  their  men  and  their 
substance  in  response  to  each  successive  call  of  the  Gov 
ernment  had  long  and  anxiously  watched  and  waited  for 
a  little  gleam  of  victory  to  show  that  Northern  valor  was 
a  match  for  Southern  impetuosity  in  the  field.  They 
had  waited  in  vain  since  the  disaster  at  Bull  Run  during 
the  previous  summer,  and  hope  had  almost  yielded  to 
despair.  The  story  of  Garfield's  success  at  Middle  Creek 
came,  therefore,  like  a  benediction  to  the  Union  cause. 


BECOMES    A    BRIGADIER-GENERAL.  79 

Though  won  at  trifling  cost  it  was  decisive  so  far  as  con- 
cernel  the  purposes  of  that  immediate  campaign.  Mar 
shall's  force  was  driven  from  Kentucky  and  made  no  fur 
ther  attempt  to  occupy  the  Sandy  Valley.  The  impor 
tant  victories  at  Mill  Spring,  Forts  Donelson  and  Henry, 
and  the  repulse  at  Shiloh  followed.  The  victory  at 
Middle  Creek  proved  the  first  wave  of  a  returning  tide." 

"  But  though  they  had  defeated  the  enemy,  a  very 
serious  peril  threatened  the  Union  forces.  An  unusually 
violent  storm  broke  out.  The  mountain  gorges  were  all 
flooded,  and  the  Sandy  rose  to  such  a  height  that  steam- 
boatmen  pronounced  it  impossible  to  ascend  the  stream 
with  supplies.  The  troops  were  almost  out  of  rations 
and  the  rough  mountainous  country  was  incapable  of  sup 
porting  them.  Colonel  Garfield  had  gone  down  the  river 
to  its  mouth.  He  ordered  the  "  Sandy  Valley,"  a  small 
steamer,  which  had  been  in  the  quartermaster's  service, 
to  take  on  a  load  of  supplies  and  start  up.  The  cap 
tain  declared  it  was  impossible,  Efforts  were  made  to 
get  other  vessels,  but  without  success. 

"  Finally,  Colonel  Garfield  ordered  the  captain  and 
crew  on  board,  stationed  a  competent  army  officer  on 
deck  to  see  that  the  captain  did  his  duty,  and  himself 
took  the  wheel.  The  captain  protested  that  no  boat 
could  possibly  stem  the  raging  current,  but  Garfield 
turned  her  head  up  the  stream  and  began  the  perilous 
trip.  The  water  in  the  usually  shallow  river  was  sixty 
feet  deep,  and  the  tree-tops  along  the  banks  were  almost 
submerged.  The  little  vessel  trembled  from  stem  to  stern 
at  every  motion  of  the  engines  ;  the  waters  whirled  her 
nbout  as  if  she  were  a  skiff;  and  the  utmost  speed  that 


80  JAMES    A.  GAKFIELD. 

steam  could  give  her  was  three  miles  an  hour.  When 
mght  fell  the  captain  of  the  boat  begged  permission  to 
tie  up.  To  attempt  ascending  that  flood  in  the  dark  lie 
declared  was  madness.  But  Colonel  Garfield  kept  his 
place  at  the  wheel.  Finally,  in  one  of  the  sudden  bends 
of  the  river,  they  drove,  with  a  full  head  of  steam,  into 
the  quicksand  of  the  bank.  Every  effort  to  back  off  was 
in  vain.  Mattocks  were  procured  and  excavations  were 
made  around  the  imbedded  bow.  Still  she  stuck.  Gar- 
field  at  last  ordered  a  boat  to  be  lowered  to  take  a  line 
across  to  the  opposite  bank.  The  crew  protested  against 
venturing  out  in  the  flood.  The  colonel  leaped  into  the 
boat  himself  and  steered  it  over.  The  force  of  the  cur 
rent  carried  them  far  below  the  point  they  sought  to 
reach;  but  they  finally  succeeded  in  making  fast  to  a 
tree  and  rigging  a  windlass  with  rails  sufficiently  power 
ful  to  draw  the  vessel  off  and  get  her  once  more  afloat. 

"  It  was  on  Saturday  that  the  boat  left  the  mouth  of 
the  Sandy.  All  night,  all  day  Sunday,  and  all  through 
Sunday  night  they  kept  up  their  struggle  with  the  cur 
rent,  Garfield  leaving  the  wheel  only  eight  hours  out  of 
the  whole  time,  and  that  during  the  day.  By  nine  o'clock 
Monday  morning  they  reached  the  camp,  and  were  re 
ceived  with  tumultuous  cheering.  Garfield  himself  could 
scarcely  escape  being  borne  to  headquarters  on  the  shoul 
ders  of  the  delighted  men.'1 

The  months  of  January,  February,  and  March,  1862, 
were  comparatively  uneventful.  Colonel  Garfield  con 
tinued  to  hold  the  Sandy  Valley  with  his  forces.  A 
number  of  encounters  took  place  between  his  troops  and 
the  Confederate  guerilla  bands.  The  Union  forces  were 


WAYNE  MACVEAGH,   PRES.   GARFIELD'S   ATTORNEY-GENERAL. 


BECOMES    A    BRKJ ADIEU-GENERAL.  81 

generally  successful,  and  the  Confederates  were  gradually 
driven  from  the  State. 

In  spite  of  these  successes,  however,  Humphrey  Mar' 
shall  managed  to  maintain  a  post  of  observation  in  the 
rugged  pass  through  the  mountains  known  as  Pound  Gap. 
situated  just  on  the  border  between  Virginia  and  Ken 
tucky.     This  post  was  held  by  a  force  of  about  five  hun 
dred  men.     Garfield  determined  to  break  it  up,  and  ac 
cordingly  set  out  on  the  14th  of  March  with  about  five 
hundred  infantry  and  two  hundred  cavalry,  to  carry  this 
purpose  into  effect.     He  had  to  march  forty  miles  over 
a  road  that  was  scarcely  passable  for  a  single  horseman, 
but  he  pushed  on  with  energy,  and  by  the  evening  ot 
the  15th  he  reached  the  foot  of  the  mountain  two  miles 
north  of  the  Gap.     On  the  morning  of  the  16th  he  moved 
forward  to  attack   the  post,  sending  his  cavalry  directly 
up  the  road  through  the  Gap,  to  divert  the  enemy's  at 
tention  from  his  real  attack,   while  with  the  infantry  he 
moved  by  an  unfrequented  footpath  up  the  side  of  the 
mountain,  his  march  being  concealed  by  a  heavy  snow 
storm.     The  movements  of  the  cavalry  so  completely  ab 
sorbed  the  enemy's  attention  that  Garfield  was  enabled 
to  advance  his  infantry  to  a  point  within  a  qu:irter  of  a 
mile  of  the    Southern  position  without  being   perceived. 
Having  gained  this  point  in  safety  he  hurled  his  men  like 
a  thunderbolt  upon  the  enemy,  who,  unsuspicious  of  an 
attack  from  that  quarter  were  taken  by  surprise  and  were 
soon  thrown  into  confusion  by  it.     A  few  volleys  were 
exchanged,  and  then  the  Confederates  retreated  in  dis 
order  down  the  mountain  side,  followed  by  the  cavalry, 
who  pursued  them  for  several  miles  into  Virginia.     The 

6 


82  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

infantry  at  once  occupied  the  captured  position  and 
secured  a  considerable  quantity  of  stores.  The  entire 
Union  force  passed  the  night  in  the  comfortable  log  huts 
of  the  enemy.  The  next  morning  all  the  structures  con 
nected  with  the  post  were  set  on  fire,  together  with  the 
stores  that  Colonel  Garfield  was  unable  to  carry  away, 
and  the  Union  forces  returned  to  their  camp  in  the  Sandy 
Valley,  well  satisfied  with  the  success  they  had  won. 

On  the  23d  of  March,  Garfield  received  orders  from 
Buell  to  leave  a  small  force  at  Piketon  and  hasten  with 
the  rest  of  his  command  to  Louisville.  He  was  now  to 
take  part  in  the  more  important  operations  of  the  war. 

The  Kentucky  campaign  of  Colonel  Garfield  was  en 
tirely  satisfactory  to  his  official  superiors  and  to  the 
country  at  large.  General  Buell  was  so  well  pleased 
with  the  victory  of  Middle  Creek,  that  he  issued  a  thrill 
ing  congratulatory  order,  in  which  he  expressed  his  ap 
preciation  of  the  skill  and  good  generalship  displayed  by 
Garfield,  in  terms  of  unusual  warmth.  The  full  text  of 
the  order  was  as  follows  : 

"HEADQUARTERS,  DEPARTMENT  OF  THE  OHIO, 

Louisville,  Kentucky,  Jan.,  20,  1862. 

"GENERAL  ORDERS,  No.  40. 

"  The  general  commanding  takes  occasion  to  thank 
General  Garfield  and  his  troops  for  their  successful  cam 
paign  against  the  rebel  force  under  General  Marshall  on 
the  Big  Sandy,  and  their  gallant  conduct  in  battle. 
They  have  overcome  formidable  difficulties  in  the  char 
acter  of  the  country,  the  condition  of  the  roads,  and  the 
inclemency  of  the  season ;  and,  without  artillery,  have 


BECOMES   A    BRIGADIER-GENERAL.  83 

irt  several  engagements,  terminating  in  the  battle  on 
Middle  Creek,  on  the  10th  instant,  driven  the  enemy 
from  his  intrenched  positions  and  forced  him  back  into 
the  mountains  with  the  loss  of  a  large  amount  of  baggage 
and  stores,  and  many  of  his  men  killed  or  captured. 

"  These  services  have  called  into  action  the  highest 
qualities  of  a  soldier — fortitude,  perseverance,  courage." 

"  For  his  services  in  this  campaign  Colonel  Garfield 
was  promoted  by  the  President  to  the  grade  of  brigadier- 
general  of  volunteers,  his  commission  dating  from  the 
10th  of  January,  1862,  the  day  of  the  battle  of  Middle 
Creek.  The  promotion  gave  great  satisfaction  to  both 
the  people  of  Ohio  and  the  troops  in  tire  field,  and  all 
felt  that  a  brilliant  future  was  open  to  the  young  general. 

"  Later  criticism,"  says  Mr.  Reid,  "  will  confirm  the 
general  verdict  then  passed  on  the  Sandy  Valley  cam 
paign.  It  was  the  first  of  the  series  of  brilliant  suc 
cesses  that  made  the  spring  of  1862  so  memorable.  Mill 
Springs,  Fort  Henry,  Fort  Donelson,  Nashville,  Island 
No.  10,  Memphis,  followed  in  quick  succession;  but  it 
was  Garfield's  honor  that  he  opened  this  season  of  vic 
tories.  His  plans,  as  we  have  seen,  were  based  on 
sound  military  principles ;  the  energy  which  he  threw 
into  their  execution  was  thoroughly  admirable,  and  his 
management  of  the  raw  volunteers  was  such  that  they 
acquired  the  fullest  confidence  in  their  commander,  and 
endured  the  hardships  of  the  campaign  with  a  fortitude 
not  often  shown  in  the  first  field  service  of  new  troops. 
But  the  operations  were  on  a  small  scale,  and  their  chief 
significance  lay  in  the  capacity  they  developed  rather 
than  in  their  intrinsic  importance." 


CHAPTER    IV. 

FROM    SHILOH    TO    CHICKAMAUOA. 

General  Qarfield  given  a  Brigade  in  the  Army  of  the  Cumberland — Join* 
Buell  on  the  march — Battle  of  Pittsburgh  Landing — General  Garfield's 
share  in  this  fight — Takes  part  in  the  Pursuit — The  Siege  of  Corinth — 
Garfield's  Brigade  one  of  the  first  to  enter  the  town — Is  ordered  to  :Q- 
pair  the  Memphis  and  Charleston  Railroad— Successful  performance  of 
this  duty— Garfield  at  Huntsville— Detailed  for  Court-martial  duty — 
A  severe  illness — Ordered  to  Cumberland  Gap — Placed  on  the  Fitz-John 
Porter  Court-martial— Ordered  to  South  Carolina — Battle  of  Stone 
River — Garfield  is  appointed  Chief  of  .Staff  to  General  Rosecrans — His 
duties  and  services  in  this  position — General  Rosecrans'  quarrels  with 
the  War  Department — Garfield  endeavors  to  harmonize  these  difficulties 
— Rosecrans'  delay  at  Murfreesboro — Reasons  for  it — Garfield's  views 
respecting  it — A  stinging  letter  from  Rosecrans  to  Halleck — Garfield's 
advice  respecting  the  Reorganization  of  the  Army — It  is  disregarded — 
He  urges  Rosecrans  to  advance — A  Model  Military  Report — The  Army 
moves  off — The  Tullahoma  Campaign — A  brilliant  success — It  was 
really  due  to  Garfield — Advance  upon  Chattanooga — Retreat  of  Bragg — 
Battle  of  Chickamauga — Garfield's  share  in  it — He  is  promoted  to  be 
Major-General  of  Volunteers  for  his  conduct  at  Chickamauga. 

UPOX  reaching  Louisville,  General  Garfield  found  that  the 
Army  of  the  Ohio  was  on  its  way  to  join  General  Grant 
at  Pittsburgh  Landing,  on  the  Tennessee  River,  and  had 
aire.v,1y  moved  beyond  Nashville.  He  set  out  quickly 
after  it,  and  joined  it  about  thirty  miles  south  of  Colum 
bia.  Upon  reporting  to  General  Buell  he  was  ordered  to 
bike  command  of  the  Twentieth  brigade,  which  at  that 
time  formed  a  part  of  General  Thomas  J.  Wood's  division. 


FROM    SHILOH    TO    CHICKAMAUGA.  85 

The  latter  part  of  the  march  was  made  with  all  speed, 
for  news  had  come  that  the  Confederates  had  attacked 
General  Grant's  army  at  Pittsburgh  Landing,  and  were 
pressing  it  very  hard.  Late  in  the  afternoon  of  the  first 
day  of  the  battle,  the  advanced  forces  of  General  Buell 
reached  the  battle-field.  The  division  to  which  Garfield 
was  attached  arrived  about  noon  on  the  second  day, 
April  7th,  and  was  at  once  thrown  forward  into  the 
action.  Garfield's  brigade  took  part  in  the  closing 
scenes  of  the  battle,  and  acquitted  itself  with  distinction, 
though  the  Union  victory  was  already  decided  when  it 
arrived  upon  the  scene.  Concerning  the  part  played  by 
Buell's  troops  in  this  great  battle  the  brilliant  author  of 
"  Ohio  in  the  War  "  says  : 

"  We  need  not  repeat  the  sad  story  of  the  first  day's 
disaster,  which,  in  other  pages,  has  been  fully  traced. 
Before  Nelson  could  get  up  with  his  advance  division, 
Grant  was  sending  back  earnestly  for  assistance,  and 
representing  the  force  with  which  he  was  engaged  at  a 
hundred  thousand. 

"  The  advance  of  Nelson's  division,  after  waiting  for 
some  time  opposite  the  landing  for  means  of  crossing, 
reached  the  field  just  as  the  rebels  were  making  their 
last  advance.  It  rapidly  took  post  under  General  Buell's 
direction,  and  opened  with  musketry  and  artillery.  No 
more  ground  was  yielded,  and  the  troops  encamped  in 
line  of  battle. 

"  There  was  no  conference  between  the  command 
ers.  One  of  Grant's  subordinates  furnished  Buell  with 
a  rough  map  of  the  ground,  and  there  was  a  common 
understanding  that  operations  must  be  renewed  at  day- 


86  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD. 

light.  Through  the  night  Crittenden's  division  of  BuelL's 
nrmy  arrived,  and  was  moved  out  upon  Nelson's  right. 
McCook's,  which  arrived  in  time  to  get  into  action  only 
a  little  later  than  the  others,  was  used  for  further  pro 
longation  to  the  right. 

"  And  now  was  seen,  even  more  conspicuously  than 
in  the  steady  marching,  the  results  of  the  fine  discipline 
which  Buell  had  been  enforcing.  At  daybreak  Nelson, 
moving  in  line  of  battle,  drove  in  the  enemy's  pickets  and 
engaged  his  artillery.  The  other  divisions  were  then 
brought  up,  and  with  varying  fortune  the  whole  line  ad 
vanced.  It  stretched  over  three-fourths  of  the  battle 
field.  The  remainder  was  left  to  the  arriving  fragments 
of  Grant's  army.  There  was  no  straggling  from  that 
line ;  no  confused  breaking  and  fleeing  to  the  rear  on  the 
first  onset  of  the  enemy.  Many  of  the  troops  had  never 
before  been  under  fire ;  and  they  were  commanded  by  a 
Sman  who,  before  that  eventful  day,  had  never  handled  so 
large  a  force  as  a  single  regiment  in  action.  But  he  was 
a  soldier,  and  he  was  manoeuvring  men  of  whom  he  had 
made  soldiers.  An  effort  was  made  to  turn  his  right 
flank — he  promptly  threw  in  McCook's  division  to  check 
it.  An  effort  was  made  to  turn  his  left  flank — he  parried 
it,  then  brought  up  the  reserves  at  that  point,  hurled  the 
whole  force  against  Beauregard's  right,  drove  it,  and  so 
flanked  the  rest  of  the  rebel  line,  which  speedily  fell 
back.  Then  again  the  whole  line  advanced. 

"  At  no  time  did  the  force  thus  wielded  lose  its  cohe 
sion,  but  there  were  moments  when  the  prospect  looked 
gloomy.  A  battery  was  driven,  with  its  supports,  and  a 
caisson  was  lost.  Another  battery  was  driven,  and  sev- 


FROM    SIIILOH    TO   CHICKAMAUGA.  87 

era!  guns  were  lost.  But  the  line  speedily  rallied,  and 
they  were  recaptured.  Then  again  it  pressed  forward. 
For  hours  still  the  struggle  continued  through  the  alter 
nate  strips  of  woodland  and  little  intervals  of  farm-land, 
on  which,  the  day  before,  Grant's  army  had  retreated. 
McCook's  division  had  the  honor  of  ending  the  struggle, 
and  its  last  charge  carried  it  into  the  camps  from  which 
Sherman  had  been  driven.  The  disaster  was  retrieved — 
at  a  cost  to  Buell's  army  of  two  thousand  one  hundred 
and  sixty-seven  killed,  wounded,  and  missing.  An  equal 
or  greater  loss  had  been  inflicted,  and  twenty  pieces  of 
rebel  artillery  had  been  captured." 

On  the  8th  of  April,  Garfield  moved  forward  with 
Sherman's  advance  in  the  pursuit  of  the  retreating  enemy, 
and  had  a  sharp  encounter  with  the  Confederate  rear 
guard  a  few  miles  beyond  the  battle-field. 

The  Confederates  retreated  to  their  strong  position  at 
Corinth.  The  Union  army  advanced  to  that  point,  and 
General  Halleck  assumed  the  command  of  all  the  forces. 
The  Confederate  position  was  formally  invested,  and  a 
regular  siege  of  the  place  was  begun.  General  Garfield's 
brigade  bore  its  full  share  in  the  tiresome  and  laborious 
operations  of  the  siege.  On  the  30th  of  May  the  Confed 
erates  completed  the  evacuation  of  Corinth,  which  they 
had  begun  some  weeks  ago,  and  retired  in  safety  to  a 
position  farther  south,  leaving  to  General  Halleck,  as  the 
fruits  of  his  siege  operations,  their  deserted  works  and 
about  four  hundred  prisoners.  The  Union  forces  occupied 
Corinth  the  next  day,  Garfield's  brigade  being  among  the 
first  to  enter  the  abandoned  stronghold. 

Corinth  having  fallen,  General  Buell  was  ordered  by 


00  JAMES    A.  GAKFIELD. 

General  Halleck  to  advance  through  North  Alabama  to 
Chattanooga,  Tennessee,  for  the  purpose  of  liberating 
East  Tennessee.  General  Buell  urged  a  more  northerly 
route,  leading  through  Middle  Tennessee  and  McMinn- 
ville,  but  having  for  its  end  the  occupation  of  the  same 
points,  Knoxville,  Chattanooga,  and  Dalton.  Halleck 
accepted  this  change,  but  on  the  12th  of  June  withdrew 
his  consent  to  it,  and  ordered  Buell  to  advance  along  the 
line  of  the  Memphis  and  Charleston  railway,  with  Corinth 
as  a  second  base.  He  was  directed  to  repair  the  railroad 
as  he  advanced.  To  General  Garfield's  brigade,  General 
Buell  assigned  the  task  of  repairing  the  railroad  eastward 
from  Corinth  to  Decatur,  an  arduous  task,  and  one  which 
subsequently  proved  of  no  practical  benefit  during  the 
campaign  which  followed.  Garfield  executed  his  orders 
as  promptly  as  was  possible.  Crossing  the  Tennessee 
River  at  Decatur,  he  advanced  to  Hunts ville,  Alabama, 
where  he  remained  during  the  rest  of  the  campaign. 

While  at  Huntsville,  General  Garfield  was  made  presi 
dent  of  a  court-martial  appointed  for  the  trial  of  Colonel 
Turchin,  whose  command  had  committed  unpardonable 
excesses  in  its  reoccupation  of  Athens,  Alabama.-  The 
ability  which  he  displayed  in  the  trial  of  this  case,  which 
resulted  in  the  dismissal  of  Colonel  Turchin  from  the 
army,  attracted  the  attention  of  his  superiors,  and  caused 
him  to  be  detailed  on  several  other  courts-martial. 

The  malarious  character  of  the  country  in  which  he 
was  serving  revived  the  old  tendency  to  fever  and  ague 
which  General  Garfield  had  contracted  when  a  boy  boat 
man  on  the  Ohio  canal,  and  he  was  now  seized  with  an 
attack  of  chills  and  fever  so  violent  that  he  was  sent 


FROM    SIIILOH    TO   CHICKAMAUGA.  89 

home  on  sick  leave  about  the  first  of  August,  1862. 
About  the  same  time  orders  were  received  from  Wash 
ington,  tendering  him  a  new  and  more  important  com 
mand.  The  Secretary  of  War  had  formed  a  high  esti 
mate  of  General  Garfield 's  military  ability,  an  opinion 
which  he  continued  to  entertain  throughout  the  war,  and 
he  now  ordered  General  Garfield  to  repair  at  once  to 
Cumberland  Gap,  and  relieve  General  George  W.  Morgan 
of  the  command  of  the  Union  forces  at  that  point.  When 
these  orders  reached  General  Garfield  he  was  confined 
to  his  bed,  and  was  too  ill  to  execute  them.  About  a 
month  later  the  Secretary  of  War  ordered  him  to  report 
to  him  in  person,  at  Washington,  as  soon  as  the  state  of 
his  health  would  permit  him  to  return  to  duty. 

Reaching  Washington,  he  found  that  he  had  been  ap 
pointed  by  the  Secretary  of  War  one  of  the  first  members 
of  the  court-martial  summoned  for  the  trial  of  General 
Fitz-John  Porter  on  charges  preferred  against  him  by 
General  Pope.  This  selection  was  caused  by  the  confi 
dence  which  the  Government  had  come  to  repose  in 
General  Garfield's  knowledge  of  the  law,  his  excellent 
judgment  and  impartiality,  as  well  as  .his  sterling  devo 
tion  to  the  Union.  He  attended  the  sessions  of  the  court 
throughout  the  trial  with  most  earnest  attention,  and 
gave  his  vote  for  the  verdict  by  which  General  Porter 
was  dismissed  from  the  army  and  rendered  incapable  of 
holding  any  position  of  profit  or  trust  under  the  Govern 
ment  of  the  United  States.  He  has  always  maintained 
the  justice  of  this  sentence,  and  during  his  subsequent 
service  in  Congress  has  firmly  opposed  any  and  all  at 
tempts  to  reopen  the  matter  or  to  set  aside  the  sentence 


JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

of  the  court-martial.  He  declared  that  the  evidence 
before  the  court  showed  beyond  question  that  Portei 
had  wilfully  permitted  the  defeat  of  Pope's  army  at  the 
second  battle  of  Bull  Run,  and  that  no  less  punishment 
than  absolute  dismissal  from  the  service  would  be  at  all 
adequate  to  his  offense.  The  duties  of  the  court-martial 
detained  General  Garfield  in  Washington  during  almost 
the  whole  of  the  autumn  of  1862.  The  president  of  the 
court  was  Major-General  David  Hunter,  who  was  to  take 
command  in  South  Carolina  upon  the  adjournment  of 
the  court-martial.  He  conceived  a  warm  friendship  for 
Garfield,  which  was  returned,  and*was  drawn  to  him  es 
pecially  by  the  strong  antislavery  views  of  the  latter, 
which  had  been  greatly  strengthened  by  his  experience 
during  the  war.  General  Hunter  applied  for  and  ob 
tained  an  order  from  the  War  Department  detailing  Gen 
eral  Garfield  for  service  with  him  in  South  Carolina. 
This  appointment  was  very  gratifying  to  General  Gar- 
field,  and  he  was  in  the  midst  of  his  preparations  to  pro 
ceed  to  Port  Royal,  when  the  order  was  revoked,  and  he 
was  directed  to  proceed  to  a  new  field  of  duty.  In  the 
last  days  of  December,  1862,  the  western  army,  in  which 
General  Garfield  had  won  his  first  distinction,  fought  the 
terrible  battle  of  Stone  River,  or  Murfreesboro,  winning  a 
memorable  victory.  Among  the  killed  was  the  lamented 
General  Garesche,  chief  of  staff  to  General  Rosecrans, 
the  commander  of  the  army.  The  post  thus  made  va 
cant  was  one  of  the  greatest  importance,  and  as  General 
Garesche  had  been  regarded  as  one  of  the  most  brilliant 
officers  in  the  service,  it  was  felt  that  his  successor  must 
be  a  man  who  would  not  suffer  upon  comparison  with 


FROM    SHILOH    TO   CHICKAMAUGA.  91 

him  The  Secretary  of  War  determined  to  appoint  Gen- 
eral  Garfield  to  the  vacancy ;  and  so,  early  in  January, 
1863,  his  South  Carolina  appointment  was  revoked,  and 
he  was  ordered  to  proceed  to  Tennessee  and  join  General 
Rosecrans. 

"  The  chief  of  staff  should  bear  the  same  relation  to 
his  general  that  a  minister  of  state  does  to  his  sovereign. 
What  this  last  relation  is  the  most  brilliant  of  recent 
historians  shall  tell  us :  '  The  difference  between  a  ser 
vant  and  a  minister  of  state  lies  in  this,  that  the  servant 
obeys  the  orders  given  him  without  troubling  himself 
concerning  the  question,  whether  his  master  is  right  or 
wrong ;  while  a  minister  of  state  declines  to  be  the  in 
strument  for  giving  effect  to  measures  which  he  deems  to 
be  hurtful  to  his  country.  The  chancellor  of  the  Russian 
Empire  was  sagacious  and  politic.  .  .  That  the  Czar  was 
wrong  in  these  transactions  against  Turkey  no  man  knew 
better.  .  .  But  unhappily  for  the  Czar  and  for  his  em 
pire,  the  minister  of  state  did  not  enjoy  so  commanding  a 
station  as  to  be  able  to  put  restraint  upon  his  sovereign, 
nor  even  perhaps  to  offer  him  counsel  in  his  angry  mood/ 
We  are  now  to  see  that  in  some  respects  our  chief  of 
staff  came  to  a  singular  experience. 

"  From  the  day  of  his  appointment  General  Garfield 
become  the  intimate  associate  and  confidential  adviser  of 
his  chief.  But  he  did  not  occupy  so  commanding  a  sta 
tion  as  to  be  able  to  put  restraint  upon  him. 

"  The  time  of  General  Garfield's  arrival  marks  the 
beginning  of  that  period  of  quarrels  with  the  war  depart 
ment,  in  which  General  Rosecrans  frittered  away  his  in 
fluence  and  paved  the  road  for  his  removal.  We  have 


92  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

seen,  in  tracing  the  career  of  that  great  strategist  and 
gallant  soldier,  how  unwise  he  always  was  in  caring  for 
his  own  interests,  and  how  imprudent  was  the  most  of  his 
intercourse  with  his  superiors.  Yet  he  was  nearly  always 
right  in  his  demands.  General  Garfield  earnestly  sym 
pathized  with  his  appeals  for  more  cavalry  and  for  re 
volving  arms,  a  demand  which  General  Buell  had  made 
quite  as  emphatically  as  his  successor,  and  with  an  ac 
curate  prediction  of  the  evils  that  would  flow  from  its 
absence.  But  Garfield  did  all  that  lay  in  his  power  to 
soften  the  tone  of  asperity  which  his  chief  adopted  in 
his  despatches  to  Washington.  Sometimes  he  took  the 
responsibility  of  totally  suppressing  an  angry  message. 
Oftener  he  ventured  to  soften  the  phraseology.  But  in 
all  this  there  was  a  limit  beyond  which  he  could  not  go ; 
and  when  Rosecrans  had  pronounced  certain  statements 
of  the  department  'a  profound,  grievous,  cruel,  and  un 
generous  official  and  personal  wrong,'  the  good  offices  of 
the  chief  of  staff  were  no  longer  efficacious — the  breach 
was  irreparable.  Thenceforward  he  could  only  strive  to 
make  victories  in  the  field  atone  for  errors  in  council." 

The  army  of  General  Rosecrans  remained  at  Mur- 
freesboro  from  the  4th  of  January  to  the  23d  of  June, 
1863.  In  his  testimony  before  the  committee  on  the 
conduct  of  the  war,  General  Rosecrans  explains  this 
delay  by  the  weakness  of  his  cavalry  force,  the  scarcity 
of  forage,  the  nature  of  the  roads,  and  the  policy  of 
holding  Bragg  on  his  front  rather  than  driving  him  out 
of  Tennessee,  only  that  he  might  unite  with  Joseph  E. 
Johnston  and  fall  upon  Grant  who  was  still  ineffectually 
struggling  before  Vicksburg.  In  his  sketch  of  his  mili- 


FHOM    SHILOH    TO   CHICKAMAUGA.  93 

tary  career,  officially  furnished  to  the  war  department, 
he  says  :  "  The  detachment  of  General  Burnside's  troops 
to  Vicksburg,  the  uncertainty  of  the  issue  of  our  opera 
tions  there,  and  the  necessity  of  c  nursing/  so  to  speak, 
General  Bragg  on  my  front,  to  keep  him  from  retiring 
behind  the  mountain  and  the  Tennessee,  whence  he  could 
and  would  have  been  obliged  to  send  heavy  re-enforce 
ments  to  Johnston,  delayed  the  advance  of  my  army 
until  the  23d  of  June,  when,  the  circumstances  at  Vicks- 
burgh  and  the  arrival  of  all  our  cavalry  horse  warranting 
it,  we  began  the  campaign.  And  in  his  correspondence 
with  the  genera  1-in-chief,  he  said  that  to  fight  in  Tennes 
see  while  Grant  was  about  fighting  at  Vicksburg,  would 
violate  one  of  the  fundamental  maxims  -of  war,  the 
proper  application  of  which  would  forbid  this  nation  from 
engaging  all  its  forces  in  the  great  West  at  the  same 
time,  so  as  to  leave  it  without  a  single  reserve  to  stem 
the  current  of  possible  disaster." 

"  Some  of  these  considerations  are  of  undoubted 
weight ;  but  on  the  whole  they  will  hardly  seem  now  to 
have  afforded  sufficient  cause  for  the  delay.  In  point  of 
fact,  Bragg  profited  by  it  to  detach  a  considerable  portion 
of  his  troops  to  the  rebel  lines  of  the  south-west,  the  very 
result  which  Rosecrans  imagined  himself  to  be  hindering. 
There  are  no  traces  of  complaint  from  Grant  himself  on 
the  subject,  but  his  friends  were  not  silent ;  and  there  is 
some  reason  to  think  that  their  importunity  served  still 
farther  to  exasperate  the  already  dissatisfied  feelings  of 
the  general-iii-chief. 

"  Presently  there  sprang  up  an  extraordinary  state 
of  affairs  between  that  officer  and  General  Rosecrans. 


94  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

The  latter  asked  for  cavalry.  General  Halleck  replied  a* 
if  he  thought  it  a  complaint.  Rosecrans  telegraphed  the 
Secretary  of  War.  In  reply  came  fresh  hints  from  Hal 
leck  about  the  tendency  of  his  subordinate  to  complain  of 
his  means  instead  of  using  them.  Rosecrans  begged  for 
revolving  rifles,  adding  almost  piteously :  '  Don't  be 
weary  at  my  importunity.  No  economy  can  compare 
with  that  of  furnishing  revolving  arms ;  no  mode  of  re 
cruiting  will  so  promptly  and  efficaciously  strengthen  us/ 
But  the  Prussian  war  not  yet  having  been  fought  the 
practical  general-in-chief  considered  such  applications  the 
extravagant  whims  of  a  dreaming  theorist. 

"  The  despatches  for  '  cavalry/  '  cavalry,7  '  cavalry/ 
continued.  On  20th  March,  General  Rosecrans  said : 
'  Duty  compels  me  to  recall  the  attention  of  the  War 
Department  to  the  necessity  of  more  cavalry  here.  Let 
it  be  clearly  understood  that  the  enemy  have  five  to  our 
one,  and  can,  therefore,  command  the  resources  of  the 
country  and  the  services  of  the  inhabitants.'  On  29th 
March  again :  '  General  Rousseau  would  undertake  to 
raise  eight  or  ten  thousand  mounted  infantry.  I  think 
the  time  very  propitious.'  On  24th  April,  still  the  same  • 
'  Cavalry  horses  are  indispensable  to  our  success  here 
This  has  been  stated  and  reiterated  to  the  department ; 
but  horses  have  not  been  obtained.'  Again,  on  10th 
May,  in  reply  to  a  letter  of  General  Halleck,  proving  to 
him  that  he  had  cavalry  enough  :  *  We  have  at  no  time 
been  able  to  turn  out  more  than  five  thousand  for  actual 
duty.  I  am  not  mistaken  in  saying  that  this  great  army 
would  gain  more  from  ten  thousand  effective  cavalry  than 
from  twenty  thousand  infantry.'  On  26th  July:  '  I  have 


FROM    SHILOH    TO   CHICKAMAUGA.  95 

sent  General  Rousseau  to  Washington,  directed  to  lay 
before  you  his  plan  for  obtaining  from  the  disciplined 
troops  recently  mustered  out  in  the  East,  such  a  mounted 
force  as  would  enable  us  to  command  the  country  south 
of  us.'  This  last  application  ended  the  list.  General 
Rousseau  returned,  telling  Rosecrans  that  he  '  was  satis 
fied  his  official  destruction  was  but  a  question  of  time 
and  opportunity ;  the  will  to  accomplish  existed,  and 
there  was  no  use  to  hope  for  any  assistance  from  the  War 
Department.  The  Secretary  of  War  had  (  even  gone  so 
far  as  to  say  that  he  would  be  damned  if  he  would  give 
Rosecrans  another  man.' 

"  For  meantime,  the  high  spirit  and  utter  lack  of  cau 
tion  in  personal  matters  which  so  distinguished  General 
Rosecrans,  had  led  to  two  other  breaches  with  the  de 
partment.  Either  of  them  would  have  served  to  make 
his  position  as  a  successful  general,  vigorously  prosecut 
ing  a  triumphant  campaign,  sufficiently  unpleasant.  As 
a  delaying  general,  furnishing  excuses  for  not  undertak 
ing  the  campaign  on  which  the  Government,  with  all  its 
power,  was  urging  him,  they  were  enough  to  work  his 
ruin  Yet  who  can  check  a  thrill  of  honest  pride  as  he 
reads  that  an  Ohio  general,  in  such  a  plight,  had  sturdy 
manhood  enough  left  to  send  a  despatch  like  this  to  the 
all  powerful  general-in-chief. 

"  MURFREESBORO,  6th  March,  1863. 

"  General : — Yours  of  the  1st  instant,  announcing  the 
offer  of  a  vacant  major-generalship  in  the  regular  army 
to  the  general  in  the  field  who  first  wins  an  important 
and  decisive  victory,  is  at  hand.  As  an  officer  and  a 


96  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD. 

citizen  I  feel  degraded  at  such  an  auctioneering  of  honors 
Have  we  a  general  who  would  fight  for  his  own  persona] 
benefit  when  he  would  not  for  honor  and  his  country  ? 
He  would  come  by  his  commission  basely  in  that  case, 
and  deserve  to  be  despised  by  men  of  honor.  But  are  all 
the  brave  and  honorable  generals  on  an  equality  as  to 
chances  ?  If  not,  it  is  unjust  to  those  who  probably 
deserve  most. 

"  W.  S.  ROSECRANS,  Major-General. 

"  To  Major-General  II.  W.  HALLECK, 
General-in-Chief." 

"  Under  the  merited  sting  of  this  incautious  but  unan 
swerable  rebuke,  General  Halleck  renewed  his  complaints, 
found  fault  with  Rosecrans'  reports,  and  his  failures  to 
report,  and  even  criticised  the  expenses  of  his  telegraph 
ing.  At  last,  Rosecrans,  chafing  under  one  of  these  de 
spatches,  with  absolutely  characteristic  lack  of  prudence, 
was  stung  into  saying  :  '  That  I  am  very  careful  to  in 
form  the  department  of  my  successes,  and  of  all  captures 
from  the  enemy,  is  not  true,  as  the  records  of  our  office 
will  show;  that  I  have  failed  to  inform  the  Government 
of  my  defeats  and  losses  is  equally  untrue,  both  in  letter 
and  in  spirit.  I  regard  the  statement  of  these  two  propo 
sitions  of  the  War  Department  as  a  profound,  grievous, 
cruel,  and  ungenerous  official  and  personal  wrong.'  Was 
it  wonderful  now — human  nature  being,  after  all,  only 
human  nature — that  Rosecrans'  official  destruction  was 
but  a  question  of  time  and  opportunity  ?"  * 

*  This  summary  of  General  Rosecrans'  relations  with  the  War  Depart 
nient  is  introduced  here  that  the  reader  may  have  a  clearer  understanding 
of  the  delicate  and  often  difficult  duties  of  General  Garfield's  position. 


FROM    SHILOH    TO    OI1ICKAMAUGA.  97 

General  Garfield  regarded  the  organization  of  the 
army  of  General  Rosecrans  ;is  radically  defective,  and 
so  expressed  himself  to  his  chief.  He  was  satisfied  that 
it  was  a  vital  error  to  retain  in  command  of  the  wings 
two  generals  who  had  shown  themselves  incapable,  arid 
one  of  his  first  official  acts  was  to  recommend  the  im 
mediate  displacement  of  Generals  T.  L.  Crittenden  ami 
A.  M.  McCook.  He  urged  General  Rosecrans  to  ap- 
point  in  their  places  Generals  John  McDowell  and  Don 
Carlos  Buell.  He  had  the  good  sense  to  feel  confidence 
in  the  genuine  ability  of  those  officers  in  spite  of  their  mLs- 
fortunes,  and  was  not  influenced  by  the  popular  prejudice 
against  those  officers.  He  argued  that  McDowell  and 
Buell  were  not  only  officers  admirably  suited  to  the 
commands  he  proposed  for  them,  but  that  their  grati 
tude  to  General  Rosecrans,  in  case  of  their  appointment. 
for  the  opportunity  to  emerge  from  the  cloud  which  ob 
scured  them,  would  stimulate  them  to  a  zealous  and  able 
execution  of  his  plans.  By  making  these  appointments 
and  retaining  General  George  H.  Thomas  in  his  present 
command,  the  Army  of  the  Cumberland  would  be  the 
best  officered  force  in  the  service  of  the  Republic.  Rose 
crans  admitted  all  this,  and  said  he  was  convinced 
that  Crittenden  and  McCook  ought  to  be  replaced  by 
better  men,  but  with  characteristic  kindness  of  heart 
said,  "  he  hated  to  injure  two  such  good  fellows,"  and 
declined  to  remove  them. 

The  delay  at  Murfreesboro  irritated  the  War  De 
partment,  as  has  been  said,  and  as  the  spring  wore  on, 
the  Government  demanded  an  advance  with  extraordinary 
vehemence.  "  General  Rosecrans  delayed,  waiting  foi 
7 


98  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

cavalry,  for  re-enforcements,  for  Grant's  movements 
before  Vicksburg,  for  the  movements  of  the  enemy,  for 
the  opinions  of  his  generals."  General  Garfield  was 
at  first  in  sympathy  with  his  chief  in  these  delays,  lie 
fully  realized  the  importance  of  delaying  a  movement 
until  the  army  should  be  massed  and  strengthened  ;  but 
;is  time  passed  on,  he  too  began  to  be  impatient,  and 
urged  the  commanding  general  to  an  immediate  move 
ment.  "  He  had  established  a  secret  service  system, 
then,  perhaps,  the  most  perfect  in  any  of  the  Union  ar 
mies.  From  the  intelligence  it  furnished,  he  felt  sure 
that  Bragg's  force  had  been  considerably  reduced,  and 
was  now  greatly  inferior  to  that  of  Rosecrans.  As  he 
subsequently  said,  he  refused  to  believe  that  this  army 
which  had  defeated  a  superior  force  at  Stone  River, 
could  not  now  move  upon  an  inferior  one  with  reasonable 
prospects  of  success.  Garfield  continued  to  urge  his 
views  upon  his  commander,  and.,  finally,  General  Rose 
crans  made  a  formal  request  to  his  corps,  division,  and 
cavalry  commanders  to  submit  in  writing  their  views  as 
to  the  propriety  of  an  early  advance.  This  request  was 
addressed  to  seventeen  generals,  and  with  singular  una 
nimity  each  and  all  advised  against  a  forward  movement. 
They  gave  diverse  reasons,  but  reached  the  same  con 
clusion.  Not  one  favored  an  immediate  advance,  and 
none  were  willing  to  advise  even  an  early  advance. 

"  General  Garfield  collected  the  seventeen  letters 
sent  in  from  the  generals  in  reply  to  the  questions  of 
their  commander,  and  fairly  reported  their  substance, 
coupled  with  a  cogent  argument  against  them,  and  in 
favor  of  an  immediate  movement.  This  report  we 


FROM    SII1LOH    TO    CHICK  AM  A  UG  A.  1)9 

venture  to  pronounce  the  ablest  military  document 
known  to  have  been  submitted  by  a  chief  of  staff  to  his 
superior  during  the  war.  General  Garfield  stood  abso 
lutely  alone,  every  general  commanding  troops  having 
as  we  have  seen,  either  openly  opposed  or  failed  to  ap 
prove  an  advance.  But  his  statements  were  so  clear 
and  his  arguments  so  forcible  that  he  carried  conviction. 
We  give  the  full  text  of  this  report,  which  will  be 
found  of  great  interest  to  the  reader.  It  is  as  follows  : — 

"  IIEADQUARTERS,    DEPARTMENT   OF    THE    CUMBERLAND, 

Murfreesloro,  June  12,  1863. 

"  General : — In  your  confidential  letter  of  the  8th 
instant  to  the  corps  and  division  commanders  and  gen 
erals  of  cavalry  of  this  army,  there  were  substantially 
five  questions  propounded  for  their  consideration  and  an 
swer,  viz.  : — 

"  1.  lias  the  enemy  in  our  front  been  materially 
weakened  by  detachments  to  Johnston,  or  elsewhere  ? 

"  2.  Can  this  army  advance  on  him  at  this  time  with 
strong  reasonable  chances  of  fighting  a  great  and  success 
ful  battle  ? 

"  3.  Do  you  think  an  advance  of  our  army  at  present 
likely  to  prevent  additional  re-enforcements  being  seat 
against  General  Grant  by  the  enemy  in  our  front  ? 

"  4.  Do  you  think  un  immediate  advance  of  this  army 
advisable  ? 

"  5.  Do  you  think  an  early  advance  advisable  ? 

"  Many  of  the  answers  to  these  questions  are  not 
categorical,  and  cannot  be  clearly  set  down  either  as  af 
firmative  or  negative.  Especially  in  answer  to  the  first 


100  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

question  there  is  much  indefiniteness,  resulting  from  the 
difference  of  judgment  as  to  how  great  a  detachment 
could  be  considered  a  '  material  reduction '  of  Bragg's 
strength.  For  example  :  one  officer  thinks  it  has  been 
reduced  ten  thousand,  but  not  '  materially  weakened/ 

"The  answers  to  the  second  question  are  modified 
in  some  instances  by  the  opinion  that  the  rebels  will  fall 
back  behind  the  Tennessee  River,  and  thus  no  battle  can 
be  fought  either  successful  or  unsuccessful. 

"  So  far  as  these  opinions  can  be  stated  in  tabular 
form,  they  will  stand  thus : 

Ye*.  No. 

Answer  to  first  question 6  11 

Answer  to  second  question 2  11 

Answer  to  third  question 4  10 

Answer  to  fourth  question 15 

Answer  to  fifth  question 2 

"  On  the  fifth  question  three  gave  it  as  their  opinion 
that  this  army  ought  to  advance  as  soon  as  Vicksburg 
falls,  should  that  event  happen. 

"  The  following  is  a  summary  of  the  reasons  as 
signed  why  we  should  not,  at  this  time,  advance  upon 
the  enemy  : 

"  1.  With  Hooker's  army  defeated,  and  Grant's  bend 
ing  all  its  energies  in  a  yet  undecided  struggle,  it  is  bad 
policy  to  risk  our  only  reserve  army  to  the  chances  of  a 
general  engagement.  A  failure  here  would  have  most 
disastrous  effects  on  our  lines  of  communication,  and  ou 
politics  in  the  loyal  States. 

"  2.  We  should  be  compelled  to  fight  the  enemy  on 
his  own  ground,  or  follow  him  in  a  fruitless  stern  chase ; 
or  if  we  attempted  to  outflank  him  and  turn  his  position, 


FROM    SHILOH    TO    CHICK  AMACGA.  101 

we  should  expose  our  line  of  communication  find  run 
the  risk  of  being  pushed  back  into  a  rough  country  well- 
known  to  the  enemy  and  little  to  ourselves. 

"  3.  In  case  the  enemy  should  fall  back  without  ac 
cepting  battle  he  could  make  our  advance  very  slow,  and 
with  a  comparatively  small  force  posted  in  the  gaps  of 
the  mountains  could  hold  us  back  while  he  crossed  the 
Tennessee  River,  where  he  would  be  measurely  secure 
and  free  to  send  re-enforcements  to  Johnston.  His  forces 
in  East  Tennessee  could  seriously  harass  our  left  flank, 
and  constantly  disturb  our  communications. 

"  4.  The  withdrawal  of  Burnside's  Ninth  Army  Corps 
deprive  us  of  an  important  reserve  and  flank  protection, 
thus  increasing  the  difficulty  of  an  advance. 

"  5.  General  Hurlbut  has  sent  the  most  of  his  forces 
away  to  General  Grant,  thus  leaving  West  Tennessee  un 
covered,  and  laying  our  right  flank  and  rear  open  to  raids 
of  the  enemy. 

"  The  following  incidental  opinions  are  expressed  : 

"  1.  One  officer  thinks  it  probable  that  the  enemy 
has  been  strengthened  rather  than  weakened,  and  that 
he  (the  enemy)  would  have  a  reasonable  prospect  of  vic 
tory  in  a  general  battle. 

"  2.  One  officer  believes  the  result  of  a  general  battle 
would  be  doubtful,  a  victory  barren,  and  a  defeat  most 
disastrous. 

"  3.  Three  officers  believe  that  an  advance  would 
bring  on  a  general  engagement.  Three  others  believe  it 
would  not. 

"  4.  Two  officers  express  the  opinion  that  the  chances 
of  success  in  a  general  battle  are  nearly  equal. 


102  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

*;  5.  One  officer  expresses  the  belief  that  our  army 
has  reached  its  maximum  strength  and  efficiency,  and 

O  *>    * 

that  inactivity  will  seriously  impair  its  effectiveness. 

"  6.  Two  officers  say  that  an  increase  of  our  cavalry 
by  about  six  thousand  men  would  materially  change  the 
aspect  of  our  affairs  and  give  us  a  decided  advantage. 

"  In  addition  to  the  above  summary,  I  have  the 
honor  to  submit  an  estimate  of  the  strength  of  Bragg's 
army,  gathered  from  all  the  data  I  have  been  able  to  ob 
tain,  including  the  estimate  of  the  general  commanding 
in  his  official  report  of  the  battle  of  Stone  River,  and 
facts  gathered  from  prisoners,  deserters,  and  refugees, 
and  from  rebel  newspapers.  After  the  battle  Bragg  con 
solidated  many  of  his  decimated  regiments  and  irregular 
organizations,  and  at  the  time  of  his  sending  re-enforce 
ments  to  Johnston  his  army  had  reached  its  greatest 
effective  strength.  It  consisted  of  five  divisions  of  in 
fantry,  composed  of  ninety-four  regiments  and  two  in 
dependent  battalions  of  sharp-shooters ;  say  ninety-five 
regiments.  By  a  law  of  the  Confederate  Congress,  regi 
ments  are  consolidated  when  their  effective  strength  falls 
below  two  hundred  and  fifty  men.  Even  the  regiments 
formed  by  such  consolidation  (which  may  reasonably  be 
regarded  as  the  fullest)  must  fall  below  five  hundred.  1 
am  satisfied  that  four  hundred  is  a  large  estimate  of  the 
average  strength. 

"  The  force  then  would  be — 

Infantry,     05  Regiments,          400  each... 38,000 

Cavalry,     35  "          eay     500     "      17,500 

Artillery,    26  Batteries,   say     100     "      2,GOO 

Total .  58,100 


FROM    SHILOH    TO    CHICKAMAUGA.  103 

"  This  force  has  been  reduced  by  detachments  to 
Johnston.  It  is  as  well  known  as  we  can  ever  expect  to 
ascertain  such  facts,  that  three  brigades  have  gone  from 
McCown's  division,  and  two  or  three  from  Breckinridge's 
say  two.  It  is  clear  that  there  are  now  but  four  infan 
try  divisions  in  Bragg's  army,  the  fourth  being  composed 
of  fragments  of  McCown's  and  Breckinridge's  divisions, 
and  must  be  much  smaller  than  the  average.  Deducting 
the  five  brigades,  and  supposing  them  composed  of  only 
four  regiments  each,  which  is  below  the  general  average, 
it  gives  an  infantry  reduction  of  twenty  regiments,  four 
hundred  each  :  eight  thousand,  leaving  a*  remainder  of 
thirty  thousand. 

"It  is  clearly  ascertained  that  at  least  two  brigades 
of  cavalry  have  been  sent  from  Van  Dorn's  command  to 
Mississippi,  and  it  is  asserted  in  the  Chattanooga  Rebel 
of  June  llth,  that  General  Morgan's  command  has  been 
permanently  detached  ancT  sent  to  Eastern  Kentucky. 
It  is  not  certainly  known  how  large  his  division  is,  but  it 
is  known  to  contain  at  least  two  brigades.  Taking  this 
minimum  as  the  fact,  we  have  a  cavalry  reduction  of  four 
brigades. 

"  Taking  the  lowest  estimate,  four  regiments  to  the 
brigade,  we  have  a  reduction  by  detachment  of  sixteen 
regiments,  five  hundred  each,  leaving  his  present  effective 
cavalry  force  nine  thousand  five  hundred. 

"  With  the  nine  brigades  of  the  two  arms  thus  de 
tached  it  will  be  safe  to  say  there  have  gone — 

6  Batteries,  80  men  each 480 

Leaving  him  20  Batteries 2,120 

Making  a  total  reduction  of 16,480 

Leaving  of  the  three  arms 41,GSO 


104  JAMES    A.  OAK  FIELD. 

"In  this  estimnte  of  Bragg' s  present  strength  I  have 
placed  all  doubts  in  his  favor,  and  I  have  no  question 
that  my  estimate  is  considerably  beyond  the  truth. 
General  Sheridan,  who  has  taken  great  pains  to  collect 
evidence  on  this  point,  places  it  considerably  below 
those  figures.  But  assuming  these  to  be  correct,  and 
granting  what  is  still  more  improbable,  that  Bragg  would 
abandon  all  his  rear  posts,  and  entirely  neglect  his  com 
munications  and  could  bring  his  last  man  into  battle,  I 
next  ask,  What  have  we  with  which  to  oppose  him  ? 

"  The  last  official  report  of  effective  strength,  now  on 
file  in  the  office  of  the  assistant  adjutant-general,  is  dated 
June  11,  and  shows  that  we  have  in  this  department, 
omitting  all  officers  and  enlisted  men  attached  to  depart 
ment,  corps,  division,  and  brigade  headquarters  : — 

a  1.  Infantry — One  hundred  and  seventy-three  regi 
ments  ;  ten  battalions  sharp-shooters ;  four  battalions 
pioneers,  and  one  regiment  engineers  and  mechanics,  with 
a  total  effective  strength  of  seventy  thousand  nine  hun 
dred  and  eighteen. 

"  2.  Cavalry — Twenty-seven  regiments  and  one  un 
attached  company,  eleven  thousand  eight  hundred  and 
thirteen. 

"  3.  Artillery — Forty-seven  and  a  half  batteries  field 
artillery,  consisting  of  two  hundred  and  ninety-two  guns 
and  five  hundred  and  sixty-nine  men,  making  a  general 
total  of  eighty-seven  thousand  eight  hundred. 

"  Leaving  out  all  commissioned  officers,  this  army 
represents  eighty- two  thousand  seven,  hundred  and  sixty - 
eeven  bayonets  and  sabres. 

"  This  report  does  not  include  the  Fifth  Iowa  Cav- 


FROM    SHILOH    TO    CHICKAM  \LT5A.  105 

airy,  six  hundred  strong,  lately  armed  ;  nor  the  First 
Wisconsin  Cavalry ;  nor  Coburn's  brigade  of  infantry, 
now  arriving ;  nor  the  two  thousand  three  hundred  and 
ninety-four  convalescents  now  on  light  duty  in  ( Fortress 
Rosecrans.' 

"  There  are  detached  from  this  force  as  follows : 

At  Gallatin 969 

At  Carthage 1,149 

At  Fort  Donelson 1,485 

At  Clarksville 1,138 

AtNashville 7,293 

At  Franklin 900 

At  Lavergne 2,117 

Total 15,050 

"  With  these  posts  as  they  are,  and  leaving  two 
thousand  five  hundred  efficient  men  in  addition  to  the 
two  thousand  three  hundred  and  ninety-four  convales 
cents  to  hold  the  works  at  this  place,  there  will  be  left 
sixty-five  thousand  one  hundred  and  thirty-seven  bayo 
nets  and  sabres  to  throw  against  Bragg's  forty-one  thou 
sand  six  hundred  and  eighty. 

"  I  beg  leave,  also,  to  submit  the  following  consid 
erations  : — 

"  1.  Bragg's  army  is  now  weaker  than  it  has  been 
since  the  battle  of  Stone  River,  or  is  likely  to  be  again 
for  the  present,  while  our  army  has  reached  its  maximum 
strength,  and  we  have  no  right  to  expect  re-enforcements 
ror  several  months,  if  at  all 

"  2.  Whatever  be  the  result  at  Vicksburg,  the  de 
termination  of  its  fate  will  give  large  re-enforcements  to 
Bragg.  If  Grant  is  successful,  his  army  will  require 
many  weeks  to  recover  from  the  shock  and  strain  of  his 


106  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

late  campaign,  while  Johnston  wiH  send  back  to  Bragg 
a  force  sufficient  to  insure  the  safety  of  Tennessee.  If 
Grant  fails,  the  same  result  will  inevitably  follow,  so  fai 
as  Bragg's  army  is  concerned. 

"  3.  No  man  can  predict  with  certainty  the  result  of 
any  battle,  however  great  the  disparity  in  numbers. 
Such  results  are  in  the  hand  of  God.  But,  viewing  the 
question  in  the  light  of  human  calculation,  I  refuse  to 
entertain  a  doubt  that  this  army,  which  in  January  last 
defeated  Bragg's  superior  numbers,  can  not  overwhelm 
his  present  greatly  inferior  forces. 

"  4.  The  most  unfavorable  course  for  us  that  Bragg 
could  take  would  be  to  fall  back  without  giving  us  battle, 
but  this  would  be  very  disastrous  to  him.  Besides  the 
loss  of  materiel  of  war,  and  the  abandonment  of  the  rich 
and  abundant  harvest  now  nearly  ripe  in  Central  Tennes 
see,  he  would  lose  heavily  by  desertion.  It  is  well 
known  that  a  widespread  dissatisfaction  exists  among 
his  Kentucky  and  Tennessee  troops.  They  are  already 
deserting  in  large  numbers.  A  retreat  would  greatly 
increase  both  the  desire  and  the  opportunity  for  deser 
tion,  and  would  very  materially  reduce  his  physical  and 
moral  strength.  While  it  would  lengthen  our  communi 
cations,  it  would  give  us  possession  of  McMinnville,  and 
enable  us  to  threaten  Chattanooga  and  East  Tennessee  ; 
and  it  would  not  be  unreasonable  to  expect  an  early  oc 
cupation  of  the  former  place. 

"  5.  But  the  chances  are  more  than  ever  that  a 
sudden  and  rapid  movement  would  compel  a  general 
engagement,  and  the  defeat  of  Bragg  would  be  in  the 
highest  degree  disastrous  to  the  rebellion. 


FROM    SHILOII    TO    CHICKAMAUGA.  107 

"6.  The  turbulent  aspect  of  politics  in  the  loyal 
States  renders  a  decisive  blow  against  the  enemy  at  this 
time  of  the  highest  importance  to  the  success  of  the 
Government  at  the  polls,  and  in  the  enforcement  of  the 
Conscription  Act. 

"  7.  The  Government  and  the  War  Department  be 
lieve    that   this  army  ought  to  move  upon    the  enemy. 
The  army  desires  it,  and  the  country  is  anxiously  hoping 
for  it. 

"  8.  Our  true  objective  point  is  the  rebel  army, 
whose  last  reserves  are  substantially  in  the  field,  and  an 
effective  blow  will  crush  the  shell  and  soon  be  followed 
by  the  collapse  of  the  rebel  government. 

"  9.  We  have,  in  my  judgment,  wisely  delayed  a  gen 
eral  movement  hitherto,  till  your  army  could  be  massed, 
and  your  cavalry  could  be  mounted.  Your  mobile  force 
can  now  be  concentrated  in  twenty-four  hours,  and  your 
cavalry,  if  not  equal  in  numerical  strength  to  that  of  the 
enemy,  is  greatly  superior  in  efficiency  and  morale. 

"  For  these  reasons  I  believe  an  immediate  advance 
of  all  our  forces  is  advisable,  and  under  the  providence  of 
God,  will  be  successful. 

"  Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

[Signed.]  J.  A.  GARFIELD, 

Brigadier-General,  Chief  of  Staff. 

"  Major-General  ROSECRANS, 

Commanding  Department,  Cumberland." 

General  Rosecrans  acknowledged  the  force  of  the  ar 
guments  of  his  chief  of  staff,  and  the  ^4th  of  June,  1863, 
twelve  days  after  the  above  report  was  written,  the  army 


.• 


108  JAMES    A.  GARFIKLD. 

moved  forward  from  Murfreesboro  toward  the  Confeder 
ate  position  at  Tullahoma.  The  advance  was  severely 
condemned  by  the  leading  generals  of  the  Union  army. 
On  the  morning  it  was  begun,  General  Thomas  L.  Crit- 
tenden,  one  of  the  corps  commanders,  went  to  headquar 
ters  and  said  to  General  Garfield  :  "  It  is  understood,  sir, 
by  the  general  officers  of  the  army,  that  this  movement  is 
your  work.  I  wish  you  to  understand  that  it  is  a  rash 
and  fatal  move,  for  which  you  will  be  held  responsible." 

The  Confederate  army,  under  General  Bragg,  occu 
pied  a  strongly  intrenched  position  at  Tullahoma,  with 
advanced  positions  at  Shelbyville  and  Wartrace.  The 
line  was  a  very  strong  one,  and  the  task  before  General 
Rosecrans  was  not  to  attack  it,  but  to  manoeuvre  so 
as  to  compel  the  Confederates  to  relinquish  it  without  a 
battle.  The  movements  by  which  he  accomplished  this 
were  so  brilliant  and  successful  that  they  drew  praise 
from  even  General  Hallcck.  Gordon  Grangers  division 
was  thrown  forward  boldly  towards  Shelbyville,  as  if  to 
attack  that  place ;  and  while  Bragg's  attention  was  taken 
up  with  this  movement,  General  Rosecrans  with  the  rest 
of  the  army  marched  rapidly  to  the  right  and  seized  the 
mountain  passes  which  commanded  the  Confederate  line 
of  retreat.  Bragg  now  perceived  the  true  nature  of  the 
Union  movement,  and  hastily  drew  in  his  forces  from 
Shelbyville.  Rosecrans  thereupon  moved  forward  upon 
Tullahomn,  and  General  Bragg,  who  was  unwilling  to  fight 
for  that  position,  abandoned  it,  and  retreated  across  the 
Tennessee  River  to  Chattanooga.  "  Thus  closed,"  says 
General  Rosecrans,  "  a  nine  days'  campaign  which  drove 
the  enemy  from  two  fortified  positions,  and  guve  us  pos- 


FROM    SHILOH    TO    CHICKAMAUQA.  10S 

session  of  Middle  Tennessee,  conducted  in  one  of  the 
most  extraordinary  rains  ever  known  in  Tennessee  at 
that  period  of  the  year,  over  a  soil  that  became  almost  a 
quicksand.  These  results  were  far  more  successful  than 
was  anticipated,  and  could  only  have  been  obtained  by  a 
surprise  as  to  the  direction  and  force  of  our  movements.1' 
Sixteen  hundred  and  thirty-four  prisoners,  six  pieces  oi 
artillery,  and  large  quantities  of  stores  were  taken  from 
the  Confederates.  Rosecrans'  loss  was  only  five  hundred 
and  sixty. 

"  There  now  sprang  up  renewed  differences  between 
General  Rosecrans  and  the  War  Department.  In  the 
general  policy  that  controlled  the  movements  of  the  army 
Gar  field  heartily  sympathized ;  he  had,  in  fact,  aided  to 
give  shape  to  that  policy.  But  he  deplored  his  chiefs 
testy  manner  of  conducting  his  defence  to  the  complaints 
flf  the  War  Department,  and  did  his  best  to  soften  the 
asperities  of  the  correspondence." 

After  Bragg  retired  to  Chattanooga,  Rosecrans  moved 
to  Stevenson,  Alabama,  halting  there  for  over  a  month 
to  repair  the  railroad  and  bring  up  his  supplies.  On  the 
16th  of  August  liis  army  moved  against  Chattanooga,  and 
General  Burnside,  with  a  strong  column,  advanced  from 
Kentucky  into  East  Tennessee.  Finding  the  enemy's 
position  at  Chattanooga  too  strong  to  be  carried  by  a 
direct  assault,  Rosecrans  endeavored  to  turn  it  and  cut 
Bragg  off  from  Northern  Georgia,  but  on  the  8th  of  Sep 
tember  the  Confederates  evacuated  Chattanooga  and  fell 
ba^k  towards  Dalton. 

Rosecrans,  believing  that  Bragg  was  in  full  retreat  for 
Georgia,  started  at  once  in  pursuit,  disposing  his  forces 


110  JAMES    A.  GARF1ELD. 

in  such  a  manner  as  to  cut  off  his  adversary.  These 
movements  he  hoped  would  enable  him  to  capture  the 
whole  rebel  army,  and  it  is  likely  they  would  have  suc 
ceeded  had  the  situation  of  that  army  been  as  desperate 
as  he  supposed  it,  But  General  Bragg,  instead  of  fly 
ing  southward,  had  merely  evacuated  Chattanooga,  and 
fallen  back  a  short  distance  to  secure  his  junction  with 
Longstreet's  corps,  which  was  on  its  way  from  Virginia 
to  join  him.  As  soon  as  Longstreet  arrived  within  sup 
porting  distance,  Bragg  suddenly  wheeled  about  and 
marched  back  to  give  Rosecrans  battle. 

This  movement  took  the  Union  commander  com 
pletely  by  surprise,  and  embarrassed  him  considerably. 
Having  no  idea  that  Bragg  meant  anything  but  absolute 
flight,  he  had  divided  his  army  with  the  hope  of  inter 
cepting  him,  and  now  the  various  corps  were  situated 
in  such  a  manner  as  to  expose  them  to  the  danger  of 
being  beaten  in  detail  by  the  enemy's  whole  force. 
"  The  corps  of  General  McCook  was  separated  from 
General  Thomas  by  a  march  of  nearly  three  days. 
General  Crittenden  could  not  re-enforce  General  Thomas 
without  exposing  Chattanooga,  and  General  Thomas 
could  not  move  to  General  Crittenden's  position  with 
out  exposing  General  McCook.  It  was  a  terrible  situa 
tion  for  the  army,  and  might  have  been  fatal  to  it  had 
General  Bragg  moved  with  more  rapidity.  McCook 
was  at  once  ordered  to  join  Thomas,  which  he  did  by  a 
forced  march,  reaching  him  late  on  the  17th.  Every 
moment  of  Bragg's  delay  was  carefully  economized,  and 
when  McCook  came  up,  the  army  was  moved  to  Gordon's 
Mills,  on  the  west  side  of  the  Chickaniauga. 


FROM    SII1LOH    TO    CII1CKAMAUGA.  1  I  1 

"  General  Bragg  now  moved  his  army  by  divisions, 
and  crossed  the  Chickamauga  at  several  fords  and 
bridges  north  of  Gordon's  Mills,  up  to  which  he  or  lered 
the  Virginian  troops  which  had  crossed  many  miles 
below,  and  near  to  which  he  attempted  to  concentrate. 
At  this  time  the  right  of  General  Posecrans  really 
rested  on  Gordon's  Mills.  General  Th  mas  had  moved 
on  until  his  left  division  under  Gem/ml  Brannan,  cov 
ered  the  Rossville  road.  General  Bsird  wis  on  General 
Brannan's  right,  then  followed  successively  Generals 
Johnson's,  Reynolds',  Palmer's  and  Van  Cleve's  divis 
ions.  General  Wood  covered  Gordon's  Mills  ford. 
General  Negley,  four  miles  farther  south,  held  Owen's 
Gap.  Generals  Davis  and  Sheridan  were  on  the  march 
south  of  General  Negley.  General  Wilder,  with  four 
regiments  and  a  light  battery,  was  posted  nt  the  right, 
near  Gordon's  Mills.  General  Gordon  Granger's  forces 
were  held  in  reserve  some  distance  back  on  the  Ross 
ville  road.  Such  was  the  position  on  Saturday,  the 
19th.  The  battle  which  now  ensued,  opened  ubout  ten 
o'clock.  The  first  attack  of  the  enemy  was  upon  the 
«left  wing  of  Gen.  Rosecrans,  which  the  enemy  endeav 
ored  to  turn,  so  as  to  occupy  the  road  to  Chattanooga. 
But  all  their  efforts  for  this  object  failed.  The  centre 
was  next  assailed,  and  temporarily  driven  back,  but 
being  promptly  re-enforced,  maintained  its  ground.  As 
night  approached  the  battle  ceased,  and  the  combatants 
rested  on  their  arms.  Gen.  Bragg  now  issued  an  order 
dividing  the  forces  of  his  army  into  two  corps  or  wings. 
The  right  was  placed  under  the  command  of  Lieut.-Gen. 
Polk,  and  the  left  under  Lieut.-Gen.  Longs treet, 


112  JAMES    A.  CURflELD. 

"  Toward  morning  of  the  next  day,  the  army  of 
General  Rosecrans  changed  its  position  slightly  to  tho 
rear,  and  contracted  the  extended  li^es  of  the  previous 
day.  Trains  were  moving  northward  on  all  the  roads  in 
the  rear  of  Chattanooga,  and  the  wounded  were  taken 
from  the  hospitals,  which  had  become  exposed  by  the 
concentration  of  the  forces  to  the  left.  General  Thomas 
still  held  the  left  with  the  divisions  of  Generals  Palmer 
and  Johnson  attached  to  his  corps  and  thrown  in  the 
centre.  General  Brannan  was  retired  slightly,  with  his 
regiments  arrayed  in  echelon.  General  Van  Cleve  was 
held  in  reserve  on  the  west  side  of  the  first  road  in  the 
rear  of  the  line.  Generals  Wood,  Davis,  and  Sheridan 
followed  next,  the  last  being  on  the  extreme  left. 
General  Lytle  occupied  an  isolated  position  at  Gor 
don's  Mills. 

"^Orders  were  given  by  General  Bragg  to  Lieuten 
ant-General  Polk  to  commence  the  attack  at  daylight 
on  the  next  morning.  These  orders  were  immediately 
opened  by  him ;  but  prior  to  giving  the  order  to  move 
forward  to  the  attack  in  the  morning,  General  Polk 
discovered  that,  owing  to  a  want  of  precaution,  a  por 
tion  of  the  left  wing,  amounting  to  a  whole  division,  had 
been  formed  in  front  of  his  line,  and  that  if  the  order  to 
make  the  attack  at  daylight  was  obeyed,  this  division 
must  inevitably  be  slaughtered.  The  battle  was  finally 
opened  about  half  past  nine  A.  M.,  by  a  forward  move 
ment  of  General  Breckinridge,  accompanied  by  General 
Cleburne,  against  the  left  and  centre  of  General  Rose 
crans.  Division  after  division  was  pushed  forward 
to  assist  the  attacking  masses  of  the  enemy,  but  with- 


ROBERT  T.    LINCOLN,    PRES.   GARFIELD'S  SECRETARY  OF   WAR. 


FRUM    SHILOH    TO    CHICKAMAUGA.  113 

out  success.  The  ground  was  held  by  General  Thomas 
for  more  than  two  hours.  Meantime,  as  General  Rey 
nolds  was  sorely  pressed,  General  Wood  was  ordered, 
••is  he  supposed,  to  march  instantly  by  the  left  flank 
pass  General  Brannan,  and  go  to  the  relief  of  General 
Reynolds,  and  that  Generals  Davis  and  Sheridan  were 
to  shift  over  to  the  left,  and  close  up  the  line.  General 
Rosecrans  reports  that  the  order  was  to  close  upon 
General  Reynolds.  General.  Wood  says  that  General 
Brannan  was  in  line  between  his  and  General  Rey 
nolds'  division. 

"  A  gap  was  thus  formed  in  the  line  of  battle,  of 
which  the  enemy  took  advantage,  and  striking  General 
Davis  in  his  flank  and  rear,  threw  his  whole  division 
into  confusion.  Passing  through  this  break  in  General 
Rosecran's  line,  the  enemy  cut  off  his  right  and  centre, 
and  attacked  General  Sheridan's  division,  which  was  ad 
vancing  to  the  support  of  the  left  After  a  brave  but 
fruitless  effort  against  this  torrent  of  the  enemy,  he  was 
compelled  to  give  way,  but  afterward  rallied  a  considera 
ble  portion  of  his  force,  and  by  a  circuitous  route  joined 
General  Thomas,  who  had  now  to  breast  the  tide  of 
battle  against  the  whole  army  of  the  enemy.  The  right 
and  part  of  the  centre  had  been  completely  broken}  and 
fled  in  confusion  from  the  field,  carrying  with  them  to 
Chattanooga  their  commanders,  Generals  McCook  and 
Crittenden,  and  also  General  Rosecrans,  who  was  on 
that  part  of  the  line.  General  Garfield,  his  chief  of  staff, 
however,  made  his  way  to  the  left,  and  joined  General 
Thomas,  who  still  retained  his  position.  His  ranks  had 
now  assumed  a  crescent  form,  with  his  flanks  support;- •> 


114  JA3IES    A.  GARFIELD. 

by  the  lower  spurs  of  the  mountain,  and  here,  <  like 
a  lion  at  bay,  he  repulsed  the  terrible  assaults  of  the 
enemy.' 

"  About  half-past  three  P.  M.  the  enemy  discc  vered  a 
gap  in  the  hills,  in  the  rear  of  the  right  flank  of  General 
Thomas,  and  General  Longstreet  commenced  prosing  his 
columns  through  the  passage.  At  this  time  Major- 
General  Granger,  who  had  been  posted  with  hi?  rjserves 
to  cover  the  left  and  rear,  arrived  on  the  field.  He  im 
mediately  attacked  the  forces  of  General  Longstreet  with 
General  Steedman's  brigade  of  cavalry.  The  conflict  at 
this  point  is  thus  described  by  General  Halleck  :  '  In 
(he  words  of  General  Roseerans'  report,  "  swift  was  the 
charge,  and  terrible  the  conflict ;  but  the  enemy  was 
broken."  A  thousand  of  our  brave  men  killed  and 
wounded  paid  for  its  possession  ;  but  we  held  the  gap. 
Two  divisions  of  Longstreet's  corps  confronted  the  posi 
tion.  Determined  to  take  it,  they  successively  came  to 
the  assault.  A  battery  of  six  guns  placed  in  the  gorge 
poured  death  and  slaughter  into  them.  They  charged 
v.ithin  a  few  yards  of  the  pieces,  but  our  grape  and 
canister,  and  the  leaden  hail  of  musketry,  delivered  in 
sparing  but  terrible  volleys,  from  cartridges  taken  in 
many  instances  from  the  boxes  of  their  fallen  com 
panions,  was  too  much  even  for  Longstreet's  men. 
About  sunset  they  made  their  last  charge,  when  our 
men,  being  out  of  ammunition,  moved  on  them  with  the 
Ir'.yonet,  and  they  gave  way,  to  return  no  more.  In  the 
meantime  the  enemy  made  repeated  attempts  to  carry 
General  Thomas'  position  on  the  left  and  front,  but  were 
a.s  often  thrown  back  with  great  loss.  t  Near  nightfall 


FROM    SIIILOH    TO    CHICKAMAUGA.  115 

the  enemy  fell  back  beyond  the  range  of  our  artillery, 
leaving  General  Thomas  victorious  on  the  hard  fought 
ficlL' 

"During  the  night)  Gen.  Thomas  fell  back  to  Ross- 
ville,  leaving  the  dead,  and  many  of  the  wounded  in  the 
hands  of  the  enemy.  Gen.  Sheridan,  who  had  been  cut 
off  by  the  advance  of  the  enemy,  as  he  was  upon  the  ex 
treme  right,  gathered  his  brigades,  and  struck  across  Mis 
sionary  Ridge,  directly  to  the  west.  The  enemy  were  in 
possession  of  the  country  north  of  him.  As  he  reached 
the  top  of  the  ridge,  he  caused  the  'assembly'  to  be  blown, 
and  picked  up  all  the  stragglers  from  the  other  divisions 
that  he  could  find.  He  had  lost  three  pieces  of  artillery, 
but  in  his  progress  met  a  whole  battery  which  had  been 
abandoned,  and  took  it  in  charge.  Passing  the  enemy's 
flank,  and  regaining  the  road  on  the  ridge,  he  turned  east 
through  Rossville,  and,  without  halting,  re-enforced  Gen. 
Thomas  at  midnight.  The  position  near  Rossville  was 
held  during  Monday  without  serious  molestation  from  the 
enemy,  and  in  the  night  the  entire  force  was  withdrawn 
to  Chattanooga."  * 

In  the  battle  of  Chickamauga  General  Rosecrans  lost 
16,851  men  (4,945  being  captured),  thirty-six  pieces  of 
cannon,  and  8,450  small  arms.  The  enemy's  loss  was 
18,000  (2,003  prisoners  being  taken  by  us).  The  battle 
was  a  terrible  blow  to  us.  The  right  and  centre  were 
totally  defeated,  and  only  the  glorious  stand  made  by 
the  left  wing  under  General  Thomas  saved  the  army 
from  destruction  or  capture. 

After  the  battle,  Bragg  advanced  to  Missionary  Ridge 

*  "  Army  Operations."     Annual  Encyclopaedia,  1863. 


116  JAMES   A.    GARFIELD. 

and  Lookout  Mountain,  investing  the  position  of  otu 
army  at  Chattanooga,  and  cutting  off  its  supplies. 

The  part  borne  by  General  Oarfield  in  this  terrible 
battle  was  important  and  honorable.  "  He  wrote  every 
order  issued  that  day — one  only  excepted.  This  he  did 
rarely  as  an  amanuensis,  but  rather  on  the  suggestions  of 
his  own  judgment,  afterwards  submitting  what  he  had 
prepared  to  Rosecrans  for  approval  or  change.  The  one 
order  which  he  did  not  write  was  the  fatal  order  to  Wood 
which  lost  the  battle.  The  meaning  was  correct ;  the 
words,  however,  did  not  clearly  represent  what  Rosecrans 
meant,  and  the  division  commander  in  question  so  inter 
preted  them  as  to  destroy  the  right  wing. 

"  The  general  commanding  and  his  chief  of  staff  were 
caught  in  the  tide  of  the  disaster  and  borne  back  toward 
Chattanooga."  The  chief  of  staff  was  sent  to  communi 
cate  with  Thomas,  while  the  general  proceeded  to  prepare 
for  the  reception  of  the  routed  army. 

"  Such  at  least  were  the  statements  of  the  reports, 
and,  in  a  technical  sense,  they  were  true.  It  should 
never  be  forgotten,  however,  in  Garfield's  praise,  that  it 
was  on  his  own  earnest  representations  that  he  was  sent 
— that,  in  fact,  he  rather  procured  permission  to  go  to 
Thomas,  and  so  back  into  the  battle,  than  received  or 
ders  to  do  so.  He  refused  to  believe  that  Thomas  was 
routed  or  the  battle  lost.  He  found  the  road  environed 
with  dangers ;  some  of  his  escort  were  killed,  and  they 
all  narrowly  escaped  death  or  capture.  But  he  bore 
to  Thomas  the  first  news  that  officer  had  received  of  the 
disaster  on  the  right,  and  gave  the  information  on  which 
he  was  able  to  extricate  his  command.  At  seven  oVWU 


FROM    SIIILOH    TO   CHICKAMAUGA.  117 

tluit  evening,  under  the  personal  supervision  of  General 
Gordon  Granger  and  himself,  a  shotted  salute  from  a 
battery  of  six  Napoleon  guns  was  fired  into  the  woods 
after  the  last  of  the  retreating  assailants.  They  were 
the  last  shots  of  the  battle  of  Chickamauga,  and  what  was 
left  of  the  Union  army  was  master  of  the  field.  For  the 
time  the  enemy  evidently  regarded  himself  as  repulsed  ; 
and  Garfield  said  that  night,  and  has  always  since  main 
tained,  that  there  was  no  necessity  for  the  immediate 
retreat  on  Rossville." 

The  Union  army  fell  back  to  Chattanooga.  General 
Garfield  gave  his  best  energies  to  the  task  of  getting  it 
into  condition  for  further  service.  He  ably  seconded 
General  Ilosecrans  in  his  efforts  to  hold  his  position 
against  the  Confederates  who  had  advanced  to  Chat 
tanooga  and  had  laid  siege  to  the  place.  After  a  few 
weeks  of  this  service,  he  was  sent  to  Washington  by 
General  Ilosecrans  as  the  bearer  of  despatches.  On  the 
18th  of  October  General  Ilosecrans  was  removed  from 
the  command  of  the  army  of  the  Cumberland.  Upan 
reaching  Washington,  General  Garfield  learned  that  he 
had  been  promoted  by  the  President  to  the  rank  of 
major-general  of  volunteers,  "for  gallant  and  meritorious 
conduct  at  the  battle  of  Chickamauga." 


CHAPTER  V. 

GENERAL  GARFIELD  ENTERS  CONGRESS. 

General  Garfield  Elected  to  Congress  from  the  Western  Reserve  District- 
Desires  to  Remain  in  the  Army — His  Reasons  for  Resigning  his  Com 
mission  and  Entering  Congress — Character  of  his  District — Reasons  for 
his  Election — Decides  to  Leave  the  Army — Enters  Congress — Takes  a 
Commanding  Position  in  the  House  — Appointed  to  the  Military  Com 
mittee — Estimate  of  him  as  one  of  the  Leaders  of  the  Republican  Party 
— His  Habits  of  Industry — His  Mode  of  Rest — Mr.  Long,  of  Ohio,  pro 
poses  to  Recognize  the  Southern  Confederacy — A  Brilliant  Invective — 
An  Impressive  Scene  in  the  House — Delight  of  the  Republicans  over 
Garfield's  Reply — It  Ensures  his  Success  in  the  House — Mr.  Garfield  in 
Demand  as  a  Speaker — The  Inconvenience  of  being  Too  Ready  an  Orator 
— General  Garfield's  Account  of  Congress — Its  History — Its  Great  Ser 
vices — Its  Intimate  Connection  with  the  People — How  it  has  become  the 
National  Mouthpiece  and  Defender — Congress  and  the  Constitution — 
Congress  and  the  President— Congress  and  the  People — A  Statesman's 
Views. 

THE  battle  of  Chickamauga  practically  closed  General 
Garfield's  military  career.  A  new  field  of  service  was 
now  opened  to  him.  In  1862,  while  he  was  still  in  the 
army,  the  people  of  his  district  elected  him  to  Congress. 
This  was  a  high  compliment,  for  the  district  had  been 
represented  by  men  of  great  prominency  in  the  Repub 
lican  party,  and  the  people  had  come  to  expect  a  high 
degree  of  ability  from  their  representative.  General 
Garfield  was  strongly  tempted  to  remain  in  the  army. 
lie  had  risen  steadily  to  the  grade  of  Major-General,  and 


GENERAL   GARFIELD    ENTERS    CONGRESS.  119 

had  won  a  reputation  that  was  both  honorable  and  en 
viable.  He  was  highly  esteemed  by  the  Government, 
and  was  regarded  by  the  War  Department  as  one  of  the 
most  trusted  and  competent  officers  in  the  service.  Tt 
was  very  certain  that  he  would  be  assigned  to  impor 
tant  commands  in  the  future,  and  would  reap  additional 
honors  and  reputation.  His  future,  indeed,  promised  to 
be  a  brilliant  one.  He  was  also  a  poor  man,  and  his 
Major-General's  pay  was  more  than  double  the  salary  of 
a  congressman.  There  were,  therefore,  many  induce 
ments  to  him  to  remain  in  the  service.  He  thought 
the  matter  over  earnestly,  and  came  to  the  conclusion 
that  it  was  his  duty  to  resign  his  commission  and  accept 
the  seat  in  the  House  of  Representatives  to  which  he 
had  been  elected.  He  was  one  of  those  who  thought 
that  a  few  months  more  would  end  the  war,  and  be 
lieved  that  he  could  be  spared  from  the  field.  He  felt 
that,  as  his  constituents  had  called  him  from  the  army 
and  sent  him  to  Congress,  it  was  his  duty  to  obey  their 
wishes  and  take  his  seat.  Moreover,  his  army  friends 
advised  him  urgently  to  enter  Congress,  as  they  believed 
that,  coming  fresh  from  the  army  and  understanding  its 
wants,  he  could  render  good  service  by  promoting  legis 
lation  calculated  to  maintain  and  improve  the  efficiency 
of  the  service.  Influenced  by  these  views,  General  Gar- 
fiell  determined  to  sacrifice  his  own  wishes,  and  on  the 
5th  of  December,  1863,  he  resigned  his  commission,  after 
nearly  three  years  of  service.  He  did  this  very  reluo 
lantly. 

The  Congressional  district  in  which  General  Garfield 
lived,  was  the  Western  Reserve  of  Ohio,  and   had  long 


120  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

been  represented  by  Joshua  R.  Giddings,  the  veteran 
leader  of  the  Free-soil  party.  Mr.  Giddings  was  so 
regularly  returned  to  Congress  by  his  constituents  that 
he  finally  came  to  regard  his  nomination  and  election  as 
fixed  beyond  all  doubt,  and  grew  careless  of  his  interests. 
This  over-confidence  led  to  his  overthrow.  In  1858  a 
Mr.  Hutchins,  an  ambitious  lawyer  of  the  district,  took 
advantage  of  Mr.  Giddings'  indifference,  to  carry  the 
convention  against  him,  and  thus  secured  the  nomination 
for  himself.  His  election  followed,  as  a  matter  of  course. 
The  friends  of  Mr.  Giddings  never  forgave  him  for  his 
course,  and  determined  to  put  him  out  of  Congress  at  the 
earliest  practicable  moment.  Mr.  Giddings,  in  the  mean 
time,  was  appointed  Consul  to  Montreal,  and  was  so  well 
satisfied  with  his  position  that  he  did  not  care  to  make 
the  fight  necessary  to  get  back  to  Congress.  His  sup 
porters,  therefore,  resolved  to  nominate  General  Garfield 
in  his  place,  believing  that  his  great  popularity  would 
make  his  election  an  easy  matter.  The  convention, 
therefore  nominated  General  Garfield,  without  asking  his 
consent,  and  he  was  triumphantly  elected  by  the  people, 
as  has  been  stated,  in  1862. 

"  When  he  heard  of  the  nomination,  Garfield  reflected 
that  it  wrould  be  fifteen  months  before  the  Congress  to 
which  he  had  been  elected  would  meet,  and  believing,  as 
did  everyone  else,  that  the  war  could  not  possibly  last 
a  year  longer,  concluded  to  accept.  '  I  have  often  heard 
him,'  says  a  friend,  '  express  regret  that  he  did  not  help 
to  fight  the  war  through,  and  say  that  he  would  never 
Lave  left  the  army  to  go  to  Congress  had  he  foreseen 
that  the  struggle  would  last  beyond  the  year  1863.' " 


GENERAL   GARFIELD    ENTERS    CONGRESS.  121 

Mr.  Garfield  took  his  seat  in  the  House  of  Repre 
sentatives  in  December,  1863.  He  was  appointed  a 
member  of  the  committee  on  military  affairs,  of  which 
General  Schenck,  who  was  also  fresh  from  the  army, 
was  chairman.  He  did  good  service  on  this  committee 
in  helping  to  carry  through  the  measures  which  re 
united  the  army  and  maintained  its  efficiency  during  the 
last  years  of  the  war.  He  knew  the  needs  of  the  army 
thoroughly,  and  was  always  its  faithful  and  judicious 
friend,  so  that  he  was  enabled  to  render  to  his  country 
quite  as  good  service  in  the  halls  of  Congress  as  he  could 
have  performed  in  the  field.  He  was  also  appointed 
chairman  of  a  select  committee  of  seven  charged  with 
investigating  alleged  frauds  in  the  money-printing  bureau 
of  the  Treasury  Department.  He  at  once  took  and  main 
tained  a  commanding  position  in  the  House.  He  was 
known  as  a  powerful  speaker,  remarkably  ready  and  able 
in  debate.  A  recent  writer,  referring  to  his  position  as 
one  of  the  leaders  of  his  party  in  the  House,  says  : 

"As  a  leader  in  the  House  he  is  more  cautious  and 
less  dashing  than  Elaine,  and  his  judicial  turn  of  mind 
makes  him  too  prone  to  look  for  two  sides  of  a  ques 
tion  to  be  an  efficient  partisan.  When  the  issue  fairly 
touches  his  convictions,  however,  he  becomes  thoroughly 
aroused,  and  strikes  tremendous  blows.  Elaine's  tactics 
were  to  continually  harass  the  enemy  by  sharp-shooting 
surprises  and  picket-firing.  Garfield  waits  for  an  oppor 
tunity  to  deliver  a  pitched  battle,  and  his  generalship  is 
shown  to  ths  best  advantage  when  the  fight  is  a  fair  one 
and  waged  m  grounds  where  each  party  thinks  itself 
the  strongest  Then  his  solid  shot  of  argument  are  ex- 


122  JAMES    A.  QARFIELD. 

ceedingly  effective.  On  the  stunip  Garfield  is  one  of 
the  very  best  orators  in  the  Republican  party.  He  has 
a  good  voice,  an  air  of  evident  sincerity,  great  clearness 
and  vigor  of  statement,  and  a  way  of  knitting  his  argu 
ments  together  so  as  to  make  a  speech  deepen  its  im 
pression  on  the  mind  of  the  hearer  until  the  climax  is 
reached. 

"  Of  his  industry  and  studious  habits  a  great  deal 
might  be  said,  but  a  single  illustration  will  have  to  suffice 
here.  Once  during  the  busiest  part  of  a  very  busy  session 
at  Washington  I  found  him  in  kis  library,  behind  a  big 
barricade  of  books.  This  was  no  unusual  sight,  but  when 
I  glanced  at  the  volumes  I  saw  that  they  were  all  differ 
ent  editions  of  Horace,  or  books  relating  to  that  poet.  'I 
find  I  am  overworked  and  need  recreation/  said  the  Gen 
eral.  'Now,  my  theory  is  that  the  best  way  to  rest  the 
mind  is  not  to  let  it  be  idle,  but  to  put  it  at  something 
quite  outside  of  the  ordinary  line  of  its  employment.  So 
I  am  resting  by  learning  all  the  Congressional  library  can 
show  about  Horace,  and  the  various  editions  and  transla 
tions  of  his  poems/ ' 

One  of  General  Garfield's  most  remarkable  speeches 
in  the  House,  and  one  that  secured  his  position  as  a  leader 
in  his  party,  was  delivered  within  a  few  months  after  his 
entrance  into  Congress.  On  the  8th  of  April,  1864,  Mr. 
Alexander  Long,  a  representative  from  Ohio,  delivered 
ftn  exceedingly  ultra  Peace-Democratic  speech,  proposing 
f'he  recognition  of  the  Southern  Confederacy.  The  speech 
ntvacted  to  an  unusual  degree  the  attention  of  the  House, 
,md  was  listened  to  with  indignation,  the  orator  being  al 
lowed  to  state  his  whole  case  fully  and  fairly,  it  was 


GENERAL   GARFIELD   ENTERS    CONGRESS.  123 

evident  from  General  GarfielcTs  manner  that  he  meant  to 
reply,  and  by  common  consent  he  was  allowed  to  speak 
not  only  for  himself,  but  for  the  great  party  to  which  he 
belonged.  As  soon  as  Mr.  Long  took  his  seat,  General 
Garfield  rose.  In  a  few  thrilling  sentences  he  riveted  the 
attention  of  the  House,  and  held  it  throughout  the  whole 
of  his  brilliant  invective.  He  had  scarcely  commenced  to 
speak  when  the  members  from  the  remoter  parts  of  the 
hall  began  to  crowd  around  him  and  listen  to  him  with 
breathless  attention.  The  speech  was  as  follows  : 

"  Mr.  Chairman. — I  should  be  obliged  to  you  if  you 
would  direct  the  sergeant-at>arms  to  bring  a  white  flag 
and  plant  it  in  the  aisle  between  myself  and  my  colleague 
who  has  just  addressed  you. 

"  I  recollect  on  one  occasion  when  two  great  armies 
stood  face  to  face,  under  a  white  flag  just  planted,  I  ap 
proached  a  company  of  men  dressed  in  the  uniform  of  the 
rebel  Confederacy,  and  reached  qut  my  hand  to  one  of  the 
number,  and  told  him  I  respected  him  as  a  brave  man. 
Though  he  wore  the  emblems  of  his  disloyalty  and  trea 
son,  still  underneath  his  vestments  I  beheld  a  brave  and 
honest  soul. 

"  I  would  reproduce  that  scene  here  this  afternoon.  I 
say  were  there  such  a  flng  of  truce — but  God  forgive  me 
if  I  should  do  it  under  any  other  circumstances  ! — I  would 
reach  out  this  right  hand  and  ask  that  gentleman  to  take 
it,  because  I  honor  his  bravery  and  honesty.  I  believe 
what  has  just  fallen  from  his  lips  is  the  honest  sentiment 
of  his  heart,  and  in  uttering  it  he  has  made  a  new  epoch 
in  the  history  of  this  war ;  he  has  done  a  new  thing  un 
der  the  sun;  he  has  done  a  brave  thing.  It  is  braver 


124  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD. 

than  to  face  cannon  and  musketry,  and  I  honor  him  for 
his  candor  and  frankness. 

16  But  now  I  ask  you  to  bike  away  the  flag  of  truce, 
and  I  will  go  back  inside  the  Union  lines  and  speak  of 
what  he  has  done.  I  am  reminded  of  it  by  a  distin 
guished  character  in  '  Paradise  Lost/  When  he  had  re 
belled  against  the  glory  of  God,  and  '  led  away  a  third 
part  of  heaven's  sons  conjured  against  the  Highest ;'  when 
after  terrible  battles  in  which  mountains  and  hills  were 
hurled  by  each  contending  host  '  with  jaculations  dire ;' 
when,  at  last,  the  leader  and  his  hosts  were  hurled  '  nine 
times  the  space  that  measures  day  and  night,'  and  aftei 
the  terrible  fall  lay  stretched  prone  on  the  burning  lake, 
Satan  lifted  up  his  shattered  hulk,  crossed  the  abyss, 
looked  down  into  paradise,  and  soliloquizing,  said : 

"  '  Which 'way  I  fly  is  hell ;  myself  am  hell !'  It  seems 
to  me  he  expressed  the  very  sentiment  to  which  you  have 
just  listened ;  uttered  by  one  no  less  brave,  malign,  and 
fallen.  This  man  gathers  up  the  meaning  of  this  great 
contest,  the  philosophy  of  the  moment,  the  prophecies  of 
the  hour,  and  in  sight  of  the  paradise  of  victory  and  peace, 
utters  them  all  in  this  wail  of  terrible  despair,  '  Which 
way  I  fly  is  hell.'  He  ought  to  add,  '  Myself  am  hell !" 

"  Mr.  Chairman,  I  am  reminded  by  the  occurrences  of 
this  afternoon  of  two  characters  in  the  war  of  the  Revolu 
tion,  as  compared  with  two  others  in  the  war  of  to-day. 

"  The  first  was  Lord  Fairfax,  who  dwelt  near  the 
Potomac,  a  few  miles  from  us.  When  the  great  contest 
was  opened  between  the  mother  country  and  the  colonies, 
Lord  Fairfax,  after  a  protracted  struggle  with  his  own 
heart,  decided  that  he  must  go  with  the  mother  country. 


GENERAL   GARFIELD    ENTERS    CONGRESS.  125 

He  gathered  his  mantle  about  him  and  went  over  grandly 
and  solemnly. 

"  There  was  another  man  who  cast  in  his  lot  with  the 
struggling  colonists,  and  continued  with  them  till  the  war 
was  wellnigh  ended.  In  an  hour  of  darkness  that  just- 
preceded  the  glory  of  the  morning,  he  hatched  the  trea 
son  to  surrender  forever  all  that  had  been  gained  to  the 
enemies  of  his  country.  Benedict  Arnold  was  the  man! 

"  Fairfax  and  Arnold  find  their  parallel  in  the  struggle 
of  to-day. 

"  When  this  war  began  many  good  men  stood  hesitat 
ing  and  doubting  what  they  ought  to  do.  Robert  E.  Lee 
sat  in  his  house  across  the  river  here,  doubting  and  de 
laying,  and  going  off  at  last  almost  tearfully  to  join  the 
army  of  his  State.  He  reminds  one  in  some  respects  of 
Lord  Fairfax,  the  stately  royalist  of  the  Revolution. 

"  But  now,  when  tens  of  thousands  of  brave  souls 
have  gone  up  to  God  under  the  shadow  of  the  flag; 
when  thousands  more,  maimed  and  shattered  in  the  con 
test,  are  sadly  awaiting  the  deliverance  of  death ;  now, 
when  three  years  of  terrific  warfare  have  raged  over  us ; 
when  our  armies  have  pushed  the  Rebellion  back  over 
mountains  and  rivers,  and  crowded  it  into  narrow  limits, 
until  a  wall  of  fire  girds  it;  now,  when  the  uplifted  hand 
of  a  majestic  people  is  about  to  hurl  the  bolts  of  its  con 
quering  power  upon  the  Rebellion ;  now,  in  the  quiet  of 
this  hall,  hatched  in  the  lowest  depths  of  a  similar  dark 
treason,  there  rises  a  Benedict  Arnold  and  proposes  to 
surrender  all  up,  body  and  spirit,  the  Nation  and  the  Flag, 
its  genius  and  its  honor,  now  and  forever,  to  the  accursed 
traitors  to  our  country  !  And  that  proposition  comes — • 


126  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD. 

God  forgive  and  pity  my  beloved  State  ! — it  comes  from 
a  citizen  of  the  time  honored  and  loyal  Commonwealth  of 
Ohio! 

"  I  implore  you,  brethren,  in  this  House,  to  believe 
chat  not  many  births  ever  gave  pangs  to  my  mother  State 
such  as  she  suffered  when  that  traitor  was  born !  I  beg 
you  not  to  believe  that  on  the  soil  of  that  State  another 
such  growth  has  ever  deformed  the  face  of  nature  and 
darkened  the  light  of  God's  day.  [An  audible  whisper, 
4 Vallandigham.']  But,  ah!  I  am  reminded  that  there 
are  other  such.  My  zeal  and  love  for  Ohio  have  carried 
me  too  far.  I  retract.  I  remember  that  only  a  few  days 
sirice  a  political  convention  met  at  the  capital  of  my 
State,  and  almost  decided  to  select  from  just  such  ma 
terial  a  representative  for  the  Democratic  party  in  the 
coming  contest;  arid  to-day  what  claim  to  be  a  majority 
of  the  Democracy  of  that  State  say  they  have  been 
cheated,  or  they  would  have  made  that  choice.  I,  there 
fore,  sadly  take  back  the  boast  I  first  uttered  in  behalf  of 
my  native  State. 

"  But,  sir,  I  will  forget  States.  We  have  something 
greater  than  States  and  State  pride  to  talk  of  here  to 
day.  All  personal  or  State  feeling  aside,  I  ask  you 
what  is  the  proposition  which  the  enemy  of  his  country 
has  just  made.  What  is  it  ? 

"  For  the  first  time  in  the  history  of  this  contest  it  is 
proposed  in  this  hall,  to  give  up  the  struggle,  to  abandon 
the  war,  and  let  treason  run  riot  through  the  land !  I 
will,  if  I  can,  dismiss  feeling  from  my  heart,  and  try  to 
consider  only  what  bears  upon  the  logic  of  the  speech  to 
which  we  have  just  listened. 


GENERAL   GARFIELD    ENTERS    CONGRESS.  127 

"  First  of  all,  the  gentleman  tells  us  that  the  right  of 
secession  is  a  constitutional  right.  I  do  not  propose  to 
enter  into  the  argument.  I  have  expressed  myself  hith 
erto  upon  State  rights  and  State  sovereignty,  of  which 
this  proposition  of  his  is  the  legitimate  child. 

"  But  the  gentleman  takes  higher  ground,  and  in  that 
I  agree  with  him — namely,  that  five  million  or  eight  mil 
lion  people  possess  the  right  of  revolution.  Grant  it ;  we 
agree  there.  If  fifty-nine  men  can  make  revolution  sue 
cessful,  they  have  the  right  of  revolution.  If  one  State 
wishes  to  break  its  connection  with  the  Federal  Govern 
ment,  and  does  it  by  force,  maintaining  itself,  it  is  an  in 
dependent  State.  If  the  eleven  Southern  States  are 
determined  and  resolved  to  leave  the  Union,  to  secede,  to 
revolutionize,  and  can  maintain  that  revolution  by  force, 
they  have  the  revolutionary  right  to  do  so.  Grant  it.  I 
stand  on  that  platform  with  the  gentleman. 

"  And  now  the  question  comes,  is  it  our  constitutional 
duty  to  let  them  do  it  ?  That  is  the  question,  and  in 
order  to  reach  it,  I  beg  to  call  your  attention,  not  to  an 
argument,  bat  to  the  condition  of  affairs  which  would  re 
sult  from  such  action — the  mere  statement  of  which  be 
comes  the  strongest  possible  argument.  What  does  the 
gentleman  propose  ?  Where  will  he  draw  the  line  of 
division  ?  If  the  rebels  carry  into  successful  secession 
what  they  desire  to  carry ;  if  their  revolution  envelops 
as  many  States  as  they  intend  it  shall  envelop ;  if  they 
draw  the  line  where  Isham  G.  Harris,  the  rebel  Governor 
of  Tennessee,  in  the  rebel  camp  near  our  lines,  told  Mr. 
Vallandigham  they  would  draw  it,  along  the  line  of  the 
Ohio  and  of  the  Potomac  ;  if  they  make  good  their  state- 


128  JAMBS   A.  GARFIELD. 

ment  to  him  that  they  will  never  consent  to  any  other 
line,  then,  I  ask,  what  is  this  thing  the  gentleman  pro 
poses  to  do?  He  proposes  to  leave  the  United  States  a 
territory  reaching  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific,  and 
one  hundred  miles  wide  in  the  centre.  From  Wellsville, 
on  the  Ohio  River,  to  Cleveland  on  the  lakes  is  one  hun 
dred  miles.  I  ask  you,  Mr.  Chairman,  if  there  he  a  man 
here  so  insane  as  to  suppose  that  the  American  people 
will  allow  their  magnificent  proportions  to  be  shorn  to  so 
deformed  a  shape  as  this  ? 

"  I  tell  you,  and  I  confess  it  here,  that  while  I  hope 
I  have  something  of  human  courage,  I  have  not  enough 
to  contemplate  such  a  result.  I  am  not  brave  enough  to 
go  to  the  brink  of  the  precipice  of  a  successful  secession, 
and  look  down  into  its  damnable  abyss.  If  my  vision 
were  keen  enough  to  pierce  its  bottom,  I  would  not  dare 
to  look.  If  there  be  a  man  here  who  dare  contemplate 
such  a  scene,  I  look  upon  him  either  as  the  bravest  of 
the  sons  of  women,  or  as  a  downright  madman.  Secession 
to  gain  peace !  Secession  is  the  tocsin  of  eternal  war  ! 
There  can  be  no  end  to  such  a  war  as  will  be  inaugurated 
if  this  thing  be  done. 

u  Suppose  the  policy  of  the  gentleman  were  adopted 
iro-day.  Let  the  order  go  forth  !  Sound  the  '  recall '  on 
your  bugles,  and  let  it  ring  forth  from  Texas  to  the  far 
Atlantic,  and  tell  the  armies  to  come  back.  Call  the 
victorious  legions  back  over  the  battle-fields  of  bbod, 
forever  now  disgraced.  Call  them  back  over  the  terri 
tory  which  they  have  conquered.  Call  them  back,  and 
let  the  minions  of  secession  chase  them  with  derisiop  and 
jeers  as  they  come.  And  then  tell  them  that  that  man 


GENERAL    GARFIELD    ENTERS    CONGRESS.  129 

across  the  aisle,  from  the  free  State  of  Ohio,  gave  birth  to 
the  monstrous  proposition. 

"  Mr.  Chairman,  if  such  a  word  should  be  sent  forth 
through  the  armies  of  the  Union,  the  wave  of  terrible 
vengeance  that  would  sweep  back  over  this  land  could 
never  find  a  parallel  in  the  records  of  history.  Almost 
in  the*  moment  of  final  victory  the  '  recall'  is  sounded 
by  a  craven  people  not  deserving  freedom  !  We  ought, 
every  man,  to  be  made  a  slave,  should  we  sanction  such 
a  sentiment. 

"  The  gentleman  has  told  us  there  is  no  such  thing 
as  coercion  justifiable  under  the  constitution.  I  ask  him 
for  one  moment  to  reflect  that  no  statute  was  ever  en 
forced  without  coercion.  It  is  the  basis  of  every  law  in 
the  universe — God's  law  as  well  as  man's.  A  law  is  no 
law  without  coercion  behind  it.  When  a  man  has  mur 
dered  his  brother,  coercion  takes  the  murderer,  tries  him, 
and  hangs  him.  When  you  levy  your  ta^xes,  coercion 
secures  their  collection.  It  follows  the  shadow  of  the 
thief,  and  brings  him  to  justice ;  it  accompanies  your  di 
plomacy  to  foreign  courts,  and  backs  the  declaration 
of  the  nation's  rights  by  a  pledge  of  the  nation's  power. 
But  when  the  life  of  that  nation  is  imperilled,  we  are  told 
that  it  has  no  coercive  power  against  the  paracides  in  its 
own  bosom !  Again,  he  tells  us  that  oaths  taken  under 
the  Amnesty  Proclamation,  are  good  for  nothing.  The 
oath  of  Galileo,  he  says,  was  not  binding  upon  him.  I 
am  reminded  of  another  oath  that  was  taken ;  but  per 
haps  it  too  was  an  oath  on  the  lips  alone,  to  which  the 
heart  made  no  response. 

"  I  remember  to  have  stood  in.  a  line  of  nineteen  men 
9 


13  J  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

from  Ohio,  on  that  carpet  yonder,  on  the  first  day  of 
the  session,  and  I  remember  that,  with  uplifted  hands,  be 
fore  Almighty  God,  those  nineteen  took  an  oath  to  sup 
port  and  maintain  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States, 
And  I  remember  that  another  oath  was  passed  around, 
and  each  member  signed  it  as  provided  by  law,  utterly 
repudiating  the  Rebellion  and  its  pretenses.  Does  the 
gentleman  not  blush  to  speak  of  Galileo's  oath  ?  Was 
not  his  own  its  counterpart  ? 

"  He  says  the  Union  can  never  be  restored  because 
of  the  terrible  hatred  engendered  by  the  war.  To  prove 
it  he  quoted  what  some  Southern  man  said  a  few  years 
ago,  that  he  knew  no  hatred  between  peoples  in  thfe  world 
like  that  between  the  North  and  the  South.  And  yet 
that  North  and  South  have  been  one  nation  for  eighty- 
eight  years. 

<;  Have  we  seen  in  this  contest  anything  more  bitter 
than  the  wars  of  the  Scottish  Border?  Have  we  seen 
anything  bitterer  than  those  terrible  feuds  in  the  days  of 
Edward,  when  England  and  Scotland  were  the  deadliest 
foes  on  earth  ?  And  yet  for  centuries  these  countries 
have  been  cemented  in  an  indissoluble  union  that  has 
made  the  British  nation  one  of  the  proudest  of  the  earth ! 

u  I  said,  a  little  while  ago.  that  I  accepted  the  propo 
sition  of  the  gentleman  that  the  rebels  had  the  right  of 
revolution  ;  and  the  decisive  issue  between  us  and  the 
Rebellion  is,  whether  they  shall  revolutionize  and  de 
stroy,  or  we  shall  subdue  and  preserve.  We  take  the 
latter  ground.  We  take  the  common  weapons  of  war  to 
meet  them  ;  and  if  these  be  not  sufficient  I  would  take 
uny  element  which  will  overwhelm  and  destroy.  I  woul«! 


GENEilAL    GARFIELD    ENTERS   CONGRESS.  131 

sacrifice  the  dearest  and  best  beloved ;  I  would  take 
all  the  old  sanctions  of  law  and  the  constitution  and 
fling  them  to  the  winds,  if  necessary,  rather  than  let 
the  nation  be  broken  in  pieces,  and  its  people  destroyed 
with  endless  ruin. 

"  What  is  the  constitution  that  these  gentlemen  per 
petually  fling  in  our  faces  whenever  we  desire  to  strike 
hard  blows  against  the  Rebellion  ?  It  is  the  production 
ol  the  American  people.  They  made  it,  and  the  creator 
is  mightier  than  the  creature.  The  power  which  made 
the  constitution  can  also  make  other  instruments  to  do 
its  great  work  in  the  day  of  its  dire  necessity." 

This  speech,  which  was  delivered  on  the  spur  of  the 
moment  in  reply  to  an  elaborately  prepared  argument, 
at  once  placed  General  Garfield  in  the  front  rank  of 
Republican  leaders,  and  from  this  time  he  ranked  as  one 
of  the  readiest  and  most  brilliant  Republican  speakers. 
"  This  standing  he  never  lost.  It  was,  however,  to 
prove  in  some  respects  injurious  to  his  rising  fame.' 
He  spoke  so  readily  that  members  were  constantly  ask 
ing  his  services  in  behalf  of  favored  measures ;  and  in 
the  impulsive  eagerness  of  a  young  man  and  a  young 
member,  he  often  consented.  He  thus  came  to  be  too 
frequent  a  speaker ;  and  by  and  by  the  House  wearied 
a  little  of  his  polished  periods  and  began  to  think  him 
too  fond  of  talking.  After  a  time  this  little  reaction  in 
the  general  feeling  of  the  House  toward  him  wore  off.'' 
"  His  superior  knowledge,"  says  another  writer,  "  used 
to  offend  some  of  his  less  learned  colleagues  at  first. 
They  thought  him  bookish  and  pedantic  until  they 
found  how  solid  and  useful  was  his  store  of  knowledge, 


132  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

and  how  pertinent  to  the  business  in  hand  were  th« 
drafts  he  made  upon  it.  His  genial  personal  ways  soon 
made  him  many  warm  friends  in  Congress.  The  men  of 
brains  in  both  houses  and  in  the  departments  were  not 
long  in  discovering  that  here  was  a  fresh,  strong  intel 
lectual  force  that  was  destined  to  make  its  mark  upon 
the  politics  of  the  country.  They  sought  his  acquaint 
ance,  and  before  he  had  been  long  in  Washington  he 
had  the  advantage  of  the  best  society  of  the  capital/' 

In  view  of  his  long  service  in  the  popular  House  of 
Congress,  and  his  certain  elevation  to  the  executive 
chair,  General  Garfield's  views  respecting  the  proper 
position  of  Congress  in  our  system  of  government,  its 
rights  and  duties,  and  its  relations  to  the  other  branches 
of  the  Government,  are  of  the  greatest  importance  to  his 
countrymen,  and  will  be  read  by  them  with  the  deepest 
interest.  He  thus  stated  them  in  an  article  contributed 
by  him  to  the  "Atlantic  Monthly  "  for  July,  1877  : 

"  We  have  seen  the  close  of  our  memorial  year,  dur 
ing  which  societies,  the  States,  and  the  nation  have  been 
reviewing  the  completed  century  and  forecasting  the 
character  of  that  which  has  just  begun. 

"  Our  people  have  been  tracing  the  footprints  of  the 
fathers  along  the  many  paths  which  united  to  form  the 
great  highway  whereon  forty  millions  of  Americans  are 
now  marching.  If  we  would  profit  by  the  great  lessons 
of  the  centennial  year,  we  must  study  thoughtfully  and 
reverently  the  elements  and  forces  that  have  made  the 
Republic  what  it  is,  and  which  will  in  a  great  measure 
shape  and  direct  its  future. 

"  No  study  of  these  themes  can  lead  to  a  just  view  of 


GENERAL   GARFIELD   ENTERS    CONGRESS.  133 

our  institutions  which  does  not  include  within,  its  range  a 
survey  of  the  history  and  functions  of 

THE  AMERICAN   CONGRESS. 

"  Indeed,  the  history  of  liberty  and  union  in  this 
country,  as  developed  by  their  successors,  is  inseparably 
connected  with  the  history  of  the  national  legislature. 
Nor  can  they  be  separated  in  the  future.  The  Union  and 
Congress  must  share  the  same  fate.  They  must  rise  or 
fall  together. 

"  The  germ  of  our  political  institutions,  the  primary 
cell  from  which  they  were  evolved,  was  the  New  England 
town ;  and  the  vital  force,  the  improving  soul  of  the  town 
was  the  town  meeting,  which  for  all  local  concerns  was 
king,  lords  and  commons  in  one.  It  was  the  training 
school  in  which  our  fathers  learned  the  science  and  the 
art  of  self-government,  the  school  which  has  made  us  the 
most  parliamentary  people  on  the  globe. 

"  In  what  other  quarter  of  the  world  could  such  a 
phenomenon  have  been  witnessed  as  the  creation  of  the 
government  of  California  in  1849,  when  out  of  the  most 
heterogeneous  and  discordant  elements  a  constitution  and 
body  of  laws  were  formed  and  adopted  which  challenge 
comparison  with  those  of  the  oldest  governments  in  the 
world  ?  This  achievement  was  due  to  the  law  making 
habit  of  Americans.  The  spirit  of  the  town  meeting 
guided  the  colonies  in  their  aspirations  for  independence, 
and  finally  created  the  Union.  The  Congress  of  the 
Union  is  the  most  general  and  comprehensive  expression 
af  this  legislative  habit  of  our  people. 

"  The  materials  for  tracing  the  origin  of  Congress  are 


134  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

scanty  ;  but  they  are  sufficient  to  show  the  spirit  which 
gave  it  birth. 

"  The  idea  of  a  Congress  on  this  continent  sprang 
from  the  necessity  of  union  among  the  colonies  for  mutual 
protection;  and  the  desire  for  union  logically  expressed 
itself  in  an  intercolonial  representative  assembly.  Every 
such  assembly  in  America  has  been  a  more  or  less  marked 
symbol  of  union. 

AMERICAN  UNION. 

"  The  first  decisive  act  of  union  among  the  colonists 
was  the  convention  of  1690,  at  New  York.  The  revolu 
tion  of  16*89  in  England,  resulted  in  immediate  and  des 
perate  war  between  that  country  and  France,  and  soon 
involved  the  British  and  French  colonies  of  America. 
The  French  of  Canada,  aided  by  the  northern  Indian's, 
determined  to  carry  the  flag  of  Louis  XIV.  down  the 
valley  of  the  Hudson,  and  thus  break  in  twain  the  British 
colonies.  To  meet  this  danger  and  to  retaliate  upon 
France,  the  General  Court  of  Massachusetts,  ever  watch 
ful  of  the  welfare  of  its  people,  addressed  letters  of  invi 
tation  to  the  neighboring  colonies,  asking  them  to  appoint 
commissioners  to  meet  and  consult  for  the  common  de 
fence.  These  commissioners  met  in  convention,  at  New 
York,  on  the  1st  of  May,  1690,  and  determined  to  raise 
an  "  army  "  of  eight  hundred  and  fifty-five  men,,  from  the 
five  colonies  of  New  York,  Massachusetts,  Connecticut, 
Plymouth,  and  Maryland,  to  repel  the  threatened  invasion 
and  to  capture  Canada  in  the  name  of  William  and  Mary.3* 

*  Doc  History  of  New  York,  vol.  ii.,  page  239,  and  Bancroft's  HiL<ory 
wol.  id.,  page  183; 


GENERAL   GARF1ELD   ENTERS    CONGRESS.  13-J 

Some  of  our  historians  have  called  this  meeting  of  com 
missioners  '  the  first  American  Congress/  I  find  no 
evidence  that  the  name  <  Congress  '  was  then  applied  to 
that  assembly ;  though  it  is  doubtless  true  that  its  or 
ganization  and  mode  of  procedure  contained  the  germ  of 
the  future  Congress. 

"  The  New  York  convention  called  upon  each  of  the 
five  colonies  for  its  quota  of  troops  for  the  little  army, 
and  intrusted  the  management  of  the  campaign  to  a  board 
or  council  of  war  consisting  of  one  officer  from  each  col 
ony.  The  several  quotas  were  proportioned  to  the  popu 
lation  of  the  several  colonies,  while  the  great  and  small 
colonies  had  an  equal  voice  in  directing  the  expedition, 
Here,  in  embryo,  was  the  duplex  system  of  popular  and 
State  representation. 

THE   FIRST  AMERICAN   CONGRESS. 

"  Sixty-four  years  later,  a  convention  of  commission 
ers  from  seven  of  the  colonies  met  at  Albany  and  called 
themselves  a  c  Congress.'  So  far  as  I  have  been  able  to 
discover,  this  was  the  first  American  assembly  which 
called  itself  by  that  name.  It  was  probably  adopted  be 
cause  the  convention  bore  some  resemblance  to  that 
species  of  European  international  convention  which  in  the 
language  of  diplomacy  was  called  a  congress. 

"In  order  to  obtain  a  clearer  view  of  this  important 
Albany  Congress  of  1754,  we  must  understand  the  events 
which  immediately  preceded  it. 

"In  1748,  in  obedience  to  orders  from  England,  the 
governors  of  the  northern  colonies  met  at  Albany  to  con 
clude  a  treaty  of  peace  with  the  Six-Nations.  After  thLs 


136  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

was  accomplished,  the  governors,  sitting  in  secret  coun 
cil,  united  in  a  complaint  that  their  salaries  were  not 
promptly  and  regularly  paid,  but  that  the  colonial  legisla 
tures  insisted  upon  the  right  to  determine,  by  annual  ap 
propriations,  the  amounts  to  be  paid. 

"  This  petition,  forwarded  to  the  dissolute  Duke  of 
Bedford,  then  at  the  head  of  the  colonial  administration, 
was  answered  by  a  royal  order  directing  the  governors  to 
demand  from  the  colonial  legislatures  the  payment  of 
fixed  salaries  for  a  term  of  years,  and  threatening  that 
if  this  were  not  done,  Parliament  would  impose  upon  the 
colonies  a  direct  tax  for  that  purpose.  Thus  the  first 
overt  act  which  led  to  the  Revolution  was  a  demand  for 
higher  salaries ;  and,  on  the  motion  of  the  colonial  gov 
ernors  at  Albany,  the  British  Board  of  Trade  opened  the 
debate  in  favor  of  parliamentary  supremacy.  Six  years 
later  came  the  reply  from  seven  colonies  through  the 
Albany  Congress  of  1754. 

"  War  with  France  was  again  imminent.  Her  battal 
ions  had  descended  the  Ohio,  and  were  threatening  the 
northern  frontier.  The  colonial  governors  called  upon 
the  legislatures  to  send  commissioners  to  Albany  to  se 
cure  the  alliance  of  the  Six-Nations  against  the  French, 
and  to  adopt  measures  for  the  common  defence.  On  the 
19th  of  June,  1754,  twenty-five  commissioners  met  at 
the  little  village  of  Albany,  and,  following  the  example  of 
the  governors  who  met  there  six  years  before,  completed 
their  treaty  with  the  Indians,  and  then  opened  the  ques 
tion  of  a  colonial  union  for  common  defence. 

"  Foremost  among  the  commissioners  was  Benjamin 
Franklin;  arid  through  his  voice  and  pen  the  Congress 


GENERAL   GARFIELD    ENTERS   CONGRESS.  ]37 

and  the  colonies  replied  to  the  demands  of  England  by 
proposing  a  plan  of  union  to  be  founded  upon  the  rights 
of  the  colonies  as  Englishmen.  If  his  plan  had  been 
adopted,  independence  might  have  been  delayed  for  half 
a  century.  Curiously  enough,  it  was  rejected  by  the 
colonies  as  having  i  too  much  of  the  prerogative  in  it/  and 
by  England  as  having  *  too  much  of  the  democratic/ 

"  But  the  talismanic  words  '  Union7  and  '  Congress* 
had  been  spoken,  and  from  that  hour  were  never  forgot 
ten.  The  argument  for  colonial  rights  had  also  been 
stated  in  the  perfect  style  of  Franklin,  and  was  never  to 
be  answered. 

THE  CONGRESS  OF  1765. 

"  The  second  assembly  which  called  itself  a  Congress 
met  at  New  York  in  1765.  The  mercantile  policy  of 
England,  embodied  in  the  long  series  of  navigation  acts, 
had  finally  culminated  in  Lord  Grenville's  stamp  act  and 
the  general  assertion  of  the  right  of  Parliament  to  tax  the 
colonies  in  all  cases  whatsoever.  Again  Massachusetts 
led  the  movement  for  union  and  resistance.  On  the  6th 
of  June,  1765,  her  legislature  adopted  a  resolution,  of 
fered  by  James  Otis,  to  call  a  congress  of  delegates  of 
the  thirteen  colonies,  Ho  consult  together'  and  '  consider 
of  a  united  representation  to  implore  relief.'  This  call 
was  answered  by  every  colony,  and  on  the  7th  of  Octo 
ber,  1765,  twenty-seven  delegates  met  at  New  York,  and 
elected  Timothy  Haggles,  of  Massachusetts,  chairman. 

"  There  for  the  first  time  James  Otis  saw  John  Dick 
inson;  there  Gadsden  and  Rutledge  sat  beside  Livingston 

Dyer;  there  the  brightest  minds  of  America  joined 


138  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

in  the  discussion  of  their  common  danger  and  common 
rights.  The  session  lasted  eighteen  days.  Its  delibera 
tions  were  most  solemn  and  momentous.  Loyalty  to  the 
crown  and  a  shrinking  dread  of  opposing  established  au 
thority  were  met  by  the  fiery  spirit  which  glowed  in  the 
breasts  of  the  boldest  thinkers.  Amidst  the  doubt  and 
hesitation  of  the  hour,  John  Adams  gave  voice  to  the 
logic  and  spirit  of  the  crisis  when  he  said,  'You  have 
rights  antecedent  to  all  earthly  governments  ;  rights  that 
cannot  be  repealed  or  restrained  by  human  laws ;  rights 
derived  from  the  great  Lawgiver  of  the  universe/ 

"  Before  adjourning  they  drafted  and  adopted  a  series 
of  masterly  addresses  to  the  king,  to  the  Parliament,  to 
the  people  of  England,  and  to  their  brethren  of  the  colo 
nies.  They  had  formulated  the  thoughts  of  the  people, 
and  given  voice  to  their  aspirations  for  liberty.  That 
Congress  was  indeed  '  the  day-star  of  the  Revolution ;' 
for  though  most  of  its  members  were  devotedly  loyal  to 
the  crown,  yet,  as  Bancroft  has  said,  some,  like  James 
Otis,  as  they  went  away  from  that  Congress,  '  seemed  to 
hear  the  prophetic  song  of  the  sibyls  chanting  the  spring 
time  of  a  new  empire/ 

THE   CONTINENTAL   CONGRESS   OF   1774. 

"Nine  more  years  of  supplication  and  neglect,  of 
ministerial  madness  and  stubborn  colonial  resistance, 
bring  us  to  the  early  autumn  of  1774,  when  the  Conti 
nental  Congress  w*is  assembling  at  Philadelphia.  This 
time,  the  alarm  had  been  sounded  by  New  York,  that  a 
sister  colony  was  being  strangled  by  the  heavy  hand  of  a 
despotic  ministry.  The  response  was  immediate  and  al 


GENERAL   GARFIELD   ENTERS   CONGRESS.  139 

most  unanimous.  From  eleven  colonies  came  the  fore 
most  spirits  to  take  counsel  for  the  common  weal.  From 
the  assaulted  colony  came  Samuel  and  John  Adams, 
Gushing  and  Paine.  They  set  out  from  Boston  in  Au 
gust,  escorted  by  great  numbers  as  far  as  Watertown. 
Their  journey  was  a  solemn  and  triumphant  march.  The 
men  of  Hartford  met  them  with  pledges  to  '  abide  by  the 
resolves  which  Congress  might  adopt/  and  accompanied 
them  to  Middle  town  with  carriages  and  a  cavalcade.  The 
bells  of  New  Haven  welcomed  them,  and  Roger  Sherman 
addressed  them.  After  visiting  the  grave  of  the  regi 
cide  Bid  well,  they  left  New  Haven  to  be  received  at  New 
York  by  the  '  Sons  of  Liberty/  who  attended  them  across 
the  Hudson.  Everywhere  they  were  exhorted  to  be  true 
to  the  honor  of  England  and  the  liberties  of  America.* 

"  With  them,  from  New  York  and  New  England,  came 
Jay  and  Livingston,  Sherman  and  Deane,  Hopkins  and 
Duane.  From  the  south  came  Washington  and  Henry, 
Randolph  and  Lee,  Gadsden  and  Rutledge,  and  many 
other  names  now  familiar;  in  all  fifty-five  men,  sent  oy 
eleven  colonies. 

"  On  Monday,  the  5th  of  September,  1774,  they  met 
at  Smith's  Tavern,  in  Philadelphia,  and  proceeded  in  a 
body  to  the  Hall  of  the  Carpenters.  With  what  dignity 
and  solemnity  they  began  their  work!  Choosing  for 
president  Peyton  Randolph,  of  Virginia,  and  for  secre 
tary  the  gentle  and  learned  Charles  Thomson,  the  trans 
lator  of  the  Septuagint  and  the  Greek  Testament,  they 
formally  declared  themselves  'the  Congress/  and  their 
chairman  'the  President/  And  how  soon  the  spirit  of 

*  Bancroft,  vol.  vii.,  chaps.  8,  9. 


140  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD. 

union,  in  the  presence  of  a  common  danger,  began  to 
melt  down  the  sharp  differences  of  individual  opinion ! 

"  The  first  psalm  and  prayer  to  which  that  Congress 
listened  sounded  like  a  chapter  of  history  and  prophecy 
combined.  The  psalm  was  not  selected  for  the  occasion, 
but  was  a  part  of  the  regular  Episcopal  service  for  that 
day,  the  7th  of  the  month  :  '  Plead  thou  my  cause,  0 
Lord,  with  them  that  strive  with  me,  and  fight  thou 
against  them  that  fight  against  me.  Lay  hand  upon  the 
shield  and  buckler,  and  stand  up  to  help  me.  Bring  forth 
the  spear,  and  stop  the  way  against  them  that  persecute 
me.  Let  them  be  turned  back  and  brought  to  confusion 
that  imagine  mischief  for  me.  Let  them  be  as  the  dust 
before  the  wind,  and  let  the  angel  of  the  Lord  scatter 
them.'  When  the  minister  had  ended  the  formal  service, 
the  spirit  of  the  occasion  burst  forth  from  his  lips  in  these 
memorable  words  of  prayer  :  '  Look  down  upon  these 
American  States  who  have  fled  to  thee  from  the  rod  of 
the  oppressor,  and  have  thrown  themselves  on  thy  pre 
cious  protection,  desiring  to  be  henceforth  dependent  only 
on  thee ;  to  thee  they  have  appealed  for  the  righteous 
ness  of  their  cause.' 

"  What  would  we  not  give  for  a  complete  record  of 
'he  proceedings  of  that  Congress  !  It  sat  with  closed 
doors,  with  no  reporters,  and  made  no  official  record  ex 
cept  the  brief  journal  of  motions  and  votes.  To  this 
journal,  to  private  letters,  and  tradition,  we  are  indebted 
for  all  we  know  of  its  proceedings. 

"  The  delegates  were  clothed  with  no  legislative  pow 
ers.  They  could  only  consult  and  recommend.  But 
i;hey  held  higher  commissions  than  any  which  can  be  em- 


GENERAL    GARFIELD    ENTERS    CONGRESS.  141 

bodied  in  formal  credentials.  It  was  their  high  duty  to 
formulate  the  thoughts  and  express  the  aspirations  of  the 
New  World.  Yet  no  organized  body  of  men  ever  direct 
ed  with  more  absolute  sway  the  opinions  and  conduct  of 
a  nation. 

"  As  a  reply  to  the  Boston  Port  Bill,  they  requested 
all  merchants  and  traders  to  send  to  Great  Britain  for  no 
more  goods  until  the  sense  of  the  Congress  should  be 
taken  on  the  means  for  preserving  the  liberties  of  Amer 
ica.  And  this  request  was  at  once  complied  with. 
Knowing  that  the  conduct  of  England  was  inspired  by 
greed,  that  she  had  adopted  the  shopkeepers'  policy, 
Congress  resolved  that,  after  a  given  date,  the  colonies 
would  not  buy  from  England  nor  sell  to  her  merchants 
any  commodity  whatever,  unless  before  that  date  the 
grievances  of  America  should  be  redressed.  And  public 
sentiment  rigidly  enforced  the  resolution.  With  more 
distinctness  and  solemnity  than  ever  before,  the  cause  of 
the  colonists,  bashed  on  the  inalienable  laws  of  nature  and 
the  principles  of  the  English  constitution,  was  declared  in 
addresses  to  the  king,  to  the  Parliament,  and  to  the  peo 
ple  of  America ;  and,  recommending  that  a  new  Congress 
be  called  the  following  spring,  the  Congress  of  1774  ad 
journed,  without  day,  on  the  14th  of  October.  The  most 
striking  fact  connected  with  that  Congress  is  that  its  res 
olutions  were  obeyed  as  though  they  had  been  clothed 
with  all  the  sanctions  of  law.  I  doubt  whether  any  law 
of  Congress  or  of  any  State  legislature  has  been  so  fully 
obeyed,  in  letter  and  spirit,  as  were  the  recommendations 
of  the  Continental  Congress  of  1774.  But  its  action 
had  been  far  from  unanimous.  There  were  strong  men, 


140  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

union,  in  the  presence  of  a  common  danger,  began  to 
melt  down  the  sharp  differences  of  individual  opinion ! 

"  The  first  psalm  and  prayer  to  which  that  Congress 
listened  sounded  like  a  chapter  of  history  and  prophecy 
combined.  The  psalm  was  not  selected  for  the  occasion, 
but  was  a  part  of  the  regular  Episcopal  service  for  that 
day,  the  7th  of  the  month  :  i  Plead  thou  my  cause,  0 
Lord,  with  them  that  strive  with  me,  and  fight  thou 
against  them  that  fight  against  me.  Lay  hand  upon  the 
shield  and  buckler,  and  stand  up  to  help  me.  Bring  forth 
the  spear,  and  stop  the  way  against  them  that  persecute 
me.  Let  them  be  turned  back  and  brought  to  confusion 
that  imagine  mischief  for  me.  Let  them  be  as  the  dust 
before  the  wind,  and  let  the  angel  of  the  Lord  scatter 
them/  When  the  minister  had  ended  the  formal  service, 
the  spirit  of  the  occasion  burst  forth  from  his  lips  in  these 
memorable  words  of  prayer  :  '  Look  down  upon  these 
American  States  who  have  fled  to  thee  from  the  rod  of 
the  oppressor,  and  have  thrown  themselves  on  thy  pre 
cious  protection,  desiring  to  be  henceforth  dependent  only 
on  thee ;  to  thee  they  have  appealed  for  the  righteous 
ness  of  their  cause/ 

"  What  would  we  not  give  for  a  complete  record  of 
'he  proceedings  of  that  Congress  !  It  sat  with  closed 
doors,  with  no  reporters,  and  made  no  official  record  ex 
cept  the  brief  journal  of  motions  and  votes.  To  this 
journal,  to  private  letters,  and  tradition,  we  are  indebted 
for  all  we  know  of  its  proceedings. 

"  The  delegates  were  clothed  with  no  legislative  pow 
ers.  They  could  only  consult  and  recommend.  But 
they  held  higher  commissions  than  any  which  can  be  em- 


GENERAL    GARFIELD   ENTERS    CONGRESS.  141 

bodied  in  formal  credentials.  It  was  their  high  duty  to 
formulate  the  thoughts  and  express  the  aspirations  of  the 
New  World.  Yet  no  organized  body  of  men  ever  direct 
ed  with  more  absolute  sway  the  opinions  and  conduct  of 
a  nation. 

"  As  a  reply  to  the  Boston  Port  Bill,  they  requested 
all  merchants  and  traders  to  send  to  Great  Britain  for  no 
more  goods  until  the  sense  of  the  Congress  should  be 
taken  on  the  means  for  preserving  the  liberties  of  Amer 
ica.  And  this  request  was  at  once  complied  with. 
Knowing  that  the  conduct  of  England  was  inspired  by 
greed,  that  she  had  adopted  the  shopkeepers'  policy, 
Congress  resolved  that,  after  a  given  date,  the  colonies 
would  not  buy  from  England  nor  sell  to  her  merchants 
any  commodity  whatever,  unless  before  that  date  the 
grievances  of  America  should  be  redressed.  And  public 
sentiment  rigidly  enforced  the  resolution.  With  more 
distinctness  and  solemnity  than  ever  before,  the  cause  of 
the  colonists,  basfcd  on  the  inalienable  laws  of  nature  and 
the  principles  of  the  English  constitution,  was  declared  in 
addresses  to  the  king,  to  the  Parliament,  and  to  the  peo 
ple  of  America ;  and,  recommending  that  a  new  Congress 
be  called  the  following  spring,  the  Congress  of  1774  ad 
journed,  without  day,  on  the  14th  of  October.  The  most 
striking  fact  connected  with  that  Congress  is  that  its  res 
olutions  were  obeyed  as  though  they  had  been  clothed 
with  all  the  sanctions  of  law.  I  doubt  whether  any  law 
of  Congress  or  of  any  State  legislature  has  been  so  fully 
obeyed,  in  letter  and  spirit,  as  were  the  recommendations 
of  the  Continental  Congress  of  1774.  But  its  action 
had  been  far  from  unanimous.  There  were  strong  men, 


144  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

thoughtful  men  should  see  the  hopelessness  of  reconcilia 
tion.  It  was  necessary  that  the  Dickinsons  and  the  Jays 
should  be  satisfied.  In  the  meantime.  Congress  was  nut 
idle  ;  it  was  laying  the  foundation  of  the  structure  soon 
to  be  reared.  In  its  proceedings,  we  find  the  origin  of 
many  customs  which  still  prevail.  On  the  15th  of  May, 
1775,  it  was  ordered  '  that  this  body  will  to-morrow  re 
solve  itself  into  a  committee  of  the  whole,  to  take  into 
consideration  the  state  of  America."  This  formula, 
modified  only  by  the  change  of  a  single  word,  still  de 
scribes  the  act  by  which  each  branch  of  our  Congress 
resolves  itself  into  'a  committee  of  the  whole  on  the 
state  of  the  Union.' 

"  On  the  31st  of  May,  1775,  on  motion  of  Dr.  Frank 
lin,  a  committee  was  appointed  to  provide  for  '  estab 
lishing  post  for  conveying  letters  and  intelligence  through 
the  continent.'  Franklin  was  made  chairman  of  the 
committee,  and  thus  became,  in  fact,  the  first  postmaster- 
general  of  the  United  States. 

"  By  resolution  of  June  14,  1775,  Washington  was 
made  the  chairman  of  our  first  committee  on  military 
affairs. 

"On  the  27th  of  May,  1775,  it  was  resolved  that 
Mr,  Washington,  Mr.  Schuyler,  Mr.  Mifflin,  Mr.  Deane, 
and  Mr.  Samuel  Adams  be  a  committee  to  consider  of 
ways  and  means  to  supply  Uiese  colonies  with  ammu 
nition  and  military  stores.  Thus  Washington  was  the 
chairman  of  our  first  committee  of  ways  and  means. 

"  While  Congress  was  waiting  for  the  king's  answer 
to  its  second  petition,  Franklin  revived  the  'plan  of 
union'  which  he  had  suggested  twenty-one  years  before, 


GENERAL   GARFIKLD    ENTERS    CONGRESS.  145 

at  the   Albany  Congress,  and  which  final! y,  with  a  few 
changes,  became  the  Articles  of  Confederation. 

"  It  was  not  until  the  spring  of  1776  that  the  action 
of  the  British  Government  destroyed  all  hopes  of  recon 
ciliation  ;  and  when,  at  last,  the  great  declaration  wa> 
adopted,  both  the  colonies  and  the  Congress  saw  thai 
their  only  safety  lay  in  the  boldest  measures.  By  the 
Declaration  of  Independence,  the  sovereignty  of  the  col 
onies  was  withdrawn  from  the  British  crown  and  lodged 
iu  tiie  Continental  Congress.  No  one  of  the  colonies 
was  ever  independent  or  sovereign.  No  one  colony  de 
clared  itself  independent  of  Great  Britain ;  nor  was  the 
declaration  made  by  all  the  colonies  together  as  colo 
nies.*  It  was  made  in  the  name  and  by  the  authority 
of  the  good  people  of  the  colonies  as  one  nation.  By 
that  act  they  created,  not  independent  States,  but  an  in 
dependent  nation,  and  named  it  '  The  United  States  of 
America ;'  arid,  by  the  consent  of  the  people,  the  sover  • 
eignty  of  the  new  nation  was  lodged  in  the  Continental 
Congress.  This  is  true,  not  only  in  point  of  law,  but  as 
a  historical  fact.  The  Congress  became  the  only  legis 
lative,  executive,  and  judicial  power  of  the  nation;  the 
army  became  the  army  of  the  Continental  Congress.  One 
of  its  regiments,  which  was  recruited  from  the  nation 
generally,  was  called,  '  Congress's  Own,'  as  a  sort  of  reply 
to  the  '  King's  Own,'  a  royal  regiment  stationed  at  Bos- 
fun.  Oilicers  were  commissioned  by  Congress,  and  were 
sworn  to  ubey  its  orders.  The  president  of  Congress 
was  the  chief  executive  officer  of  the  nation.  The  chair 
men  of  committees  were  Leads  of  the  executive  depart- 

*  Vou  Hoist's  "  Constitutional  Hiatory  of  the  Quile(i  States,"  page  «. 
10 


146  JAMES    A.  GAKFIELD. 

ments.  A  committee  sat  as  judges  in  admiralty  ami 
prize  cases.  The  power  of  Congress  was  unlimited  by 
any  law  or  regulation,  except  the  consent  of  the  people 
themselves. 

"On  the  first  day  of  March,  1781,  the  Articles  of 
Confederation,  drafted  by  Congress,  became  the  law  of 
the  land.  But  the  functions  of  Congress  were  so  slightly 
changed  that  we  may  say,  with  almost  literal  truth,  that 
the  Continental  Congress  which  met  on  the  10th  of  May, 
1775,  continued  unchanged  in  its  character,  and  held  an 
almost  continuous  session  for  thirteen  years. 

"  '  History  knows  few  bodies  so  remarkable.  The 
Long  Parliament  of  Charles  I.  and  the  French  National 
Assembly  of  the  last  century  are  alone  to  be  compared 
with  it.'  Strange  as  it  may  appear,  the  acts  of  the  Con 
tinental  Congress  which  finally  brought  most  disaster  to 
the  people,  were  those  which  gave  to  Congress  its  chief 
power.  With  no  authority  to  levy  direct  taxes,  Congress 
had  but  one  resource  for  raising  revenue  :  forced  loans, 
in  the  form  of  bills  of  credit.  And,  so  long  as  the  Con 
tinental  money  maintained  a  reasonable  share  of  credit, 
Congress  was  powerful.  It  was  able  to  pay  its  army, 
its  officers,  and  its  agents,  and  thus  to  tide  over  the  most 
difficult  period  of  the  Revolution. 

"  Great  and  conspicuous  as  were  the  services  of  the 
Continental  Congress,  it  did  not  escape  the  late  which  has 
pursued  its  successors.  Jealousy  of  its  power  was  mani 
fested  in  a  thousand  ways ;  and  the  epithet "  King  Cong" 
was  the  byword  of  reproach  during  the  latter  half  of  the 
war.  The  people  could  not  hear  with  patience  that  the 
members  of  Congress  were  living  in  comfort  while  the 


GENERAL   UARFIELD    ENTERS    CONGRESS.  147 

soldiers  were  starving  and  freezing  at  Valley  Forge. 
They  accused  Congress  of  weakness,  indecision,  and  de 
lay  ;  of  withholding  its  full  confidence  from  Washington  ; 
and  finally  of  plotting  to  supersede  him  by  assigning  an 
ambitious  rival  to  his  place.  It  is  no  doubt  true  that 
pome  intriguing  members  favored  this  disgraceful  and 
treacherous  design  ;  but  they  would  not  have  been  repre 
sentative  men  if  all  had  been  patriots  and  sages. 

*•  The  Continental  Congress  was  a  migratory  body, 
compelled  sometimes  to  retire  before  the  advance  of  the 
British  army,  and  sometimes  to  escape  the  violence  of 
(he  mob  who  assaulted  its  doors  and  demanded  appro 
priations.  Beginning  its  session  in  Philadelphia,  it  took 
refuge  in  Baltimore  before  the  end  of  1776.  Later,  it 
returned  to  Philadelphia ;  went  thence  to  Lancaster ; 
thence  to  York ;  then  again  to  Philadelphia  ;  thence,  in 
succession,  to  Princeton,  to  Annapolis,  and  to  Trenton  ; 
and  finally  terminated  its  career  in  the  city  of  New  York. 

(°  The  estimation  in  which  that  Congress  was  held  is 
the  best  gauge  by  which  to  judge  of  the  strength  and 
weakness  of  our  government  under  the  confederation. 
While  the  inspiration  of  the  war  fired  the  hearts  of  the 
people,  Congress  was  powerful  ;  but  when  the  victory 
was  won,  and  the  lori£  arrears  of  debts  and  claims  came 

O 

up  for  payment,  the  power  of  Congress  begun  to  wane. 
Smitten  with  the  curse  of  poverty  and  the  greater  curse 
of  depreciated  paper  money,  loaded  with  debts  they  could 
not  pay,  living  as  "pensioners  on  the  bounty  of  France, 
insulted  and  scouted  at  by  the  public  creditors,  unable  to 
fulfil  the  treaties  they  had  made,  bearded  and  encroached 
ii]  m  by  the  State  authorities,  finally  begging  for  addi- 


148  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

tional  authority  which  the  States  refused  to  grant,  thrown 
more  and  more  into  the  shade  by  the  very  contrast  oi 
former  power,  the  Continental  Congress  sank  fast  into 
decrepitude  and  contempt."* 

"  During  the  last  three  or  four  years  of  its  existence, 
few  men  of  first-class  abilities  were  willing  to  serve  as 
members.  It  was  difficult  to  secure  the  attendance  of 
those  who  were  elected;  and  when  a  quorum  was  ob 
tained,  it  was  impossible,  under  the  articles  of  confedera 
tion,  to  accomplish  any  worthy  work.  Even  after  the 
adoption  of  the  new  constitution,  the  old  Congress  was 
so  feeble  that  for  many  months  it  was  doubtful  whether 
it  had  enough  vitality  left  to  pass  the  necessary  ordi 
nance  appointing  the  day  for  the  presidential  election  and 
the  day  for  putting  the  new  government  in  motion. 

"With  a  narrowness  and  selfishness  almost  incredible, 
the  old  Congress  wrangled  and  debated  and  disagreed  for 
weeks  and  months  before  they  could  determine  where 
the  new  government  should  find  its  temporary  seat. 

"  It  is  sad  to  reflect  that  a  body  whose  early  record 
was  so  glorious  should  be  doomed  to  drag  out  a  feeble 
existence  for  many  months,  and  expire  at  last  without 
a  sign,  with  not  even  the  power  to  announce  its  own  dis 
solution. 

"  1  have  always  regarded  our  national  constitution  as 
the  most  remarkable  achievement  in  the  history  of  legis 
lation.  As  the  weakness  of  the  uld  confederation  became 
in  ore  apparent,  the  power  of  the  separate  States  became 
greater,  and  the  difficulties  of  union  wore  correspondingly 
increased.  It  needed  all  the  appreciation,  of  common 

*  UiUlU'tli,  vui.  iii..  page  047. 


GENERAL   OARFIELD    ENTERS    CONGRESS.  149 

Danger,  springing  from  such  popular  tumults  as  Shay's 
Rebellion,  all  the  foreign  complications  that  grew  out  of 
the  weakness  of  the  confederation,  and  finally,  all  the 
authority  of  the  fathers  of  the  Revolution,  with  Washing 
ton  at  their  head,  to  frame  the  constitution  and  to  secure 
its  adoption.  We  are  apt  to  forget  how  near  our  govern 
ment  was  brought  to  the  verge  of  chaos,  and  to  forget  by 
how  small  a  vote  the  constitution  was  adopted  in  many 
of  the  States.  Only  in  Delaware,  New  Jersey,  and 
Georgia  was  the  vote  unanimous.  Even  Massachusetts 
gave  it  but  a  majority  of  nineteen  out  of  a  vote  of  three 
hundred  and  fifty-six.  In  Virginia  it  received  but  ten 
majority,  in  New  Hampshire  eleven,  and  in  Pennsylvania 
twenty-three.  These  votes  disclose  the  strength  of  the 
political  parties,  federal  and  anti-federal,  to  which  the 
constitution  gave  birth.  This  brings  us  to 

THE  CONGRESS  OF  THE  CONSTITUTION, 

which  began  its  first  session  at  New  York,  on  the  4th  of 
March,  1789. 

"  Fears  were  entertained  that  some  of  the  States 
might  neglect  or  refuse  to  elect  senators  and  representa 
tives.  Three  States  had  hitherto  refused  to  adopt  the 
constitution.  More  than  a  month  passed  before  a  quorum 
of  the  Senate  and  House  appeared  in  New  York  ;  but  on 
the  Oth  of  April,  1789,  a  quorum  of  both  houses  met  in 
joint  session  and  witnessed  the  opening  and  counting  of 
the  votes  for  President  and  Vice-President  by  John  Lang- 
don.  Having  dispatched  the  venerable  Charles  Thomson, 
late  secretary  of  the  old  Congress,  to  Mount  Yeruon,  to 
inform  Washington  of  his  election,  the  new  Congress 


150  JAMES    A.  GAKFIELD. 

addressed  itself  to  the  great  work  required  by  the  constt 
tution.     The  three  sessions  of  the  first  Congress  lasted 
in  the  aggregate  five  hundred  and  nineteen  days,  exceed 
ing  by  more  than  fifty  days  the  sessions  of  any  subse 
quent   Congress.     It  was  the  high  duty  of  this  body  to 
interpret  the  powers  conferred  upon  it  by  the  constitu 
tion,  and  to  put  in  motion  not  only  the  machinery  of  the 
Senate  and  House,  but  the  more  complex  machinery  of 
the  executive  and  judicial  departments. 

"  It  is  worth  while  to  observe  with  what  largeness  of 
comprehension  and  minuteness  of  detail  the  members  of 
that  Congress  studied  the  problems  before  them.  While 
Washington  was  making  his  way  from  Mount  Vernon  to 
New  York,  they  were  determining  with  what  ceremonials 
he  should  be  received,  and  with  what  formalities  the  in 
tercourse  between  the  President  and  the  Congress  should 
be  conducted.  A  joint  committee  of  both  houses  met 
him  on  the  Jersey  shore,  in  a  richly  furnisheU  barge,  and 
landing  at  the  Battery,  escorted  him  to  the  residence 
which  Congress  had  prepared  and  furnished  for  his  recep 
tion.  Then  came  the  question  of  the  title  by  which  he 
should  be  addressed.  The  Senate  insisted  that  'a  decent 
respect  for  the  opinion  and  practice  of  civilized  nations 
required  a  special  title,'  and  proposed  that  the  Presi 
dent  should  be  addressed  as  c  His  Highness  the  Presi 
dent  of  the  United  States  of  America,  and  Protector  of 
their  Liberties.'  At  the  earnest  remonstrance  of  the  more 
Republican  house,  the  Senate  gave  way,  and  finally  agreed 
that  he  should  be  addressed  simply  as  '  the  President  of 
the  United  States/ 

"  It  was  determined  that  the  President  should,  in  per 


GENERAL   GARF1ELD    ENTERS    CONGRESS.  151 

son,  deliver  his  'annual  speech,'  as  it  was  then  called,  to 
the  two  houses  in  joint  session ;  and  that  each  house 
should  adopt  an  address  in  reply,  to  be  delivered  to  the 
President  at  his  official  residence. 

"  These  formalities  were  manifestly  borrowed  from 
the  practice  of  the  British  Parliament,  and  were  main 
tained  until  near  the  close  of  Jefferson's  administration. 

"  Communications  from  the  executive  departments 
were  also  to  be  made  to  the  two  houses  by  the  heads  of 
those  departments  in  person.  This  custom  was  unfor 
tunately  swept  away  by  the  Republican  reaction  which 
set  in  a  few  years  later. 

"  Among  questions  of  ceremony  were  also  the  rules 
by  which  the  President  should  regulate  his  social  rela 
tions  to  citizens.  Washington  addressed  a  long  letter  of 
inquiry  to  John  Adams,  and  to  several  other  leading 
statesmen  of  that  time,  asking  their  advice  on  this  sub 
ject.  The  inquiry  resulted  in  the  conclusion  that  the 
President  should  be  under  no  obligation  to  make  or  re 
turn  any  social  call ;  but  regular  days  were  appointed, 
on  which  the  President  should  hold  levees  and  thus 
maintain  social  intercourse  with  his  fellow-citizens.  At 
these  assemblages  the  President  and  Mrs.  Washington 
occupied  an  elevated  dais,  and  introductory  ceremonies 
of  obeisance  and  salutation  were  carefully  prescribed. 

"  Not  less  curious,  as  indicating  the  spirit  of  that 
time,  were  the  formalities  of  intercourse  between  the 
two  branches  of  Congress.  When  a  communication  was 
sent  from  one  house  to  the  other,  the  messenger  was 
required  to  make  his  obeisance  as  he  entered  the  bar, 
a  second  as  he  delivered  his  message  to  the  presiding 


152  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

officer,  a  third  after  its  delivery,  and  a  final  obeisance  as 
he  retired  from  the  hall.  It  was  much  debated  whether 
the  members  of  each  house  should  remain  standing  while 
a  communication  was  being  delivered  from  the  other. 
These  formalities  were  subsequently  much  abridged, 
though  traces  of  them  still  remain. 

*"  In  adopting  its  rules  of  procedure,  the  House  pro 
vided,  among  other  things,  that  the  sergeanUit-arms 
should  procure  a  proper  symbol  of  his  office,  of  such 
form  and  device  as  the  speaker  should  direct,  to  be 
placed  on  the  table  during  the  sitting  of  the  House,  but 
under  the  table  when  the  House  is  in  committee  of  the 
whole;  said  symbol  to  be  borne  by  the  sergeant-at-arms 
when  executing  the  commands  of  the  House  during  its 
sitting.  This  symbol,  now  called  the  speaker's  mace, 
modelled  after  the  Roman  fasces,  is  a  bundle  of  ebony 
rods,  fastened  with  silver  bands,  having  at  its  top  a- 
silver  globe  surmounted  by  a  silver  eagle.  In  the  red- 
republican  period  of  Jefferson's  administration,  an  at 
tempt  was  made  to  banish  the  mace ;  and  a  zealous 
economist  in  the  House  of  Representatives  proposed  to 
melt  down  and  coin  its  silver,  and  convert  the  proceeds 
into  the  treasury.  The  motion  failed,  however,  and  the 
mace  still  holds  its  place  at  the  right  hand  of  the 
speaker,  when  the  House  is  in  session. 

"  The  House  conducted  its  proceedings  with  open 
cloors;  but  the  Senate,  following  the  example  of  the 
Continental  Congress,  held  all  sessions  in  secret  until 
near  the  end  of  the  second  Congress.  Since  then  its 
doors  have  been  closed  during  executive  sessions  only. 

"It  is  greatly  to  the  credit  of  the  eminent  men 


GENERAL   GARF1ELD    ENTERS    CONGRESS.  153 

sat  in  the  first  Congress  that  they  deliberated  long  and 
carefully  before  they  completed  any  work  of  legislation. 
They  had  been  in  session  four  months  when  their  first 
bill,  '  relating  to  the  time  and  manner  of  administering 
certain  oaths/  became  a  law.  Then  followed  in  quick 
succession  the  great  statutes  of  the  session :  to  provide 
a  revenue  to  fill  the  empty  treasury  of  the  nation;  to 
create  the  department  of  the  treasury,  the  department  of 
foreign  affairs,  the  department  of  war ;  to  create  an 
army ;  to  regulate  commerce ;  to  establish  the  govern 
ment  of  our  vast  territory  ;  and,  that  monument  of  ju 
ridical  learning,  the  act  to  establish  the  judiciary  of  the 
United  States. 

"  I  must  not  omit  from  this  summary  the  ninth 
statute  in  the  order  of  time,  the  '  act  for  the  establish 
ment  and  support  of  light-houses,  beacons,  buoys,  and 
public  piers.'  As  an  example  of  broad-rninded  states 
manship  on  the  subject,  that  statute  stands  alone  in  the 
legislative  history  of  the  last  century.  Everywhere  else 
the  commerce  of  the  ocean  was  annoyed  and  obstructed 
by  unjust  and  vexatious  light-house  charges.  But  our 
first  Congress,  in  a  brief  statute  of  four  sections,  provided 
'that  from  the  15th  day  of  August,  1789,  all  the  light 
houses,  beacons,  buoys,  and  public  piers  of  the  United 
States  shall  be  maintained  at  the  expense  of  the  national 
tre.-isury.'  From  that  date  the  lights  of  our  coast  have 
shone  free  as  the  sunlight  for  all  the  ships  of  the  world. 

"  Great  as  were  the  merits  of  that  first  Congress,  it 
was  not  free  from  mnny  of  the  blemishes  which  have 
clouded  the  fame  of  its  successors.  It  dampens  not  a 
little  our  enthusiasm  for  the  '  superior  virtues  of  the 


154  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

fathers,'  to  learn  that  Hamilton's  monument  of  statesman 
ship,  the  funding  bill,  which  gave  life  to  the  public  credit 
and  saved  from  dishonor  the  war  debts  of  the  States,  was 
for  a  time  hopelessly  defeated  by  the  votes  of  one  sec 
tion  of  the  Union,  and  was  carried  at  last  by  a  legisla 
tive  bargain,  which  in  the  mildest  slang  of  our  day 
would  be  called  a  '  log-rolling  job.'  The  bill  fixing  the 
permanent  seat  of  the  government  on  the  banks  of  the 
Potomac  was  the  argument  which  turned  the  scale  and 
carried  the  funding  bill.  The  bargain  carried  them  both 
through.  Nor  were  demagogues  of  the  smaller  type  un 
known  among  our  fathers.  For  example,  when  a  joint 
resolution  was  pending  in  the  house  of  the  first  Con 
gress  to  supply  each  member  at  the  public  expense  with 
copies  of  all  the  newspapers  published  in  New  York, 
an  amendment  was  offered  to  restrict  the  supply  to  one 
paper  for  each  member,  the  preamble  declaring  that 
this  appropriation  was  made  '  because  newspapers,  be 
ing  highly  beneficial  in  disseminating  useful  knowledge, 
are  deserving  of  public  encouragement  by  Congress/ 
That  is,  the  appropriation  was  not  to  be  made  for  the 
benefit  of  members,  but  to  aid  and  encourage  the  press! 
The  proprietors  of  our  great  dailies  would  smile  at  this 
patiiotic  regard  for  their  prosperity.  It  is  scarcely  ne 
cessary  to  add  that  the  original  resolution  passed  with 
out  the  amendment. 

"  Whatever  opinions  we  may  now  entertain  of  the 
federalists  as  a  party,  it  is  unquestionably  true  that  we 
are  indebted  to  them  for  the  strong  points  of  the  con 
stitution,  and  for  the  stable  government  they  founded 
and  streng the iied  during  the  administrations  of  Washing 


GENERAL   GARFIELD    ENTERS    CONGRESS.  155 

ton  and  Adams.  Hardly  a  month  passed,  during  that 
period,  in  which  threats  of  disunion  were  not  made  witL 
more  or  less  vehemence  and  emphasis.  But  the  founda 
tions  of  national  union  and  prosperity  had  been  so  wisely 
and  deeply  laid  that  succeeding  revolutions  of  public 
opinion  failed  to  destroy  them. 

"  With  the  administration  of  Jefferson  came  the  re 
action  against  the  formal  customs  and  stately  manners  of 
the  founders.  That  skilful  and  accomplished  leader  of 
men,  who  had  planted  the  germ  of  secession  in  the  reso 
lutions  of  1798,  brought  to  his  administration  the  aid  of 
those  simple,  democratic  manners  which  were  so  effec 
tual  in  deepening  the  false  impression  that  the  preceding 
administration  had  sought  to  establish  a  monarchy. 

"  In  delivering  his  inaugural.  Jefferson  appeared  be 
fore  Congress  in  the  plainest  attire.  Discarding  the 
plush  breeches,  silk  stockings,  and  silver  knee-buckles, 
he  wore  plain  pantaloons ;  and  his  Republican  admirers 
noted  the  fact  that  no  aristocratic  shoe-buckles  covered 
his  instep,  but  his  plain  American  shoes  were  fastened 
with  honest  leather  strings.  The  carriage  and  footmen, 
with  outriders  in  livery,  disappeared  ;  and  the  spectacle 
of  the  President  on  horseback  was  hailed  as  the  certain 
sign  of  Republican  equality.  These  changes  were  noted 
by  his  admirers  as  striking  proofs  of  his  democratic 
Bpirit;  but  they  did  not  escape  the  equally  extravagant 
and  absurd  criticism  of  his  enemies.  Mr.  Goodrich  has 
preserved  an  anecdote  which  illustrates  the  absurdity  ot 
both  parties.  Near  the  close  of  Jefferson's  term,  the 
congressional  caucus  had  named  Mr.  Madison  for  the 
president.  The  leading  barber  of  Washington  (who  was 


156  JAMES    A.  GARF1ELD. 

of  course  a  federalist)  while  shaving  a  federalist  senator, 
vehemently  burst  out  in  this  strain  : 

" '  Surely  this  country  is  doomed  to  disgrace  and 
shame.  What  presidents  we  might  have,  sir !  Just 
look  at  Daggett,  of  Connecticut,  and  Stockton,  of  New 
Jersey  !  What  queues  they  have  got,  sir — as  big  as 
your  wrist,  and  powdered  every  day,  sir,  like  real  gen 
tlemen  as  they  are.  Such  men,  sir,  would  confer  dig 
nity  upon  the  chief  magistracy ;  but  this  little  Jim 
Madison,  with  a  queue  no  bigger  than  a  pipe-stem ! 
Sir,  it  is  enough  to  make  a  man  forswear  his  country  ! ' 

"  Many  customs  of  that  early  time  have  been  pre 
served  to  our  own  day.  In  the  crypt  constructed  under 
the  dome  of  the  Capitol,  as  the  resting-place  for  the  re 
mains  of  Washington,  a  guard  was  stationed,  and  a  light 
was  kept  burning  for  more  than  half  a  century.  Indeed, 
the  office  of  keeper  of  the  crypt  was  not  abolished  until 
after  the  late  war. 

"  For  the  convenience  of  one  of  the  early  speakers  of 
the  House,  an  urn  filled  with  snuff  was  fastened  to  the 
speaker's  desk  :  and  until  last  year,  I  have  never  known 
it  to  be  empty  during  the  session  of  the  House. 

"  The  administration  of  Madison,  notwithstanding  the 
gloomy  prediction  of  the  federalist  barber,  restored  some 
of  the  earlier  customs.  It  hud  been  hinted  that  a  car 
riage  was  more  necessary  to  him  than  to  the  widower 
Jefferson.  Assisted  by  his  beautiful  and  accomplished 
wife,  he  resumed  the  presidential  levees  ;  and  many  so 
ciety  people  regretted  that  the  elevated  dais  was  not  re* 
Btored,  to  aid  in  setting  off  the  small  stature  of  Mr.  Madi« 
ton. 


GENERAL   GARFIELD    ENTERS   CONGRESS.  157 

"  The  limits  of  this  article  will  not  allow  me  to  notice 
the  changes  of  manners  and  methods  in  Congress  since 
the  administration  of  the  elder  Adams.  Such  a  review 
wouU  bring  before  us  many  striking  characters  and  many 
stirring  scenes.  We  should  find  the  rage  of  party  spirit 
pursuing  Washington  to  his  voluntary  retreat  at  Mount 
Vernon  at  the  close  of  his  term,  and  denouncing  him  as 
the  corrupt  and  wicked  destroyer  of  his  country.  We 
should  iind  the  same  spirit  publicly  denouncing  a  chief- 
justice  of  the  United  States  as  a  'driveller  and  a  fool,' 
and  impeaching,  at  the  bar  of  the  Senate,  an  eminent  as 
sociate  justice  of  the  supreme  court  for  having  manfully 
and  courageously  discharged  the  high  duties  of  his  olhce 
in  defiance  of  the  party  passions  of  the  hour.  We  should 
see  the  pure  and  patriotic  Oliver  Wolcott,  the  secretary 
of  the  treasury,  falsely  charged,  by  a  committee  of  Con 
gress,  with  corruption  in  office  and  with  the  monstroui 
crime  of  having  set  on  fire  the  public  buildings  for  the 
purpose  of  destroying  the  evidences  of  his  guilt.  W« 
should  see  the  two  houses  in  joint  session  witnessing  the 
opening  of  the  returns  of  the  electoral  colleges  and  the 
declaration  of  a  tie  vote  between  Thomas  Jeilarson  and 
Aaron  Burr;  and  then,  in  the  midst  of  the  fiercest  excite 
ment,  we  should  see  the  House  of  Representatives  in  con 
tinuous  session  for  eight  days,  several  members  in  the 
last  stages  of  illness  being  brought  in  on  beds  and  at 
tended  by  their  wives,  while  the  ballotings  went  on 
^hich  resulted  in  Jeiler.son's  election.  And  we  should 
witness  a  similar  scene,  twenty-four  years  later,  when  the 
election  of  the  younger  Adams  by  the  House,  avenged  in 
part  the  wrong  of  his  father. 


158  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

"  In  the  long  line  of  those  who  have  occupied  seats 
in  Congress,  we  should  see,  here  and  there,  rising  above 
the  undistinguished  mass,  the  figures  of  those  great  men 
whose  lives  and  labors  have  made  their  country  illustri 
ous,  and  whose  influence  upon  its  destiny  will  be  felt  for 
ages  to  come.  We  should  see  that  group  of  great  states 
men  whom  the  last  war  with  England  brought  to  public 
notice,  among  whom  were  Ames  and  Randolph,  Clay  and 
Webster,  Calhoun  and  Benton,  Wright  and  Prentiss,  mak 
ing  their  era  famous  by  their  statesmanship,  and  creating 
and  destroying  political  parties  by  their  fierce  antago 
nisms.  We  should  see  the  folly  and  barbarism  of  the 
so-called  code  of  honor  destroying  noblemen  in  the  fatal 
meadow  of  Bladensburg.  We  should  see  the  spirit  of 
liberty  awaking  the  conscience  of  the  nation  to  the  sin 
and  danger  of  slavery,  whose  advocates  had  inherited 
and  kept  alive  the  old  anarchic  spirit  of  disunion.  We 
should  trace  the  progress  of  that  great  struggle  from  the 
days  when  John  Quincy  Adams  stood  in  the  House  of 
Representatives,  like  a  lion  at  bay,  defending  the  sacred 
right  of  petition  ;  when,  after  his  death,  Joshua  R.  Gid- 
dings  continued  the  good  fight,  standing  at  this  post  for 
twenty  years,  his  white  locks,  like  the  plume  of  Henry 
of  Nrivarre,  always  showing  where  the  battle  for  freedom 
raged  most  fiercely  4  when  his  small  band  in  Congress, 
re-enforced  by  Hale  and  Simmer,  Wade  and  Chase,  Love- 
joy  and  Stevens,  continued  the  struggle  amid  the  most 
turbulent  scenes;  when  daggers  were  brandished  and 
pistols  were  drawn  in  the  halls  of  Congress ;  and  later, 
when,  one  by  one,  the  senators  and  representatives  of 
eleven  States,  hren thing  defiance  and  uttering 


GENERAL   GARFIELD    ENTERS    CONGRESS.  150 

tions  upon  the  Union,  resigned  their  seats  and  left  the 
Capitol  to  take  up  arms  against  their  country.  We 
should  see  the  Congress  of  a  people  long  unused  to  war, 
when  confronted  by  a  supreme  danger,  raising,  equipping, 
and  supporting  an  arrny  greater  than  all  the  armies  of 
Napoleon  and  Wellington  combined ;  meeting  the  most 
difficult  questions  of  international  and  constitutional  law; 
and,  by  new  forms  of  taxation,  raising  a  revenue  which, 
in  one  year  of  the  war,  amounted  to  more  than  all  the 
national  taxes  collected  during  the  first  half  century  of 
the  government.  We  should  see  them  so  amending  the 
constitution  as  to  strengthen  the  safeguards  of  the  Union 
and  insure  universal  liberty  and  universal  suffrage,  and 
restoring  to  their  places  in  the  Union  the  eleven  States 
whose  governments,  founded  on  secession,  fell  into  instant 
ruin  when  the  Rebellion  collapsed  ;  and  we  should  see 
them,  even  when  the  danger  of  destruction  seemed  great 
est,  voting  the  largest  sum  of  money  ever  appropriated 
by  wie  act,  to  unite  the  East  and  the  West,  the  Atlantic 
and  the  Pacific  coasts,  by  a  material  bond  of  social,  com 
mercial,  and  political  union. 

"In  this  review  wTe  should  see  courage  and  coward 
ice,  patriotism  and  selfishness,  far-sighted  wisdom  and 
short-sighted  folly,  joining  in  a  struggle  always  desperate 
and  sometimes  doubtful ;  and  yet,  out  of  all  this  turmoil 
Hud  fierce  strife  we  should  see  the  Union  slowly  but 
surely  rising,  with  greater  strength  and  brighter  lustre, 
to  a  higher  place  among  the  nations. 

"  Congress  has  always  been  and  must  always  be  the 
theatre  of  contending  opinions  ;  the  forum  where  the  op 
posing  forces  of  political  philosophy  meet  to  measure  their 


160  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD. 

strength ;  where  the  public  good  must  meet  the  assault* 
of  local  and  sectional  interests ;  in  a  word,  the  appointed 
place  where  the  nation  seeks  to  utter  its  thought  and 
register  its  will. 

CONGRESS  AND  THE  EXECUTIVE. 

"  This  brings  me  to  consider  the  present  relations  of 
Congress  to  the  other  great  departments  of  the  govern 
ment,  and  to  the  people.  The  limits  of  this  article  will 
permit  no  more  than  a  glance  at  a  few  principal  heads 
of  ^inquiry. 

"  In  the  main,  the  balance  of  powers  so  admirably  ad 
justed  and  distributed  among  the  throe  great  depart 
ments  of  the  government  have  been  safely  preserved,  it 
was  the  purpose  of  our  fathers  to  lodge  absolute  power 
nowhere  ;  to  leave  each  department  independent  within 
its  own  sphere;  yet,  in  every  case,  responsible  for  the 
exercise  of  its  discretion.  But  some  dangerous  innova 
tions  have  been  made. 

"  And  first,  the  appointing  power  of  the  President  has 
been  seriously  encroached  upon  by  Congress,  or  rather 
by  the  members  of  Congress.  Curiously  enough,  this 
encroachment  originated  in  the  act  of  the  chief  executive 
himself.  The  tierce  popular  hatred  of  the  federal  party, 
\\hu-h  resulted  in  the  elevation  of  Jefferson  to  the  presi 
dency,  led  that  oflicer  to  set  the  first  example  of  remov 
ing  men  from  otlice  on  account  of  political  opinions.  For 
political  causes  alone  lie  removed  a  considerable  number 
of  officers  who  Imd  recently  been  appointed  by  President 
Adams,  and  thus  set  the  pernicious  example.  His  imme 
diate  succe-ibors  made  only  a  few  removals  lor  political 


COLONEL  A.  F.  ROCKWELL. 


GENERAL  D.  G.  SWAIM. 

Colonel  Rockwell  and  Gen.  Swaim  have  been  in 
attendance  on  the  President  ever  since  he  was  shot. 


GENERAL   GARFIELD    ENTERS    CONGRESS.  161 

reasons.  But  Jackson  made  his  political  opponents  who 
were  in  office  feel  the  full  weight  of  his  executive  hand. 
From  that  time  forward  the  civil  offices  of  the  govern 
ment  became  the  prizes  for  which  political  parties  strove ; 
and,  twenty-five  years  ago,  the  corrupting  doctrine  that 
to  the  victors  belong  the  spoils  '  was  shamelessly  an 
nounced  as  an  article  of  political  faith  and  practice.  It 
is  hardly  possible  to  state  with  adequate  force  the  nox 
ious  influence  of  this  doctrine.  It  was  bad  enough  when 
the  federal  officers  numbered  no  more  than  eight  or  ten 
thousand ;  but  now,  when  the  growth  of  the  country  and 
the  great  increase  in  the  number  of  public  offices  occa 
sioned  by  the  late  war,  have  swelled  the  civil  list  to  more 
than  eighty  thousand,  arid  to  the  ordinary  motives  foi 
political  strife  this  vast  patronage  is  offered  as  a  reward 
to  the  victorious  party,  the  magnitude  of  the  evil  can 
hardly  be  measured.  The  public  mind  has,  by  degrees, 
drifted  into  an  acceptance  of  this  doctrine  ;  and  thus  an 
election  has  become  a  fierce,  selfish  struggle  between  the 
'  ins '  and  the  '  outs,'  the  one  striving  to  keep  and  the 
other  to  gain  the  prize  of  office.  It  is  not  possible  for 
any  president  to  select,  with  any  degree  of  intelligence, 
so  vast  an  army  of  office-holders  without  the  aid  of  men 
who  are  acquainted  with  the  people  of  the  various  sec 
tions  of  the  country.  And  thus  it  has  become  the  habit 
of  presidents  to  make  most  of  their  appointments  on  the 
recommendation  of  members  of  Congress.  During  the 
last  twenty-five  years,  it  has  been  understood,  by  the 
Congress  and  the  people,  that  offices  are  to  be  obtained 
by  the  aid  of  senators  and  representatives,  who  thus  be 
come  the  dispensers,  sometimes  the  brokers  of  patronage. 
11 


162  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

The  members  of  State  legislatures  who  choose  a  senator, 
and  the  district  electors  who  choose  a  representative, 
look  to  the  man  of  their  choice  for  appointments  to  office. 
Thus,  from  the  President  downward,  through  all  the 
grades  of  official  authority,  to  the  electors  themselves, 
civil  office  becomes  a  vast  corrupting  power,  to  be  used 
in  running  the  machine  of  party  politics. 

"  This  evil  has  been  greatly  aggravated  by  the  pas 
sage  of  the  Tenure  of  Office  Act,  of  1867,  whose  object 
was  to  restrain  President  Johnson  from  making  removals 
for  political  cause.  But  it  has  virtually  resulted  in  the 
usurpation,  by  the  Senate,  of  a  large  share  of  the  ap 
pointing  power.  The  President  can  remove  no  officer 
without  the  consent  of  the  Senate ;  and  such  consent  is 
not  often  given,  unless  the  appointment  of  the  successor 
nominated  to  fill  the  proposed  vacancy  is  agreeable  to  the 
senator  in  whose  State  the  appointee  resides.  Thus,  it 
has  happened  that  a  policy,  inaugurated  by  an  early 
president,  has  resulted  in  seriously  crippling  the  just 
powers  of  the  executive,  and  has  placed  in  the  hands  of 
senators  and  representatives  a  power  most  corrupting  and 
dangerous. 

"  Not  the  least  serious  evil  resulting  from  this  inva 
sion  of  the  executive  functions  by  members  of  Congress 
is  the  fact  that  it  greatly  impairs  their  own  usefulness  as 
legislators.  One-third  of  the  working  hours  of  senators 
and  representatives  is  hardly  sufficient  to  meet  the  de 
mands  made  upon  them  in  reference  to  appointments  to 
office.  The  spirit  of  that  clause  of  the  constitution  which 
shields  them  from  arrest  '  during  their  attendance  on  the 
session  of  their  respective  houses,  and  in  going  to  and 


GENERAL   GARFIELD   ENTERS   CONGRESS.  1G3 

from  the  same/  should  also  shield  them  from  being  ar 
rested  from  their  legislative  work,  morning,  noon,  and 
night,  by  office-seekers.  To  sum  up  in  a  word  :  the 
present  system  invades  the  independence  of  the  execu 
tive,  and  makes  him  less  responsible  for  the  character  of 
his  appointments ;  it  impairs  the  efficiency  of  the  legis 
lator  by  diverting  him  from  his  proper  sphere  of  duty 
and  involving  him  in  the  intrigues  of  aspirants  for  office ; 
it  degrades  the  civil  service  itself  by  destroying  the  per 
sonal  independence  of  those  who  are  appointed  ;  it  repels 
from  the  service  those  high  and  manly  qualities  which  are 
BO  necessary  to  a  pure  and  efficient  administration ;  and 
finally,  it  debauches  the  public  mind  by  holding  up  public 
office  as  the  reward  of  mere  party  zeal. 

"  To  reform  this  service  is  one  of  the  highest  and  most 
imperative  duties  of  statesmanship.  This  reform  cannot 
be  .accomplished  without  a  complete  divorce  between 
Congress  and  the  executive  in  the  matter  of  appoint 
ments.  It  will  be  a  proud  day  when  an  administration 
senator  or  representative,  who  is  in  good  standing  in  his 
party,  can  say  as  Thomas  Hughes  said,  during  his  recent 
visit  to  this  country,  that  though  he  was  on  the  most  in 
timate  terms  with  the  members  of  his  own  administration, 
yet  it  was  not  in  his  power  to  secure  the  removal  of  the 
humblest  clerk  in  the  civil  service  of  his  government. 

'*  This  is  not  the  occasion  to  discuss  the  recent  en 
largement  of  the  jurisdiction  of  Congress  in  reference  to 
the  election  of  a  president  and  vice-president  by  the 
States.  But  it  cannot  be  denied  that  the  electoral  bill 
has  spread  a  wide  and  dangerous  field  for  congressional 
action.  Unless  the  boundaries  of  its  power  sluill  be  re- 


164  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD. 

stricted  by  a  new  amendment  of  the  constitution,  we  have 
seen  the  last  of  our  elections  of  president  on  the  old  plan. 
The  power  to  decide  who  has  been  elected  may  be  so  used 
as  to  exceed  the  power  of  electing. 

"  I  have  long  believed  that  the  official  relations  be 
tween  the  executive  and  Congress  should  be  more  open 
and  direct.  They  are  now  conducted  by  correspondence 
with  the  presiding  officers  of  the  two  houses,  by  consul 
tation  with  committees,  or  by  private  interviews  with  in 
dividual  members.  This  frequently  leads  to  misunder 
standings,  and  may  lead  to  corrupt  combinations.  It 
would  be  far  better  for  both  departments  if  the  members 
of  the  cabinet  were  permitted  to  sit  in  Congress  and  par 
ticipate  in  the  debates  on  measures  relating  to  their  sev 
eral  departments — but,  of  course,  without  a  vote.  This 
would  tend  to  secure  the  ablest  men  for  the  chief  execu 
tive  offices ;  it  would  bring  the  policy  of  the  adminis 
tration  into  the  fullest  publicity  by  giving  both  parties 
ample  opportunity  for  criticism  and  defence. 

CONGRESS   OVERBURDENED. 

"  As  a  result  of  the  great  growth  of  the  country  and 
of  the  new  legislation  arising  from  the  late  war,  Congress 
is  greatly  overloaded  with  work.  It  is  safe  to  say  that 
the  business  which  now  annually  claims  the  attention  of 
Congress  is  tenfold  more  complex  and  burdensome  than 
it  was  forty  years  ago.  For  example  :  the  twelve  annual 
appropriation  bills,  with  their  numerous  details,  now  con 
sume  two-thirds  of  each  short  session  of  the  House. 
Forty  years  ago,  when  the  appropriations  were  made  more 
in  block,  one  week  was  sufficient  for  the  work.  The  vast 


GENERAL   GARFIELD   ENTERS    CONGRESS.  165 

• 

extent  of  our  country,  the  increasing  number  of  States 
and  Territories,  the  legislation  necessary  to  regulate  our 
mineral  lands,  to  manage  our  complex  systems  of  internal 
revenue,  banking,  currency,  and  expenditure,  have  so  in 
creased  the  work  of  Congress  that  no  one  man  can  ever 
read  the  bills  and  the  official  reports  relating  to  current 
legislation ;  much  less  can  he  qualify  himself  for  intelli 
gent  action  upon  them.  As  a  necessary  consequence,  the 
real  work  of  legislation  is  done  by  the  committees ;  and 
their  work  must  be  accepted  or  rejected  without  full 
knowledge  of  its  merits.  This  fact  alone  renders  leader 
ship  in  Congress,  in  the  old  sense  of  the  word,  impossible. 
For  many  years  we  have  had  the  leadership  of  commit 
tees  and  chairmen  of  committees;  but  no  one  man  can 
any  more  be  the  leader  of  all  the  legislation  of  the  Senate 
or  of  the  House,  than  one  lawyer  or  one  physician  can 
now  be  foremost  in  all  the  departments  of  law  or  medi 
cine.  The  evils  of  loose  legislation  resulting  from  this 
situation  must  increase  rather  than  diminish,  until  a 
remedy  is  provided. 

"  John  Stuart  Mill  held  that  a  numerous  popular  as 
sembly  is  radically  unfit  to  make  good  laws,  but  is  the  best 
possible  means  of  getting  good  laws  made.  He  suggested, 
as  a  permanent  part  of  the  constitution  of  a  free  country, 
a  legislative  commission,  composed  of  a  few  trained  men, 
to  draft  such  laws  as  the  legislature,  by  general  resolu 
tions,  shall  direct,  which  draft  shall  be  adopted  by  the 
legislature,  without  change,  or  returned  to  the  commis 
sion  to  be  amended.* 

"  Whatever  may  be  thought  of  Mr.  Mill's  suggestion, 

*  Mill's  Autobiography,  pp.  26-45. 


166  JAMES   A.    GARFIELD. 

• 

it  is  clear  that  some  plan  must  be  adopted  to  relieve  Con 
gress  from  the  infinite  details  of  legislation,  and  to  pre 
serve  harmony  and  coherence  in  our  laws. 

"  Another  change  observable  in  Congress,  as  well  as 
ID  the  legislatures  of  other  countries,  is  the  decline  of  ora 
tory.  The  press  is  rendering  the  orator  obsolete.  Sta 
tistics  now  furnish  the  materials  upon  which  the  legislator 
depends  ;  and  a  column  of  figures  will  often  demolish  a 
dozen  pages  of  eloquent  rhetoric. 

"Just  now,  too,  the  day  of  sentimental  politics  is  pass 
ing  away,  and  the  work  of  Congress  is  more  nearly  allied 
to  the  business  interests  of  the  country  and  to  '  the  dis 
mal  science/  as  political  economy  is  called  by  the  '  prac 
tical  men '  of  our  time. 

CONGRESS  AND  THE  PEOPLE. 

"  The  legislation  of  Congress  comes  much  nearer  to 
the  daily  life  of  the  people  than  ever  before.  Twenty 
years  ago,,  the  presence  of  the  national  government  was 
not  felt  by  one  citizen  in  a  hundred.  Except  in  paying 
his  postage  and  receiving  his  mail,  the  citizen  of  the  inte 
rior  rarely  came  in  contact  with  the  national  authority. 
Now,  he  meets  it  in  a  thousand  ways.  Formerly  the 
legislation  of  Congress  referred  chiefly  to  our  foreign  re 
lations,  to  indirect  taxes,  to  the  government  of  the  army, 
the  navy,  and  the  Territories.  Now  a  vote  in  Congress 
may,  any  day,  seriously  derange  the  business  affairs  of 
every  citizen. 

"And  this  leads  me  to  say,  that  now,  more  than  ever 
before,  the  people  are  responsible  for  the  character  of 
their  Congress.  If  that  body  be  ignorant,  reckless,  and 


GENERAL   GARFIELD   ENTERS   CONGRESS.  167 

corrupt,  it  is  because  the  people  tolerate  ignorance,  reck 
lessness,  and  corruption.  If  it  be  intelligent,  brave,  and 
pure,  it  is  because  the  people  demand  those  'high  quali 
ties  to  represent  them  in  the  national  legislature.  Con 
gress  lives  in  the  blaze  of  *  that  fierce  light  which  beats 
against  the  throne.'  The  telegraph  and  the  press  will 
to-morrow  morning  announce  at  a  million  breakfast  tables 
what  has  been  said  and  done  in  Congress  to-day.  Now, 
as  always,  Congress  represents  the  prevailing  opinions 
and  political  aspirations  of  the  people.  The  wildest  de 
lusions  of  paper  money,  the  crudest  theories  of  taxation, 
the  passions  and  prejudices  that  find  expression  in  the 
Senate  and  House,  were  first  believed  and  discussed  at 
the  firesides  of  the  people,  on  the  corners  of  the  streets, 
and  in  the  caucuses  and  conventions  of  political  parties. 

"  The  most  alarming  feature  of  our  situation  is  the 
fact  that  so  many  citizens  of  high  character  and  solid 
judgment  pay  but  little  attention  to  the  sources  of  po 
litical  power,  to  the  selection  of  those  who  shall  make 
their  laws.  '  The  clergy,  the  faculties  of  colleges,  and 
many  of  the  leading  business  men  of  the  community, 
lever  attend  the  township  caucus,  the  city  primaries,  or 
the  county  convention ;  but  they  allow  the  less  intelli 
gent  and  the  more  selfish  and  corrupt  members  of  the 
community  to  make  the  slates  and  'run  the  machine' 
of  politics.  They  wait  until  the  machine  has  done  its 
work,  and  then,  in  surprise,  and  horror  at  the  ignorance 
and  corruption  in  public  office,  sigh  for  the  return  of  that 
mythical  period  called  the  '  better  and  purer  days  of  the 
republic.'  It  is  precisely  this  neglect  of  the  first  steps 
in  our  political  processes  that  has  made  possible  the 


168  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

worst  evils  of  our  system.  Corrupt  and  incompetent 
presidents,  judges,  and  legislators  can  be  removed,  but 
when  the  fountains  of  political  power  are  corrupted,  when 
voters  themselves  become  venial  and  elections  fraudu 
lent,  there  is  no  remedy  except  by  awakening  the  pub 
lic  conscience,  and  bringing  to  bear  upon  the  subject  the 
power  of  public  opinion  and  the  penalties  of  the  law. 
The  practice  of  buying  and  selling  votes  at  our  popular 
elections  has  already  gained  a  foothold,  though  it  has 
not  gone  as  far  as  in  England. 

"  It  is  mentioned  in  the  recent  biography  of  Lord 
Macaulay,  as  a  boast,  that  his  three  elections  to  the 
House  of  Commons  cost  him  but  ten  thousand  dollars. 
A,  hundred  years  ago,  bribery  of  electors  was  far  more 
prevalent  and  shameless  in  England  than  it  now  is. 

"  There  have  always  been,  and  always  will  be,  bad 
men  in  all  human  pursuits.  There  was  a  Judas  in  the 
college  of  the  Apostles,  an  Arnold  in  the  army  of  the 
Revolution,  a  Burr  in  our  early  politics  ;  and  they  have 
had  successors  in  all  departments  of  modern  life.  But 
it  is  demonstrable,  as  a  matter  of  history,  that  on  the 
whole  the  standard  of  public  and  private  morals  is  higher 
in  the  United  States  at  the  present  time  than  ever  be 
fore  ;  that  men  in  public  and  private*  stations  are  held 
to  a  more  rigid  accountability,  and  that  the  average 
moral  tone  of  Congress  is  higher  to-day  than  at  any 
previous  period  of  our  history.*  It  is  certainly  true  that 

*  On  this  point  I  beg  to  refer  the  reader  to  a  speech  delivered  by  Hon. 
George  F.  Hoar,  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  August  9,  1876,  in  which 
that  distinguished  gentleman  said :  "  I  believe  there  is  absolutely  less  of 
corruption,  less  of  maladministration,  and  less  of  vice  and  evil  in  public  life 
than  there  was  in  the  sixteen  years  which  covered  the  administration  of 


GENERAL   GARFIELD   ENTERS    CONGRESS.  169 

our  Lite  war  disturbed  the  established  order  of  society, 
awakened  a  reckless  spirit  of  adventure  and  speculation, 
and  greatly  multiplied  the  opportunities  and  increased 
the  temptations  to  evil.  The  disorganization  of  the 
Southern  States  and  the  temporary  disfranchisement  of 
its  leading  citizens  threw  a  portion  of  their  representa 
tion  in  Congress,  for  a  short  time,  into  the  hands  of  po 
litical  adventurers,  many  of  whom  used  their  brief  hold 
on  power  for  personal  ends,  and  thus  brought  disgrace 
upon  the  national  legislature.  And  it  is  also  true  that 
the  enlarged  sphere  of  legislation  so  mingled  public 
duties  and  private  interests,  that  it  was  not  easy  to  draw 
the  line  between  them.  From  that  cause,  also,  the  repu 
tation,  and  in  some  cases  the  character,  of  public  men 
suffered  eclipse.  But  the  earnestness  and  vigor  with 
which  wrong-doing  is  everywhere  punished  is  a  strong 
guaranty  of  the  purity  of  those  who  may  hold  posts  of 
authority  and  honor.  Indeed,  there  is  now  danger  in 
the  opposite  direction,  namely,  that  criticism  may  de 
generate  into  mere  slander,  and  put  an  end  to  its  power 
for  good  by  being  used  as  the  means  to  assassinate  the 
reputation  and  destroy  the  usefulness  of  honorable  men. 
It  is  as  much  the  duty  of  all  good  men  to  protect  and 
defend  the  reputation  of  worthy  public  servants  as  to 
detect  and  punish  public  rascals. 

"  In  a  word,  our  national  safety  demands  that  the 
fountains  of  political  power  shall  be  made  pure  by  intel 
ligence,  and  kept  pure  by  vigilance ;  that  the  best  citi- 

Washington,  the  administration  of  John  Adams,  and  the  first  term  of  Jeffer 
son."  This  assertion  ia  maintained  by  numerous  citations  of  unquestioned 
facts  in  the  speech. 


170  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

zens  shall  take  heed  to  the  selection  and  election  of  the 
worthiest  and  most  intelligent  among  them  to  hold  seats 
in  the  national  legislature  ;  and  that  when  the  choice  has 
been  made,  the  continuance  of  their  representative  shall 
depend  upon  his  faithfulness,  his  ability,  and  his  willing 
ness  to  work. 

CONGRESS  AND   CULTURE. 

"In  Congress,  as  everywhere  else,  careful  study — 
thorough,  earnest  work — is  the  only  sure  passport  to 
usefulness  and  distinction.  From  its  first  meeting  in 
1774  to  its  last  in  1788,  three  hundred  and  fifty-four 
men  sat  in  the  Continental  Congress.  Of  these,  one 
hundred  and  eighteen — one  third  of  the  whole  number 
— were  college  graduates.  That  third  embraced  much 
the  largest  number  of  those  whose  names  have  come 
down  to  us  as  the  great  founders  of  the  republic.  Since 
the  adoption  of  the  constitution  of  1787,  six  thousand 
two  hundred  and  eighteen  men  have  held  seats  in  Con 
gress  ;  and  among  them  all,  thorough  culture  and  ear 
nest,  arduous  work  have  been  the  leading  characteristics 
of  those  whose  service  has  been  most  useful  and  whose 
fame  has  been  most  enduring.  Galloway  wrote  of 
Samuel  Adams :  '  He  drinks  little,  eats  temperately, 
thinks  much,  and  is  most  indefatigable  in  the  pursuit  of 
his  objects/  This  description  can  still  be  fittingly  ap 
plied  to  all  men  who  deserve  and  achieve  success  any 
where,  but  especially  in  public  life.  As  a  recent  writer 
has  said,  in  discussing  the  effect  of  Prussian  culture,  so 
we  may  say  of  culture  in  Congress :  *  The  lesson  is,  that 
whether  you  want  him  for  war  or  peace,  there  is  no  way 


GENERAL   GARFIELD    ENTERS   CONGRESS.  171 

in  which  you  can  get  so  much  out  of  a  man  as  by  train 
ing,  not  in  pieces,  but  the  whole  of  him;  and  that  the 
trained  men,  other  things  being  equal,  are  pretty  sure, 
in  the  long  run,  to  be  masters  of  the  world.' 

16  Congress  must  always  be  the  exponent  of  the  polit 
ical  character  and  culture  of  the  people ;  and  if  the  next 
centennial  does  not  find  us  a  great  nation,  with  a  great 
and  worthy  Congress,  it  will  be  because  those  who  repre 
sent  the  enterprise,  the  culture,  and  the  morality  of  the 
nation,  do  not  aid  in  controlling  the  political  forces  which 
are  employed  to  select  the  men  who  shall  occupy  the 
great  places  of  trust  and  power/' 


CHAPTER   VI. 


GENERAL   GARFIELD  S   CONGRESSIONAL    CAREER. 

The  Wade-Davis  Manifesto  —  General  Garfield  before  the  Convention  - 
Moral  Courage  wins  the  Day — Triumphant  Nomination  and  Elocti'-u 
of  General  Garfield — Is  appointed  a  Member  of  the  Committee  of  Wava 
and  Means — Speech  on  the  Constitutional  Amendment — A  Grand  De 
nunciation  of  Slavery — Speech  on  the  Reconstruction  of  the  Southern 
States — Speech  on  Confiscation — A  Reminiscence  of  the  War — Gradual 
Rise  of  the  Negro — How  Garfield  refused  to  surrender  a  Fugitive  Slave 
— Speech  on  State  Sovereignty — General  Garfield  as  a  Temperance 
Worker — How  he  shut  up  a  Beer  Brewery — A  Good  Speculation — Gen 
eral  Garfield's  Tariff  Record — Views  of  the  Iron  and  Steel  Bulletin- 
General  Garfield's  Course  Satisfactory — To  the  Protectionists — His  Real 
Position  on  this  Question — Re-election  of  General  Garfield  to  Congress 
— Is  made  Chairman  of  the  Military  Committee — Successive  re-electiona 
to  Congress — Is  made  Chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Appropriations — 
Debate  on  the  Civil  Appropriation  Bill  of  1872 — General  Garfield's  mode 
of  conducting  Public  Business— The  Salary  Grab — General  Garfield's 
Course  respecting  it — Letter  to  a  Friend — Garfield  successfully  Vindi- 
dicates  his  Course — A  Silly  Rumor  Refuted  —  General  Garfield  urges 
the  Repeal  of  the  Salary  Bill. 

WHEN  the  time  for  holding  the  Congressional  Convention 
of  General  Garfield's  district  arrived  in  1864,  his  political 
enemies  spread  the  report  through  the  district  that  he  had 
written  the  famous  Wade-Davis  manifesto  against  Presi 
dent  Lincoln,  or  was  at  least  thoroughly  in  sympathy 
with  it.  This  manifesto  had  created  the  most  intense 
excitement  throughout  the  West,  and  especially  in  the 


CONGRESSIONAL    CAREER.  173 

Western  Reserve,  where  Mr.  Lincoln  was  universally  be 
loved,  and  where  any  attempt  to  criticise  his  course  was 
resented  by  the  sturdy  Republican  phalanx  as  almost 
equal  to  disloyalty.  The  consequence  was  that  General 
Garfield  was  summoned  by  a  committee  to  appear  before 
the  Convention  and  explain  himself.  It  seemed  to  him  a 
square  challenge  to  his  independence,  and  he  resolved  to 
meet  it  manfully.  He  went  to  the  Convention,  was  given 
a  seat  on  the  platform,  and  was  called  upon  by  the  chair 
man  for  a  statement  as  to  his  connection  with  the  obnox 
ious  letter.  He.  made  a  speech  which  he  supposed  could 
have  no  other  effect  than  to  dig  his  political  grave.  He  had 
not  written  the  Wade-Davis  letter,  he  said,  but  he  had  only 
one  regret  connected  with  it,  and  that  was  that  there  was 
a  necessity  for  its  appearance.  He  approved  the  letter, 
defended  the  motives  of  its  authors,  asserted  his  right  to 
independence  of  thought  and  action,  and  told  the  delegates 
that  if  they  did  not  want  a  free  agent  for  their  represent 
ative,  they  had  better  find  another  man,  for  he  did  not 
desire  to  serve  them  any  longer.  After  he  had  finished 
speaking,  he  left  the  platform  and  strode  out  of  the  hall. 
When  he  reached  the  foot  of  the  stairs  he  heard  a  great 
tumult  above,  which  he  imagined  was  the  signal  of  his 
unanimous  rejection.  On  the  contrary,  it  was  the  sound 
of  his  nomination  by  acclamation.  No  sooner  had  he  left 
than  an  Ashtabula  delegate  rose  and  said  that  he  thought 
the  Convention  could  not  do  better  than  to  renominate 
by  acclamation  a  man  of  such  independence  and  courage 
as  General  Garfield  had  just  shown  himself  to  be.  His 
motion  was  carried  with  a  hurrah  before  the  delegates 
opposed  to  Garfield  had  time  to  open  their  mouths.  Gov- 


174  .1AMES    A.  GARFIELD  : 

ernor  Todd  said,  after  the  meeting  dispersed,  that  a  dis 
trict  that  would  allow  a  young  fellow  like  Garfield  to 
tweak  its  nose  and  cuff  its  ears  in  that  manner  deserved 
to  have  him  saddled  on  it  for  the  rest  of  his  life.  And  it 
came  near  being  the  case. 

The  election  come  off  in  the  fall  of  1864,  and  Gen 
eral  Garfield  was  returned  by  a  majority  of  nearly  12,GO( 
votes.  His  return  to  the  House  was  a  matter  of  general 
rejoicing  to  the  Republicans  in  Congress,  and  so  highly 
was  he  esteemed  that  he,,  was  appointed  a  member  of 
the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means.  This  was  done  at 
the  request  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  who  had 
spoken  of  him  as  one  of  the  best  informed  men  on  fi 
nancial  matters  to  be  found  in  public  life.  The  Com 
mittee  of  Ways  and  Means  is  the  most  important  in 
the  House.  It  is  charged  with  the  consideration  and 
preparation  of  all  the  financial  measures  of  Congress, 
and  provides  the  means  of  raising  the  revenue.  Con 
sequently  its  members  are  chosen  by  the  Speaker  with 
the  greatest  care,  and  are  selected  from  the  ablest  mem 
bers  of  the  House.  General  Garfield  gave  himself  up 
to  a  profound  study  of  financial  matters,  and  soon  made 
it  apparent  to  all  that  the  praise  of  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  was  neither  rashly  bestowed  nor  undeserved. 

General  Garfield  continued  an  active  and  leading 
iebater  in  Congress,  and  fully  maintained  the  reputa 
tion  he  had  made  during  his  first  years  in  that  body 
He  spoke  frequently  and  eloquently.  He  supported  the 
constitutional  amendment  prohibiting  slavery  every 
where  within  the  limits  of  the  United  States,  and  in  the 
course  of  his  remarks  said  : 


HIS   CONGRESSIONAL   CAREER.  175 

"  Mr.  Speaker : — We  shall  never  know  why  slavery 
dies  so  hard  in  this  Republic  and  in  this  hall  till  we 
know  why  sin  is  long-lived  and  Satan  is  immortal. 
With  marvellous  tenacity  of  existence,  it  has  outlived 
the  expectations  of  its  friends  and  the  hopes  of  its 
enemies.  It  has  been  declared  here  and  elsewhere  to 
be  in  the  several  stages  of  mortality — wounded,  mori 
bund,  dead.  The  question  was  raised  by  my  colleague 
(Mr.  Cox)  yesterday  whether  it  was  indeed  dead,  or 
only  in  a  troubled  sleep.  I'  know  of  no  better  illustra 
tion  of  its  condition  than  is  found  in  Sallust's  admira 
ble  history  of  the  great  conspirator,  Cataline,  who,  when 
his  final  battle  was  fought  and  lost,  his  army  broken 
and  scattered,  was  found  far  in  advance  of  his  own 
troops,  lying  among  the  dead  enemies  of  Rome,  yet 
breathing  a  little,  but  exhibiting  in  his  countenance  all 
the  ferocity  of  spirit  which  had  characterized  his  life. 
So,  sir,  this  body  of  slavery  lies  before  us  among  the 
dead  enemies  of  the  Republic,  mortally  wounded,  im 
potent  in  its  fiendish  wickedness,  but  with  its  old  fe 
rocity  of  look,  bearing  the  unmistakable  marks  of  its 
infernal  origin.  • 

"  Who  does  not  remember  that  thirty  years  ago — a 
short  period  in  the  life  of  a  nation — but  little  could  be 
said  with  impunity  in  these  halls  on  the  subject  of 
slavery?  How  well  do  gentlemen  here  remember  the 
history  of  that  distinguished  predecessor  of  mine,  Joshua 
R.  Grid  dings,  lately  gone  to  his  rest,  who,  with  his  for 
lorn  hope  of  faithful  men,  took  his  life  in  his  hand,  and 
in  the  name  of  justice  protested  against  the  great  crime, 
and  who  stood  bravely  in  his  place  until  his  white  locks, 


17G  JAMES    A.  GARFIEL1)  : 

like  the  plume  of  Henry  of  Navarre,  marked  where  the 
battle  for  freedom  raged  fiercest ! 

"  We  can  hardly  realize  that  this  is  the  same  people 
and  these  the  same  halls,  where  now  scarcely  a  man 
can  be  found  who  will  venture  to  do  more  than  falter 
out  an  apology  for  slavery,  protesting  in  the  same  breath 
that  he  has  no  love  for  the  dying  tyrant.  None,  I  be 
lieve,  but  that  man  of  more  than  supernal  boldness, 
from  the  city  of  New  York  (Mr.  Fernando  Wood),  has 
ventured,  this  session,  to  raise  his  voice  in  favor  of 
slavery  for  its  own  sake.  He  still  sees  in  its  features 
the  reflection  of  beauty  and  divinity,  and  only  he. 
'  How  art  thou  fallen  from  heaven,  0  Lucifer,  son  of 
the  morning !  How  art  thou  cut  down  to  the  ground, 
which  didst  weaken  the  nations  ! '  Many  mighty  men 
have  been  slain  by  thee ;  many  proud  ones  have  hum 
bled  themselves  at  thy  feet !  All  along  the  coast  of  our 
political  sea  these  victims  of  slavery  lie  like  stranded 
wrecks,  broken  on  the  headlands  of  freedom.  How 
lately  did  its  advocates,  with  impious  boldness,  maintain 
it  as  God's  own,  to  be  venerated  and  cherished  as  divine. 
It  was  another  and  higher  form  of  civilization.  It  was 
the  holy  evangel  of  America  dispensing  its  mercies  to  a 
benighted  race,  and  destined  to  bear  countless  blessings 
to  the  wilderness  of  the  West.  In  its  mad  arrogance  it 
lifted  its  hand  to  strike  down  the  fabric  of  the  Union, 
and  since  that  fatal  day  it  has  been  a  '  fugitive  and  a 
vagabond  upon  the  earth/  Like  the  spirit  that  Jesus 
cast  out,  it  has,  since  then,  '  been  seeking  rest  and  find 
ing  none.* 

"  It  has  sought  in  all  the  corners  of  the  Republic  to 


HIS    CONGRESSIONAL    CAREER.  177 

find   some   hiding-place   in  which  to  shelter  itself  from 
the  death  it  so  richly  deserves. 

"It  sought  an  asylum  in  the  untrodden  territories 
of  the  West;  but,  with  a  whip  of  scorpions,  indignant 
freeman  drove  it  thence.  I  do  not  believe  that  a  loyal 
man  can  now  be  found  who  would  consent  that  it  should 
again  enter  them.  It  has  no  hopes  of  harbor  there.  It 
found  no  protection  of  favor  in  the  hearts  or  consciences 
of  the  freemen  of  the  Republic,  and  has  fled  for  its  last 
hope  of  safety  behind  the  shield  of  the  constitution. 
We  propose  to  follow  it  there,  and  drive  it  thence  as 
Satan  was  exiled  from  heaven." 

During  the  same  session  the  question  of  the  re 
construction  of  the  Southern  States  and  the  proper  treat 
ment  of  the  negroes  was  debated.  General  Garfield 
spoke  earnestly  on  the  subject,  and  on  one  occasion  said : 

"  We  should  do  nothing  inconsistent  with  the  spirit 
and  genius  of  our  institutions.  We  should  do  nothing 
for  revenge,  but  everything  for  security  ;  nothing  for  the 
past,  everything  for  the  present  and  the  future.  Indem 
nity  for  the  past  we  can  never  obtain.  The  four  hundred 
thousand  graves  in  which  sleep  our  fathers  and  brothers, 
murdered  by  rebellion,  will  keep  their  sacred  trust  till 
the  angel  of  the  resurrection  bids  the  dead  come  forth. 
The  tears,  the  sorrow,  the  unutterable  anguish  of  broken 
hearts  can  never  be  atoned  for.  We  turn  from  that  sad 
but  glorious  past,  and  demand  such  securities  for  the 
future  as  can  never  be  destroyed. 

"  We  must  recognize  in  all  our  action  the  stupendous 
facts  of  the  war.  In  the  very  crisis  of  our  fate,  God 

brought  us  face  to  face  with  the  alarming  truth  that  we 
12 


178  JAMES    A.  GAHFIELD  : 

must  lose  our  own  freedom  or  grant  it  to  the  slave.  In 
the  extremity  of  our  distress  we  called  upon  the  black 
man  to  help  us  save  the  Republic,  and  amid  the  very 
thunder  of  battle  we  made  a  covenant  with  him,  sealed 
both  with  his  blood  and  ours,  and  witnessed  by  Jehovah, 
that  when  the  nation  was  redeemed  he  should  be  free 
and  share  with  us  the  glories  and  blessing  of  freedom. 
In  the  solemn  words  of  the  great  Proclamation  of  Eman 
cipation,  we  not  only  declared  the  slaves  forever  free,  but 
we  pledged  the  faith  of  the  nation  4to  maintain  their 
freedom' — mark  the  words,  '  to  maintain  their  freedom.9 
The  Omniscient  witness  will  appear  in  judgment  against 
us  if  we  do  not  fulfil  that  covenant.  Have  we  done 
it  ?  Have  we  given  freedom  to  the  black  man  ?  What 
is  freedom  ?  Is  it  a  mere  negation ;  the  bare  privilege 
of  not  being  chained,  bought  and  sold,  branded  and 
scourged  ?  If  this  be  all,  then  freedom  is  a  bitter  mock 
ery,  a  cruel  delusion,  and  it  may  well  be  questioned 
whether  slavery  were  not  better. 

"  But  liberty  is  no  negation.  It  is  a  substantive, 
tangible  reality.  It  is  the  realization  of  those  imperisha 
ble  truths  of  the  Declaration  'that  all  men  are  created 
equal/  that  the  sanction  of  all  just  government  is  ( the 
consent  of  the  governed/  Can  these  truths  be  realized 
until  each  man  has  a  right  to  be  heard  on  all  matters 
relating  to  himself?  .  .  .  We  have  passed  the  Red 
Sea  of  slaughter ;  our  garments  are  yet  wet  with  its 
crimson  spray.  We  have  crossed  the  fearful  wilderness 
of  war,  and  have  left  our  four  hundred  thousand  heroes 
to  sleep  beside  the  dead  enemies  of  the  Republic.  We 
have  heard  the  voice  of  God,  amid  the  thunders  of  battle, 


HIS   CONGRESSIONAL   CAREER.  179 

commanding  us  to  wash  our  hands  of  iniquity,  to  4  pro 
claim  liberty  throughout  all  the  land  unto  all  the  inhabi 
tants  thereof/  When  we  spurned  his  counsels  we  were 
defeated,  and  the  gulfs  of  ruin  yawned  before  us.  When 
we  obeyed  his  voice,  he  gave  us  victory.  And  now, 
at  last,  we  have  reached  the  confines  of  the  wilderness. 
Before  us  is  the  land  of  promise,  the  land  of  hope,  the 
land  of  peace,  filled  with  possibilities  of  greatness  and 
glory  too  vast  for  the  grasp  of  the  imagination.  Are  we 
worthy  to  enter  it  ?  On  what  condition  may  it  be  ours 
to  enjoy  and  transmit  to  our  children's  children  ?  Let  us 
pause  and  make  deliberate  and  solemn  preparation. 

"  Let  us  as  representatives  of  the  people,  whose  ser 
vants  we  are,  bear  in  advance  the  sacred  ark  of  republi 
can  liberty,  with  its  tables  of  the  law  inscribed  with  the 
irreversible  guarantees  of  liberty.  Let  us  here  build  a 
monument,  on  which  shall  be  written  not  only  the  curses 
of  the  law  against  treason,  disloyalty,  and  oppression,  but 
also  an  everlasting  covenant  of  peace  and  blessing  with 
loyalty,  liberty,  and  obedience,  and  all  the  people  will  say 
Amen !" 

When  the  subject  of  confiscation  was  brought  up, 
General  Garfield  spoke  at  length  upon  it,  and  in  the 
course  of  his  remarks,  related  this  leaf  from  his  army 
experience  : 

"  I  would  have  no  man  there,  like  one  from  my  own 
State,  who  came  to  the  army  before  the  great  struggle  in 
Georgia,  and  gave  us  his  views  of  peace.  He  came  as  the 
friend  of  Vallandigham,  the  man  for  whom  the  gentleman 
on  the  other  side  of  the  House  from  my  State  worked  and 
voted.  We  were  on  the  eve  of  a  great  battle,  I  said  to 


180  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD  : 

him,  *  You  wish  to  make  Mr.  Vallandigham  governor  -of 
Ohio.  Why  ?'  '  Because,  in  the  first  place,'  using  the 
language  of  the  gentleman  from  New  York  (Mr.  Fer 
nando  Wood),  'you  cannot  subjugate  the  South,  and  we 
propose  to  withdraw  without  trying  it  longer.  In  the 
next  place,  we  will  have  nothing  to  do  with  this  aboli 
tion  war,  nor  will  we  give  a  man  or  a  dollar  for  its  sup 
port,'  (Remember,  gentlemen,  what  occurred  in  regard  to 
the  conscription  bill  this  morning).  *  To-morrow,'  I  con 
tinued,  '  we  may  be  engaged  in  a  death  struggle  with  the 
rebel  army  that  confronts  us,  and  is  daily  increasing. 
Where  is  the  sympathy  of  your  party  ?  Do  you  want 
us  beaten,  or  Bragg  beaten  ? '  He  answered  that  they 
had  no  interest  in  fighting ;  that  they  did  not  believe  in 
fighting. 

"  Mr.  Noble. — A  question  right  here. 

"  Mr.  Gar  field. — I  cannot  yield ;  I  have  no  time. 
You  can  hear  his  name,  if  you  wish.  He  was  the  agent 
sent  by  the  copperhead  secretary  of  state  to  distribute 
election  blanks  to  the  army  of  the  Cumberland.  His 
name  was  Griffiths. 

"  Mr.  Noble. — A  single  question. 

"  Mr.  Garfield. — I  have  no  time  to  spare. 

"  Mr.  Noble. — I  want  to  ask  the  gentleman  if  he 
knows  that  Mr.  Griffiths  has  made  a  question  of  veracity 
with  him  by  a  positive  denial  of  the  alleged  conversation, 
published  in  the  Cincinnati  Enquirer. 

"  Mr.  Garfield. — No  virtuous  denials  in  the  Cincinnati 
Enquirer  can  alter  the  facts  of  this  conversation,  which 
was  heard  by  a  dozen  officers. 

"I  asked  him  further,  'How  would  it  affect   your 


HIS   CONGRESSIONAL   CAREER.  181 

party  if  we  should  crush  the  rebels  in  this  battle  and  ut 
terly  destroy  them  ?'  '  We  would  probably  lose  votes  by 
it.'  'How  would  it  affect  your  party  if  we  should  bo 
beaten  ?'  '  It  would  probably  help  us  in  votes.' 

"  That,  gentlemen,  is  the  kind  of  support  the  army  is 
receiving  in  what  should  be  the  house  of  its  friends.  That, 
gentlemen,  is  the  kind  of  support  these  men  are  inclined 
to  give  this  country  and  its  army  in  this  terrible  struggle. 
I  hasten  to  make  honorable  exceptions.  I  know  there  are 
honorable  gentlemen  on  the  other  side  who  do  not  belong 
to  that  category,  and  I  am  proud  to  acknowledge  them  as 
my  friends.  I  am  sure  they  do  not  sympathize  with 
these  efforts,  whose  tendency  is  to  pull  down  the  fabric 
of  our  government,  by  aiding  their  friends  over  the  bor 
der  to  do  it.  Their  friends,  I  say,  for  when  the  Ohio  elec 
tion  was  about  coming  off,  in  the  army  at  Chattanooga, 
there  was  more  anxiety  in  the  rebel  camp  than  in  our  own. 
The  pickets  had  talked  face  to  face,  and  made  daily  in 
quiries  how  the  election  in  Ohio  was  going.  And  at  mid 
night  of  the  13th  of  October,  when  the  telegraphic  news 
was  flashed  down  to  us,  and  it  was  announced  to  the  army 
that  the  Union  had  sixty  thousand  majority  in  Ohio,  there 
arose  a  shout  from  every  tent  along  the  line  on  that  rainy 
midnight,  which  rent  the  skies  with  jubilees,  and  sent  de 
spair  to  the  hearts  of  those  who  were  '  waiting  and  watch 
ing  across  the  border.'  It  told  them  that  their  colleagues, 
their  sympathizers,  their  friends,  I  had  almost  said  their 
emissaries  at  the  North,  had  failed  to  sustain  themselves 
in  turning  the  tide  against  the  Union  and  its  army.  And 
from  that  hour,  but  not  till  that  hour,  the  army  felt  safe 
from  the  enemy  behind  it. 


182  JAMES  A.  GARFIELD: 

"  Thanks  to  the  13th  of  October.  It  told  thirteen  oi 
my  colleagues  that  they  had  no  constituencies." 

General  Garfield  was  an  earnest  advocate  of  the  policy 
of  providing  for  the  negroes  by  the  Government.  He  fa 
vored  a  wise  and  careful  guardianship  until  they  were 
able  to  care  for  themselves.  In  one  of  his  speeches  he 
said  : 

"  I  cannot  forget  that  less  than  five  years  ago  I  re 
ceived  an  order  from  my  superior  officer  in  the  army, 
commanding  me  to  search  my  camp  for  a  fugitive  slave, 
and,  if  found,  to  deliver  him  up  to  a  Kentucky  captain, 
who  claimed  him  as  his  property ;  and  I  had  the  honor  to 
be,  perhaps,  the  first  officer  in  the  army  who  peremptorily 
refused  to  obey  such  an  order.  We  were  then  trying  to 
save  the  Union  without  hurting  slavery.  I  remember,  sir, 
that  when  we  undertook  to  agitate  in  the  army  the  ques 
tion  of  putting  arms  into  the  hands  of  the  slaves,  it  was 
said,  l  Such  a  step  will  be  fatal ;  it  will  alienate  half  our 
army,  and  lose  us  Kentucky.'  By  and  by,  when  our  ne 
cessities  were  imperious,  we  ventured  to  let  the  negroes 
dig  in  our  trenches,  but  it  would  not  do  to  put  muskets  in 
their  hands.  We  ventured  to  let  a  negro  drive  a  mule 
team,  but  it  would  not  do  to  have  a  white  man  or  a  mu 
latto  just  in  front  of  him  or  behind  him ;  all  must  be  ne 
groes  in  that  train  ;  you  must  not  disgrace  a  white  soldier 
by  putting  him  in  such  company.  '  By  and  by,'  some 
one  said,  '  Rebel  guerillas  may  capture  the  mules  ;  so,  for 
the  sake  of  the  mules,  let  us  put  a  few  muskets  in  the 
wagons  and  let  the  negroes  shoot  the  guerillas  if  they 
come/  So,  for  the  sake  of  the  mules  we  enlarged  the  lim 
its  of  liberty  a  little.  [Laughter.]  By  and  by  we  al- 


HIS    CONGRESSIONAL   CAREER.  183 

lowed  the  negroes  to  build  fortifications,  and  armed  them 
to  save  the  earthworks  they  had  made — not  to  do  justice 
to  the  negro,  but  to  protect  the  earth  he  had  thrown  up. 
By  and  by  we  said  in  this  hall  that  we  would  arm  the 
negroes,  but  they  must  not  be  called  soldiers,  nor  wear 
the  national  uniform,  for  that  would  degrade  white  sol 
diers.  By  and  by  we  said,  'Let  them  wear  the  uniform, 
but  they  must  not  receive  the  pay  of  soldiers/  For  six 
months  we  did  not  pay  them  enough  to  feed  and  clothe 
them ;  and  their  shattered  regiments  came  home  from 
South  Carolina  in  debt  to  the  Government  for  the  clothes 
they  wore.  It  took  us  two  years  to  reach  a  point  where 
we  were  willing  to  do  the  most  meager  justice  to  the  black 
man,  and  to  recognize  the  truth  that, 

'  A  man's  a  man  for  a'  that.'  " 

The  incident  to  which  General  Garfield  referred  in  the 
first  part  of  the  above  remarks  is  related  as  follows  by  an 
officer  of  General  Sherman's  staff: 

"  One  day  I  noticed  a  fugitive  slave  come  rushing  into 
camp  with  a  bloody  head,  and  apparently  frightened 
almost  to  death.  He  had  only  passed  my  tent  a  moment 
when  a  regular  bully  of  a  fellow  came  riding  up,  and, 
with  a  volley  of  oaths,  began  to  ask  after  his  '  nigger.' 

"  General  Garfield  was  not  present,  and  he  passed  on 
to  the  division  commander.  This  division  commander 
was  a  sympathizer  with  the  theory  that  fugitives  should 
be  returned  to  their  masters,  and  that  the  Union  soldiers 
should  be  made  the  instruments  for  returning  them.  He 
accordingly  wrote  a  mandatory  order  to  General  Gar- 
field,  in  whose  command  the  darky  was  supposed  to  be 


184  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD  : 

hiding,  telling  him  to  hunt  out  and  deliver  over  the  prop 
erty  of  the  outraged  citizen. 

"  I  stated  the  case  as  fully  as  I  could  to  General  Gar- 
field  before  handing  him  the  order,  but  did  not  color  my 
statement  in  any  way.  He  took  the  order,  and  deliber 
ately  wrote  on  it  the  following  indorsement : 

" '  I  respectfully,  but  positively,  decline  to  allow  my 
command  to  search  for,  or  deliver  up,  any  fugitive  slaves. 
I  conceive  that  they  are  here  for  quite  another  purpose. 
The  command  is  open,  and  no  obstacles  will  be  placed  in 
the  way  of  the  search.' 

"  I  read  the  indorsement,  and  was  frightened.  I  ex 
pected  that,  if  returned,  the  result  would  be  that  the 
general  would  be  court-martialled.  I  told  him  my  fears. 
He  simply  replied : 

"  '  The  matter  may  as  well  be  tested  first  as  last. 
Right  is  right,  and  I  do  not  propose  to  mince  matters  at 
all.  My  soldiers  are  here  for  far  other  purposes  than 
hunting  and  returning  fugitive  slaves/  ': 

During  the  session  a  resolution  was  offered  tendering 
the  thanks  of  Congress  to  General  George  H.  Thomas,  for 
his  conduct  at  the  battle  of  Chickamauga,  and  reflecting, 
as  General  Garfield  thought,  unjustly  upon  his  old  chief, 
General  Rosecrans.  This  brought  Garfield  to  his  feet, 
and  in  a  brilliant  and  earnest  speech  he  eulogized  Gen 
eral  Rosecrans,  while  at  the  same  time  he  did  full  justice 
to  General  Thomas. 

During  the  session  it  was  proposed  to  grant  the  sanc 
tion  of  the  Government  of  the  United  States  to  the  con 
struction  of  a  new  railway  line  between  New  York  and 
Philadelphia.  This  was  opposed  on  the  ground  that  the 


HIS   CONGRESSIONAL   CAREER.  185 

State  of  New  Jersey  had  granted  a  monopoly  of  the  rail 
road  traffic  across  her  limits  between  those  points  to  the 
Catnden  and  Amboy  Railroad  Company,  and  that  the 
proposed  action  of  Congress  would  be  an  unwarrantable 
interference  with  the  sovereign  authority  of  that  State. 
Upon  this  subject  General  Garfield  spoke  with  great 
eloquence,  and  his  speech  was  generally  regarded  as  one 
of  the  most  convincing  arguments  against  State  sover 
eignty  ever  delivered  in  Congress.  He  said  : 

"  Mr.  Coleridge  somewhere  says  that  abstract  defini 
tions  have  done  more  harm  in  the  world  than  plague  and 
famine  and  war.  I  believe  it.  I  believe  that  no  man 
will  ever  be  able  to  chronicle  all  the  evils  that  have  re 
sulted  to  this  nation  from  the  abuse  of  the  words  '  sover 
eign'  and  '  sovereignty/  What  is  this  thing  called  '  State 
sovereignty  ? '  Nothing  more  false  was  ever  uttered  in 
the  halls  of  legislation  than  that  any  State  of  this  Union 
is  sovereign.  Consult  the  elementary  text-books  of  law, 
and  refresh  your  recollection  of  the  definition  of  '  sover 
eignty/  Speaking  of  the  sovereignty  of  nations,  Black- 
stone  says : 

"  '  However  they  began,  by  what  right  soever  they 
subsist,  there  is  and  must  be  in  all  of  them  a  supreme, 
irresistible,  absolute,  uncontrolled  authority  in  which  the 
jura  summi  imperil  or  rights  of  sovereignty  reside.' 

"  Do  these  elements  belong  to  any  State  of  this  Re 
public  ?  Sovereignty  has  the  right  to  declare  war.  Can 
New  Jersey  declare  war  ?  It  has  the  right  to  conclude 
peace.  Can  New  Jersey  conclude  peace  ?  Sovereignty 
has  the  right  to  coin  money.  If  the  Legislature  of  New 
Jersey  should  authorize  and  command  one  of  its  citizens 


186  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD  I 

to  coin  a  half-dollar,  that  man,  if  he  made  it,  though  it 
should  be  of  solid  silver,  would  be  locked  up  in  a  felon's 
cell  for  the  crime  of  counterfeiting  the  coin  of  the  real 
sovereign.  A  sovereign  has  the  right  to  make  treaties 
with  foreign  nations.  Has  New  Jersey  the  right  to 
make  treaties?  Sovereignty  is  clothed  with  the  right 
to  regulate  commerce  with  foreign  states.  New  Jersey 
has  no  such  right.  Sovereignty  has  the  right  to  put 
ships  in  commission  upon  the  high  seas.  Should  a  ship 
set  sail  under  the  authority  of  New  Jersey  it  would  be 
seized  as  a  smuggler,  forfeited  and  sold.  Sovereignty 
has  a  flag.  But,  thank  God,  New  Jersey  has  no  flag; 
Ohio  has  no  flag.  No  loyal  State  fights  under  the  '  lone 
star/  the  '  rattlesnake/  or  the  '  palmetto  tree/  No  loyal 
State  of  this  Union  has  any  flag  but  'the  banner  of 
beauty  and  of  glory/  the  flag  of  the  Union.  These  are 
the  indispensable  elements  of  sovereignty.  New  Jersey 
has  not  one  of  them.  The  term  cannot  be  applied  to  the 
separate  States,  save  in  a  very  limited  and  restricted 
cense,  referring  mainly  to  municipal  and  police  regula 
tions.  The  rights  of  the  States  should  be  jealously 
guarded  and  defended.  But  to  claim  that  sovereignty  in 
its  full  sense  and  meaning  belongs  to  the  States  is  noth 
ing  better  than  rankest  treason.  Look  again  at  this  doc 
ument  of  the  Governor  of  New  Jersey.  He  tells  you 
that  the  STATES  entered  into  the  '  national  compact  f 
National  compact !  I  had  supposed  that  no  governor  of 
a  loyal  State  would  parade  this  dogma  of  nullification  and 
secession  which  was  killed  and  buried  by  Webster  on  the 
16th  of  February,  1833. 

"  There  was  no  such  thing  as  a  sovereign   State  mak- 


HIS   CONGRESSIONAL   CAREER.  187 

ing  a  compact  called  a  constitution.  The  very  language 
of  the  Constitution  is  decisive  :  *  We,  the  people  of  the 
United  States,  do  ordain  and  establish  this  Constitution. 
The  States  did  not  make  a  compact  to  be  broken  when 
any  :ne  pleased,  but  the  people  ordained  and  established 
the  Constitution  of  a  sovereign  Republic ;  and  woe  be  to 
nny  corporation  or  State  that  raises  its  hand  against  the 
majesty  and  power  of  this  great  nation.'* 

General  Garfield  is  an  active  and  ardent  worker  in 
the  temperance  cause.  About  this  time  he  gave  a  prac 
tical  evidence  of  his  devotion  to  its  principles,  which  is 
thus  related  by  Mr.  H.  L.  Baker.  He  states  that  it  was 
told  to  him  by  a  man  who  lived  almost  next  door  to  Gen 
eral  Garfield,  in  Painesville,  Ohio,  for  ten  years,  and 
during  that  time  the  events  spoken  of  occurred. 

"It  was  in  1865  that  the  temperance  people  of 
Painesville  were  a  good  deal  worked  up  over  a  beer 
brewery  running  full  blast  in  their  midst.  They  held 
meeting  after  meeting,  and  discussed  all  sorts  of  plans  for 
getting  rid  of  the  obnoxious  industry,  but  all  to  no 
avail  as  far  as  any  practical  outcome  was  concerned. 

"  During  that  time  General  Garfield  returned  home, 
and  attended  the  next  temperance  meeting  as  an  earnest, 
enthusiastic  temperance  man.  The  same  old  subject  of 
the  brewery  came  up.  After  listening  a  few  minutes,  the 
general  rose  up  and  said : 

" '  Gentlemen,  it  is  the  easiest  thing  in  the  world  to 
dispose  of  that  brewery.  I  will  agree  to  do  it  in  one 
hour.* 

"  The  announcement  took  them  all  by  surprise,  of 
course.  Suppress  in  one  hour  the  nuisance  they  had  so 


188  JAMES  A.  GARFIELD: 

long  bothered  their  heads  over  ?  Do  in  one  hour  what 
they  failed  to  do  in  six  months  ?  It  seemed  impossible. 
But  he  soon  showed  them  that  he  meant  business. 

"  He  went  over  to  the  brewery,  and  in  less  than  an 
hour  he  had  purchased  the  whole  property  and  paid  cash, 
some  $10,000,  I  believe.  He  destroyed  all  the  manufac 
tured  liquor,  and  all  the  exclusive  brewing  machinery. 
What  disposal  to  make  of  the  property  was  now  the 
question.  It  did  not  lie  idle  long,  however. 

"  The  next  fall  he  converted  the  building  and  ma 
chinery  into  a  large  cider-mill,  and  made  hundreds  of  bar 
rels  of  cider.  Not  one  drop  of  cider  would  he  sell  or  give 
away,  for  he  was  too  strict  a  temperance  man  to  think  it 
right  to  drink  even  cider;  but  every  barrel  of  it  he  kept 
till  it  had  become  cider  vinegar,  and  then  sold  it. 

"  The  good  people  of  the  town  were  glad  to  learn  that, 
after  the  property  proved  to  be  a  good  investment,  and 
the  general  made  it  pay  him  well.  After  using  the  build 
ing  four  or  five  years  he  sold  it  to  other  parties,  and 
moved  upon  his  farm  at  Mentor,  Lake  County,  Ohio. 

"  This  is  a  small  thing,  to  be  sure  ;  but  it  shows  that 
General  Garfield's  principles  are  not  a  dead  letter,  but  are 
real,  live  matters,  which  he  is  ready  to  put  into  practice 
in  his  daily  life." 

Throughout  the  reconstruction  period  and  the  quarrel 
between  Congress  and  President  Johnson,  General  Gar- 
field  warmly  championed  the  cause  of  Congress  against 
the  President.  He  made  a  good  record  on  the  Committee 
of  Ways  and  Means,  and  was  in  favor  of  a  moderate  pro 
tective  tariff  and  a  steady  reduction  of  public  expendi 
tures  and  taxation. 


HIS   CONGRESSIONAL    CAREER.  189 

Mr.  Gar  field's  course  with  regard  to  a  protective 
tariff  is  thus  summed  up  by  The  Iron  and  Steel  Bulletin, 
one  of  the  leading  protectionist  journals  of  the  United 
States : 

"  General  Garfield's  tariff  record  having  been  made  a 
subject  of  discussion  since  his  nomination  for  the  Presi 
dency,  it  is  both  just  and  proper  that  we  should  state  that 
the  protectionists  of  the  country,  who  have  kept  watch 
over  tariff  legislation  during  the  past  twenty  years,  and 
who  have  assisted  to  shape  and  maintain  the  present  tariff, 
are  perfectly  satisfied  with  his  tariff  votes  and  speeches. 
They  and  all  other  protectionists  have  indeed  abundant 
reason  to  be  thankful  to  him  for  valuable  assistance  ren 
dered  to  the  cause  of  industry  when  it  was  in  serious  peril 
from  free-trade  attacks.  His  votes  and  speeches  have 
been  uniformly  and  consistently  in  favor  of  the  protective 
policy.  His  first  tariff  speech  in  Congress  was  made  in 
18G6.  In  this  speech  he  carefully  defined  his  position 
on  the  question  of  protection  as  follows  : 

" '  I  hold  that  a  properly  adjusted  competition  between 
home  and  foreign  products  is  the  best  gauge  by  which  to 
regulate  international  trade.  Duties  should  be  so  high 
that  our  manufactures  can  fairly  compete  with  the  foreign 
product,  but  not  so  high  as  to  enable  them  to  drive  out 
the  foreign  article,  enjoy  a  monopoly  of  the  trade,  and 
regulate  the  price  as  they  please.  This  is  my  doctrine  ol 
protection.  If  Congress  pursues  this  line  of  policy  stead 
ily,  we  shall,  year  by  year,  approach  more  nearly  to  the 
basis  of  free  trade,  because  we  shall  be  more  nearly  able 
to  compete  with  other  nations  on  equal  terms.  I  am  for  a 
protection  that  leads  to  ultimate  free  trade.  I  am  for  that 


]  90  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD  I 

free  trade  which  can  only  be  achieved  through  a  reason 
able  protection.' 

"  There  was  nothing  in  this  declaration  to  which  pro 
tectionists  could  fairly  object.  We  are  exporting  many 
products  of  American  workshops  and  factories  to-day  be 
cause  protection  has  made  their  production  and  exporta 
tion  possible.  Great  Britain  was  able  to  establish  and 
maintain  free  trade  only  after  centuries  of  the  most  vigor- 
orous  protection  of  all  her  industries.  This  country  is 
simply  copying  her  wise  example,  and  in  the  extract  we 
have  quoted,  General  Garfield  distinctly  declares  his  ap 
proval  of  it. 

"In  his  next  speech,  delivered  in  1870, upon  General 
Schenck's  tariff  bill,  which  provoked  a  long  and  bitter 
controversy,  General  Garfield  advised  the  protectionists 
of  the  House  to  assent  to  a  moder.ite  reduction  of  the 
war  duties  which  were  then  in  force,  for  the  reason  that 
they  were  higher  than  was  necessary  for  the  protection 
of  our  industries,  and,  being  so,  they  gave  occasion  for 
unfriendly  criticism  of  the  protective  policy,  from  which 
it  should  be  relieved.  He  said  : 

"  '  After  studying  the  whole  subject  as  carefully  as  I 
am  able,  I  am  firmly  of  the  opinion  that  the  wisest  thing 
that  the  protectionists  in  this  House  can  do,  is  to  unite  in 
a  moderate  reduction  of  duties  on  imported  articles.  He 
is  not  a  faithful  representative  who  merely  votes  for  the 
highest  rate  proposed  in  order  to  show  on  the  record  that 
he  voted  for  the  highest  figure,  and  therefore  is  a  sound 
protectionist.  He  is  the  wisest  man  who  sees  the  tides 
and  currents  of  public  opinion,  and  uses  his  best  efforts  to 
protect  the  industry  of  the  people  against  sudden  col- 


HIS    CONGRESSIONAL   CAREER.  191 

lapses  and  sudden  changes.  Now,  if  I  do  not  misunder 
stand  the  signs  of  the  times,  unless  we  do  this  ourselves, 
prudently  and  wisely,  we  shall  before  long  be  compelled 
to  submit  to  a  violent  reduction,  made  rudely  and  without 
discrimination,  which  will  shock,  if  not  shatter,  all  our 
protected  industries. 

"  *  The  great  want  of  industry  is  a  stable  policy ;  and 
it  is  a  significant  comment  on  the  character  of  our  legisla 
tion  that  Congress  has  become  a  terror  to  the  business 
men  of  the  country.  This  very  day  the  great  industries 
of  the  nation  are  standing  still,  half  paralyzed  at  the  un 
certainty  which  hangs  over  our  proceedings  here.  A  dis 
tinguished  citizen  of  my  own  district  has  lately  written  to 
me  this  significant  sentence :  *  If  the  laws  of  God  and 
nature  were  as  vascillating  and  uncertain  as  the  laws  of 
Congress  in  regard  to  the  business  of  its  people,  the  uni 
verse  would  soon  fall  into  chaos.' 

" '  Examining  thus  the  possibilities  of  the  situation,  I 
believe  that  the  true  course  for  the  friends  of  protection 
to  pursue  is  to  reduce  the  rates  on  imports  whenever  we 
can  justly  and  safely  do  so;  and,  accepting  neither  of  the 
extreme  doctrines  urged  on  this  floor,  endeavor  to  estab 
lish  a  stable  policy  that  will  commend  itself  to  all  patri 
otic  and  thoughtful  people/ 

"  General  Schenck's  bill  passed  the  House  June  6, 
1870,  General  Garfield  voting  for  it  in  company  with  all 
the  protectionists  in  that  body.  It  passed  the  Senate  dur 
ing  the  same  mo  .th,  such  leading  protectionists  as  Sena 
tors  Howe,  Scott,  Morrill,  of  Vermont,  Sherman,  and 
Wilson  voting  for  it.  The  bill  reduced  the  duties  on  a 
long  list  of  articles — pig  iron,  for  instance,  from  $9  to 


192  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD  : 

$7 — but  it  was  a  triumph  of  the  protective  policy,  and 
a  disastrous  defeat  of  the  free  traders  and  revenue  re 
formers,  who  had  favored  still  lower  duties.  It  embodied 
provisions  that  are  retained  in  the  existing  tariff,  with 
which  all  protectionists  are  entirely  satisfied. 

In  1872,  two  years  after  the  passage  of  General 
Schenck's  bill,  a  bill,  to  reduce  duties  on  imports  and 
to  reduce  internal  taxes,  was  reported  to  the  House 
of  Representatives  by  Mr.  Dawes,  the  chairman  of  the 
Ways  and  Means  Committee,  and  after  discussion  it 
passed  by  a  large  majority,  such  prominent  protectionists 
as  Dawes,  Frye,  Foster,  Frank  W.  Palmer,  Ellis  H.  Rob 
erts,  William  A.  Wheeler,  and  George  F.  Hoar  voting  for 
it.  General  Garfield  voted  for  it.  Judge  Kelley  and 
sixty  other  protectionists  voted  against  it.  It  became  a 
law,  passing  the  Senate  by  a  two-thirds  vote,  such  lead 
ing  protectionists  as  Ferry,  Howe,  the  two  Morrills,  Mor 
ton,  Sherman,  and  Wilson  supporting  it.  Protectionists, 
as  will  be  seen,  were  not  united  upon  the  merits  of  this 
bill,  which,  among  other  provisions,  reduced  the  duty  on 
many  iron  and  steel  products  ten  per  cent.,  but  there 
was  no  conflict  of  principle  involved  in  their  differences 
— nothing  but  a  question  of  expediency. 

In  1875,  three  years  after  the  passage  of  the  bill  just 
referred  to,  Mr.  Dawes,  still  chairman  of  the  Ways  and 
Means  Committee,  reported  a  bill  to  farther  protect  the 
sinking  fund  and  to  provide  the  exigencies  of  the  Gov 
ernment,  which  provided  among  other  things  for  the  res 
toration  of  the  ten  per  cent,  which  had  been  taken  from 
the  duties  on  iron  and  steel  by  the  act  of  1872.  This  bill 
passed  the  House  by  a  close  vote,  General  Garfield  vot- 


HIS    CONGRESSIONAL   CAR2ER.  103 

ing  for  it,  as  did  nearly  every  protectionist  in  the  House. 
The  bill  passed  the  Seriate  and  became  a  law,  the  vote 
being  very  close — yeas  thirty,  nays  twenty-nine.  The 
protectionists  in  the  Senate  were  almost  unanimously  in 
favor  of  it.  Mr.  Sherman  made  a  strong  speech  against 
it,  and  Mr.  Scott  and  Mr.  Frelinghuysen  very  ably  sup 
ported  it.  Mr.  Sherman  voted  against  it.  The  passage 
of  this  bill  gave  great  encouragement  to  our  prostrated 
iron  and  steel  industries. 

"  The  next  tariff  measure  that  came  before  Congress 
was  the  bill  of  Mr.  Morrison,  which  was  presented  in  the 
House  in  1876,  but  was  so  vigorously  opposed  that  it 
never  reached  the  dignity  of  a  square  vote  upon  its 
merits.  Two  years  afterwards  Mr.  Wood  undertook  the 
preparation  of  a  tariff  bill  which  greatly  reduced  duties 
on  most  articles  of  foreign  manufacture,  and  which  he 
confidently  hoped  might  become  a  law.  This  bill  pos 
sessed  more  vitality  than  that  of  Mr.  Morrison,  and  it 
was  with  great  difficulty  that  the  friends  of  protection 
were  able  to  secure  its  defeat.  In  the  early  as  well  as 
in  the  later  stages  of  the  struggle  there  was  no  uncer 
tainty  about  the  position  of  General  Garfield ;  he  was 
against  the  bill.  On  the  4th  of  June  he  delivered  an 
elaborate  speech  against  it  in  Committee  of  the  Whole, 
in  the  course  of  which  he  said  : 

" '  I  would  have  the  duty  so  adjusted  that  every  great 
American  industry  can  fairly  live  and  make  fair  profits. 
The  chief  charge  I  make  against  this  bill  is  that  it  seeks 
to  cripple  the  protective  features  of  the  law.' 

"  He  further  said,  in  concluding  his  speech  : 

"'A  bill  so  radical  in  its  character,  so  dangerous  to 

13 


1  94  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD  : 

our  business  prosperity,  would  work  infinite  mischief  at 
this  time,  when  the  country  is  just  recovering  itself  from 
a  long  period  of  depression  and  getting  again  upon  solid 
ground,  just  coming  up  out  of  the  wild  sea  of  panic  and 
distress  which  has  tossed  up  so  long. 

" '  Let  it  be  remembered  that  twenty-two  per  cent, 
of  all  the  laboring  people  of  this  country  are  artisans 
engaged  in  manufactures.  Their  culture  has  been  fos 
tered  by  our  tariff  laws.  It  is  their  pursuits  and  the 
skill  which  they  have  developed  that  produced  the  glory 
of  our  Centennial  Exhibition.  To  them  the  country 
owes  the  splendor  of  the  position  it  holds  before  the 
world  more  than  to  any  other  equal  number  of  our  citi 
zens.  If  this  bill  becomes  a  law,  it  strikes  down  their 
occupation  and  throws  into  the  keenest  distress  the 
brightest  and  best  elements  of  our  population. 

"'When  the  first  paragraph  has  been  read,  I  will 
propose  to  strike  out  the  enacting  clause.  If  the  com 
mittee  will  do  that,  we  can  kill  the  bill  to-day/ 

"  On  the  day  following  the  delivery  of  General  Gar- 
field's  speech,  his  suggestion  to  strike  out  the  enacting 
clause  was  carried  into  effect,  upon  motion  of  Mr.  Con 
ger,  and  the  bill  was  killed — yeas  134,  nays  121.  The 
majority  against  the  bill  was  only  13. 

"  During  the  recent  session  of  Congress  a  vigorous 
effort  was  made  to  break  down  the  tariff  by  piecemeal 
legislation.  '  Divide  and  conquer  '  was  the  motto  of  the 
free  traders.  They  were  defeated  in  every  effort  to 
reduce  duties,  and  in  every  instance  they  encountered 
General  Garfield's  opposition.  Iron  and  steel  manufac 
turers  have  good  cause  to  remember  his  vote  in  the 


HIS   CONGRESSIONAL   CAREER.  195 

Ways  and  Means  Committee  last  March,  on  the  bill  of 
Mr.  Covert  to  reduce  the  duty  on  steel  rails.  General 
Garfield  voted  with  Judge  Kelley  and  Messrs.  Conger, 
Frye,  Felton,  Gibson,  and  Phelps  against  any  reduction, 
and  that  was  the  end  of  Mr.  Covert's  bill — the  vote 
being  seven  against  to  six  in  favor  of  it.  Had  the  bill 
prevailed,  the  entire  line  of  duties  on  iron  and  steel  and 
other  manufactures  would  have  been  seriously  en 
dangered. 

"  Such  is  General  Garfield's  tariff  record,  and  as  we 
have  already  stated,  it  is  entirely  satisfactory  to  pro 
tectionists.  He  has  been  charged  with  being  a  member 
of  the  British  free  trade  Cobden  Club,  but  he  has  re 
peatedly  declared  over  his  own  signature  that  the  u.se 
of  his  name  by  the  Cobden  Club  was  wholly  unautho 
rized  by  him,  and  that  its  free  trade  doctrines  did  not 
meet  with  his  approval.  If  the  club  thought,  by  the 
conferring  of  an  empty  compliment,  to  entrap  him  into 
an  expression  of  sympathy  with  its  philosophy  of  sel 
fishness  and  greed,  it  failed  signally. 

"  General  Garfield  is  a  candidate  for  the  Presidency. 
With  that  we  have  nothing  to  do.  Our  readers  will 
vote  for  or  against  him  as  they  please.  But  General 
Garfield  has  rendered  great  service  to  the  cause  of  home 
industry  during  his  public  career,  and  we  would  have 
been  untrue  to  ourselves  and  to  every  individual  mem 
ber  of  this  association  if  we  had  not  testified  as  \vo 
have  done  to  the  excellence  and  fulness  of  that  service, 
now  that  his  tariff  record  has  been  misrepresented, 
American  iron  and  steel  manufacturers  have  found  him 
a  wise  friend  in  time  of  need,  and  we  say  so  gratefully." 


196  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD  : 

In  1866  General  Garfield  was  again  a  candidate 
for  the  House  of  Representatives.  A  few  of  his  con 
stituents  living  in  the  Mahoning  Valley,  an  iron  pro 
ducing  district,  opposed  his  nomination  on  the  ground 
that  he  did  not  favor  as  high  a  tariff  on  iron  as  they 
wanted.  The  Convention,  however,  was  overwhelm 
ingly  on  his  side,  and  he  was  nominated  with  enthu 
siasm,  and  elected  by  a  majority  of  10,000  votes.  At 
the  meeting  of  Congress  General  Garfield  was  appointed 
by  the  Speaker  of  the  House  Chairman  of  the  Committee 
on  Military  Affairs.  In  this  position  he  rendered  good 
service  to  the  country  and  to  his  party.  His  commit 
tee  was  kept  busy  remodelling  the  regular  army  to  suit 
the  altered  needs  of  the  country,  and  looking  after  the 
demands  of  the  discharged  soldiers  for  pay  and  bounty, 
of  which  many  had  been  deprived  by  the  red  tape  de 
cisions  of  the  accounting  officers  of  the  Government. 

In  1868  Gen.  Garfield  was  opposed  in  the  nominat 
ing  convention  of  his  district  by  Darius  Caldwell,  of  Ash- 
tabula,  who  secured  forty  votes.  General  Garfield  was, 
however,  nominated  by  a  handsome  majority,  and  elected 
as  usual  by  the  people  at  the  polls.  He  continued  to 
serve  on  the  Military  Committee  of  the  House,  adding  to 
his  reputation  and  rendering  good  service  to  the  country. 

In  1870  General  Garfield  was  again  elected  to  Con 
gress,  this  time  without  opposition.  In  1872  a  few  blank 
ballots  were  cast  in  the  convention,  and  the  Liberal  Re 
publicans  ran  a  candidate  in  opposition  to  him  at  the 
polls,  but  he  was  elected  by  his  usual  triumphant  ma 
jority. 

At  the  meeting  of  the  forty-second  Congress  in  1871, 


HIS   CONGRESSIONAL   CAREER.  107 

General  Garfield  was  appointed  by  the  Speaker,  Chair 
man  of  the  House  Committee  on  Appropriations,  and 
held  this  position  nntil  the  elections  of  1874  gave  the 
Democrats  control  of  the  House.  In  this  important  posi 
tion  he  largely  reduced  the  expenditures  of  the  Govern 
ment,  and  thoroughly  reformed  the  system  of  estimates 
arid  appropriations,  providing  for  closer  accountability  on 
the  part  of  those  who  spend  the  public  money,  and  a 
clear  knowledge,  on  the  part  of  those  who  vote  it,  of  what 
it  is  used  for. 

A  fair  idea  of  the  manner  in  which  General  Garfield 
carried  out  the  work  of  his  committee  may  be  gained 
fiom  the  following.  The  Sundry  Civil  Appropriation 
Bill  for  1872  was  passed  by  the  House  and  sent  to  the 
Senate,  where  several  amendments  were  tacked  on  to  it. 
These  amendments  did  not  all  meet  the  approval  of  Gen 
eral  Garfield,  and  on  the  8th  of  June,  1872,  he  rose  in 
the  House,  as  Chairman  of  the  Appropriation  Committee, 
and  said  : 

"  I  ask  the  House  to  allow  me  to  submit  the  proposi 
tion  to  non-concur  in  all  the  amendments  of  the  Senate  to 
the  Sundry  Civil  Appropriation  Bill,  and  to  accede  to  the 
request  of  the  Senate  for  a  Committee  of  Conference." 

Mr.  Campbell,  of  Ohio,  said  :  "  I  hope  the  suggestion 
of  the  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Appropriations 
(Mr.  Garfield)  will  be  accepted.  By  accepting  it  the 
minority  will  lose  none  of  their  privileges,  for  they  will 
have  the  same  right  to  make  dilatory  motions  after  the 
report  of  the  Committee  of  Conference  comes  before  the 
House  that  they  now  have." 

Mr.    Beck,   of  Kentucky,  said :  *  This  side    of  the 


198  JAMES    A.    GARFIELD: 

House  will,  I  have  no  doubt,  vote  unanimously  for  the 
bill  as  it  came  from  the  Senate,  with  the  exception  of  the 
bayonet  clause.  If  the  gentleman  from  Ohio  (Mr.  Gar- 
field)  will  offer  a  substitute  containing  every  proposition 
of  the  Senate  except  that,  we  will  assent  to  it." 

Mr.  Garfield  said,  "  If  the  '  bayonet  clause/  as  the 
gentleman  terms  it,  were  off,  and  all  the  other  amend 
ments  of  the  Senate  were  retained,  I  should  be  compelled 
to  rote  against  the  bill,  because  there  are  appropriations 
to  the  amount  of  more  than  a  million  and  a  half  of  dol 
lars  which  have  been  put  on  by  the  Senate,  to  which, 
as  Chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Appropriations,  I  can 
never  consent.  ...  I  ask  the  gentlemen  to  allow  me 
to  take  the  sense  of  the  House  on  my  proposition." 

The  question  was  taken,  and  (two-thirds  not  voting 
in  favor  thereof)  it  was  decided  in  the  negative. 

After  some  further  debate,  Mr.  Garfield  said  :  "  I  have 
sent  a  resolution  to  the  desk,  which  I  ask  to  be  read." 
The  clerk  then  read  as  follows  : 

"  Resolved,  That  the  House  non-concur  in  the  amend 
ments  of  the  Senate  to  the  House  Bill  No.  2705,  being 
the  Sundry  Civil  Appropriation  Bill,  and  agree  to  a  con 
ference  thereon  ;  and  that  upon  the  appointment  of  such 
committee,  the  House  do  take  a  recess  until  eight  o'clock 
on  Monday  morning." 

The  question  being  put,  the  resolution  was  adopted. 
The  Chair  announces  the  appointment  of  Mr.  Gar- 
field,  of  Ohio,  Mr.  Palmer,  of  Iowa,  and  Mr.  Niblack  of 
Indiana,  as  the  conferees  on  the  part  of  the  House,  on  the 
disagreeing  votes  of  the  two  Houses  on  the  amendments 
of  the  Seriate  to  the  bill  H.  R.  No.  2705. 


HIS    CONGRESSIONAL   CAREER.  199 

On  the  10th  of  June,  Mr.  Gar  field,  of  Ohio,  said  :  "  J 
ri/se  to  make  a  privileged  report." 

The  clerk  read  the  report  of  the  Committee  of  Con 
ference  on  the  Civil  Sundry  Appropriation  Bill. 

After  some  remarks  by  Mr.  Kelley,  of  Pennsylvania, 
in  opposition  to  the  report,  Mr.  Garfield  said  : 

"  On  the  merits  of  the  amendment  now  in  debate  by 
itself  considered,  I  will  not  now  speak.  No  man  on  this 
floor  regrets  more  than  I  do  that  the  House  was  brought 
to  a  dead-lock  on  a  question  of  this  sort  appended  to  a 
general  appropriation  bill.  But  there  is  another  phase  of 
the  subject  which  rises  altogether  above  that  amendment 
or  any  other  amendment  that  can  be  brought  into  this 
House.  To  discuss  that  greater  question  I  must  call  the 
attention  of  members  to  the  parliamentary  history  of  this 
bill.  It  is  one  of  the  twelve  great  appropriation  bills  ne 
cessary  for  carrying  on  the  Government.  After  being 
considered  forty  days  in  the  Committee  of  Appropriations, 
after  being  elaborately  debated  in  this  House,  it  went  to 
the  Senate,  and,  after  having  there  encountered  storm 
and  tempest  of  no  ordinary  character,  it  came  back  to  the 
House  with  such  amendments  as  the  Senate  saw  fit  to 
add.  Again  in  the  House,  it  was  a  bill  in  order  under  the 
rules  of  parliamentary  law,  for  our  rules  do  not  allow  us 
to  rule  as  out  of  order  an  amendment  added  by  the  Sen 
ate.  The  bill,  then,  being  in  order,  there  were  but  five 
courses  of  action  open  to  the  Houses  in  the  ordinary  pro 
cesses  of  legislation.  The  first  was  to  refer  it  back  to  the 
Committee  on  Appropriations,  to  be  considered  and  brought 
back  subject  to  the  order  of  the  House.  The  second  was, 
we  might  have  referred  it  to  the  Committee  of  the  Whole 


200  JAMES    A.  OARFIELD  : 

on  the  state  of  the  Union,  where  it  would  have  been  open 
to  debate  and  amendment  on  every  one  of  the  ninety-three 
amendments,  and  then  to  be  reported  back  to  the  House 
to  await  the  further  order  of  this  body.  A  third  course 
was,  that  we  should  proceed  to  consider  it  in  open  House 
under  the  five  minutes'  rule,  subject  to  amendments  and 
debate.  A  fourth  plan  was  to  non-concur  in  all  the  Sen 
ate  amendments  and  send  the  bill  to  a  committee  of  con 
ference,  to  be  again  brought  back  into  the  House.  There 
was  a  fifth  plan,  to  concur  in  all  the  Senate  amendments, 
and  then  send  the  bill  to  the  President  for  his  approval. 

"  Now,  there  is  no  other  ordinary  course  to  be  tnken 
with  an  appropriation  bill,  and  I  call  the  attention  of  the 
House  to  the  fact  that  I  and  my  associates  on  the  Com 
mittee  on  Appropriations  tried  again  and  again  in  the 
House  each  and  all  of  these  five  ordinary  courses  of  pro 
cedure,  and  again  and  again  did  the  minority  of  this 
House  refuse  to  allow  the  House  to  take  either  of  these 
courses  until  late  at  night  of  Saturday,  and  after  a  twelve 
hours'  session,  and  then  only  on  condition  that  the  non- 
concurrence  and  reference  to  a  conference  committee 
should  be  coupled  with  a  recess  which  should  bring  us 
within  four  hours  of  the  final  adjournment  of  Congress. 
In  other  words,  the  minority  have  for  days  refused  to 
allow  the  usual  legislative  processes  to  be  employed  in 
reference  to  a  great  and  necessary  public  measure  ;  they 
have  refused  to  allow  it  to  be  debated  or  considered  ex 
cept  upon  terms  of  their  own  dictation  wholly  beyond  the 
ordinary  range  of  parliamentary  order. 

"  Mr.  Speaker,  a  question  has,  therefore,  arisen,  in  its 
importance  far  above  any  item  in  this  bill,  and  it  is  simply 


HIS   CONGRESSIONAL   CAREER.  201 

this  :  shall  the  majority  of  the  members  of  this  House 
have  the  right  to  consider  and  act  upon  a  great  appropri 
ation  bill  in  the  mode  provided  in  the  rules  ?  The  mo 
ment  a  minority,  however  large,  deny  that  proposition, 
that  moment  we  are  in  the  midst  of  a  parliamentary  revo 
lution,  and  legislation  of  any  sort  is  impossible  for  ever 
more  until  that  position  be  utterly  abandoned.  In  saying 
this  I  do  not  fail  to  recognize  the  utmost  right  of  the  mi 
nority  to  make  dilatory  motions  for  any  and  all  legitimate 
purposes.  I  recognize  that  right  whenever  the  minority 
is  being  oppressed  by  any  parliamentary  proceeding.  If, 
for  instance,  we  should  insist  that  a  bill  should  be  passed 
without  being  read,  I  would  filibuster  as  long  as  any  man 
here  to  prevent  it,  if  it  were  a  bill  that  I  did  not  under 
stand  or  approve. 

"  Mr.  Eldredge,  of  Wisconsin,  said :  I  want  to  ask  a 
question  on  this  particular  point,  as  to  what  was  said  by 
him  to  gentlemen  on  this  side  of  the  House,  and  to  me 
personally. 

"Mr.  Garfield. — When  we  went  into  the  conference 
committee,  we  sat  two  hours  on  Saturday  night,  running 
our  session  into  midnight. 

"  We  met  on  Sunday,  and  sat  eight  hours  continu 
ously.  At  the  end  of  six  hours  we  had  finished,  to  the 
satisfaction  of  the  conferees,  every  other  item  of  disagree 
ment  between  the  two  Houses.  When  we  reached  the 
tenth  amendment,  the  one  in  dispute,  the  Senate  con 
ferees  informed  us  that  they  could  make  no  report  that 
did  not  treat  of  that  subject  in  it ;  that  the  report  must 
be  one  and  a  whole.  The  committee  on  the  part  of  the 
House  was  then  compelled  to  adopt  one  of  two  courses, 


202  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD  : 

either  at  eight  o'clock  on  Monday  morning,  four  hour* 
before  the  time  fixed  for  final  adjournment,  bring  back  a 
report  that  they  had  made  no  progress  whatever,  that 
nothing  was  agreed  to,  nothing  settled,  thus  making  it 
wholly  impossible  to  reach  an  adjustment  before  twelve 
o'clock,  or  to  bring  in  a  report  concurring  in  something. 

"  After  mature  deliberation,  we  thought  it  to  be  our 
duty  to  bring  in  a  report,  and  in  order  to  do  that  we 
proposed  a  substitute  to  the  Senate's  tenth  amendment. 
That  substitute  consists,  in  the  main,  of  the  enforcement 
bill  sent  to  the  House  by  the  Senate  a  few  weeks  since ; 
but  there  are  two  or  three  important  modifications  put  on 
that  at  the  suggestion  of  the  House  conferees. 

"  The  amendment  thus  guarded  is  clearly  within  the 
provisions  of  the  Constitution,  which  empower  Congress 
to  regulate  the  time,  place,  and  manner  of  holding  elec 
tions  for  the  representatives  in  Congress.  Now,  the 
Committee  of  Conference  having  brought  in  a  report  un 
der  the  rules,  I  do  now  insist,  and  shall  continue  to  de 
mand,  that  the  bill  before  the  House  shall  be  acted  on  ; 
and  against  all  factions  and  revolutionary  resistance  I 
propose  to  stand,  if  need  be,  until  December  next,  until 
this  appropriation  bill  shall  be  considered,  shall  be  voted 
on,  voted  up  or  voted  down. 

"  And  now,  once  for  all,  I  say  to  the  gentleman  from 
Wisconsin  (Mr.  Eldredge),  and  to  the  gentleman  from 
Pennsylvania  (Mr.  Kelley),  that  I  have  said  no  word  to 
them  or  to  any  man  inconsistent  with  the  declarations  I 
have  made  in  these  remarks.  I  challenge  any  man  to 
the  proof,  if  he  venture  to  join  the  issue. 

"After   some  debate,  Mr.  Kelley,  of  Pennsylvania, 


HIS   CONGRESSIONAL   CAREER.  203 

moved  to  recommit  the  report  to  the  committee,  and  his 
motion  was  sustained  by  the  House,  by  a  vote  of  yeas 
99,  nays  79,  62  members  not  voting. 

"  Subsequently,  Mr.  Garfield,  of  Ohio,  said :  Mr. 
Speaker,  I  desire  to  submit  the  following  report  from  the 
the  Committee  of  Conference. 

"  The  clerk  read  as  follows : 

"  The  Committee  of  Conference  on  the  disagreeing 
votes  of  the  two  Houses  on  the  amendments  to  the  bill 
(II.  R.  No.  2705)  making  appropriations  for  sundry  civil 
expenses  of  the  Government  for  the  fiscal  year  ending 
June  30,  1873,  and  for  other  purposes,  having  met,  after 
full  and  free  conference,  have  been  unable  to  agree. 

JAMES  A.  GARFIELD, 
FRANK  W.  PALMER, 
WM.  E.  NIBLACK, 
Managers  on  the  part  of  the  House. 

CORNELIUS  COLE, 
GEO.  F.  EDMUNDS, 
JOHN  W.  STEVENSON. 
Managers  on  the  part  of  the  Senate. 

"  Mr.  Garfield,  of  Ohio. — The  Senate  originally  asked 
for  a  committee  of  conference  in  reference  to  the  dis 
agreeing  votes  of  the  two  Houses  on  this  bill,  and  I  sup 
pose  they  will  make  known  their  wishes.  I  do  not  know 
but  the  House  might  hasten  business  by  ordering  a  new 
conference.  I  move  the  appointment  of  a  new  Confer 
ence  on  the  disagreeing  votes  of  the  two  Houses  on  the 
bill;  and  on  that  motion  I  demand  the  previous  question 

"  The  motion  of  Mr.  Garfield,  of  Ohio,  was  agreed  to. 


204  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD  : 

"  The  Speaker. — The  chair  appoints  the  same  con 
ferees  as  managers  on  the  part  of  the  House. 

"  Mr.  Gar  field,  of  Ohio,  soon  after  submitted  a  privi 
leged  report,  and  said  :  In  explanation  of  the  report,  1 
Oesire  to  state  to  the  House  that  the  main  body  of  the 
report  is  the  same  as  was  presented  before.  Three  im 
portant  changes  were  made,  in  view  of  additional  facts 
brought  before  the  Conference  Committee  as  to  the 
amount  of  the  sums  appropriated.  Beyond  those  three 
changes  every  word  is  the  same,  except  what  relates  to 
the  tenth  amendment,  the  matter  in  contest  between  the 
two  Houses. 

"  There  are  but  three  changes  made  in  that  tenth 
amendment.  We  strike  out  the  words  *  this  act  or,'  iii 
the  fortieth  line  of  the  print  which  the  gentlemen  have 
before  them.  The  second  change  is  the  forty-third  line, 
where  we  strike  out  the  words  f  he  resides/  and  insert  in 
lieu  thereof  the  words  '  his  duties  are  to  be  performed.' 
The  third,  and  the  one  of  chief  importance,  is  the  addi 
tion  of  a  proviso  at  the  end  of  line  sixty-two,  in  these 
words : 

"  '  And  provided  further,  That  the  supervisors  here 
in  provided  for  shall  have  no  power  or  authority  to 
make  arrests  or  to  perform  other  duties  than  to  be  in 
the  immediate  presence  of  the  officers  holding  the 
election,  and  to  witness  all  their  proceedings,  includ 
ing  the  counting  of  the  votes,  and  the  making  of  a 
return  thereof.' 

"  The  effect  of  this  is  that  the  supervisors  autho 
rized  by  this  act  stand  by  and  witness  the  proceedings 
of  the  election,  and  have  the  official  right  to  stand  by ; 


HIS    CONGRESSIONAL   CAREER.  205 

so  that  if  frauds  are  being  perpetrated,  the  Government 
of  the  United  States  may  have  as  witnesses  a  member 
of  the  Democratic  party,  and  one  of  the  Republican 
party,  to  the  facts  in  the  case. 

"  Mr.  Eldredge. — I  desire  to  ask  the  Chairman  of  the 
Committee  on  Appropriations  if  the  words  '  guarded  and 
inspected '  are  not  ret  lined  in  the  bill. 

"  Mr.  Gar  field. — No,  sir.  It  is  provided  that  when 
ten  citizens  in  any  county  or  parish  in  any  Congres 
sional  district  shall  apply  to  the  judge  of  the  district  in 
which  such  county  or  parish  is  situated,  '  to  have  said 
registration  or  election  both  guarded  and  scrutinized.' 

"  Mr.  Eldredge. — Yes,  those  are  the  words,  '  guarded 
and  scrutinized.' 

"  Mr.  Garfield. — The  persons  applying  express  their 
wish  to  have  the  elections  guarded  and  scrutinized. 
But  the  powers  of  the  persons  appointed  for  that  pur 
pose  are  in  terms  restricted  by  the  proviso  I  have  read. 

"  Mr.  Eldredge. — They  are  to  guard  and  scrutinize 
the  election. 

"Mr.  Garfield. — The  gentleman  is  in  error.  The 
words  '  guarded  and  scrutinized  apply  only  to  the  form 
of  application  made  to  the  judge.  But  those  words  do 
not  apply  at  all  to  the  powers  of  the  persons  appointed. 
Their  powers  are  defined  and  limited  by  the  strong 
language  of  the  proviso  which  I  have  just  read.  They 
are  thus  made  mere  witnesses  of  all  the  transactions  of 
the  election. 

"  Mr.  Kerr,  of  Indiana,  said :  Before  my  colleague 
(Mr.  Niblftck)  takes  the  floor,  I  want  to  ask  a  question,  in 
order  to  remove  any  doubt  upon  the  mind  of  any  member 


^06  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD  I 

of  the  House.  I  desire  to  know  of  the  Chairman  of  the 
Committee  of  Appropriations  whether  he  understands 
that  there  is  anything  in  the  language  of  this  amendment 
that  touches  the  matter  of  qualifications  of  electors. 

"  Mr.  Garfield. — I  understand,  on  the  contrary,  that 
there  is  nothing  that  can  touch  or  change  the  qualifica 
tions  of  electors  now  provided  by  law. 

"  Mr.  Ritchie,  of  Maryland,  said :  Tn  the  State  of 
Maryland  the  judges  of  the  election  have  no  discretion 
as  to  the  qualifications  of  voters.  They  are  controlled 
by  the  registration  list ;  in  fact,  they  are  merely  record 
ing  officers.  Now,  I  ask  the  gentlemen  what  would  be 
the  relation  of  the  supervisors  contemplated  by  this 
amendment  to  our  registration  and  elections  ? 

"Mr.  Garfield. — That  of  simply  standing  by  and  see 
ing  the  work  done,  without  any  other  power  than  to 
witness  it  from  beginning  to  end. 

"  Mr.  E] dredge. — Gentlemen  who  have  not  surren 
dered  their  opposition  on  this  question  have  not  yet 
had  an  opportunity  to  speuk.  None  of  us  have  had 
that  opportunity  who  feel  that  we  cannot  surrender  our 
opposition  as  long  as  we  have  the  power  to  resist  this 
measure.  I  ask  the  gentleman  to  yield  to  me  for  two 
or  three  minutes. 

"  Mr.  Garfield. — Gentlemen  all  around  me  insist  that 
I  shall  call  the  previous  question.  I  cannot  yield  far 
ther. 

"  Mr.  Holman,  of  Indiana,  said  :  This  is  the  most 
fatal  measure  ever  brought  into  this  Congress. 

"  Mr.  Haldeman,  of  Pennsylvania,  said  :  We  are  not 
going  to  yield. 


HIS   CONGRESSIONAL   CAREER.  207 

"Mr.  Eldredge. — It  is  an  unconstitutional  bill. 

"  Mr.  Holman. — It  is  most  infamous  in  its  character. 

"  Mr.  Garfield. — I  now  move  that  the  rules  be  sus- 
p^nded,  and  that  the  House  proceed  to  take  an  imme 
diate  vote,  without  dilatory  motions,  upon  agreeing  to 
the  report  of  the  Committee  of  Conference. 

"  The  question  was  put  on  the  motion  of  Mr.  Gar- 
field  to  suspend  the  rules ;  and  there  were — yeas  122, 
nays  23. 

"  So,  two-thirds  voting  in  favor  thereof,  the  rules 
were  suspended. 

"  The  Speaker. —  The  House  has  directed  that  it 
now  vote  by  yeas  and  nays  upon  this  question.  Will 
the  House  agree  to  the  report  of  the  Committee  of  Con 
ference  on  the  disagreements  of  the  Senate  to  the  Sun 
dry  Civil  Appropriation  Bill  ? 

"  The  question  was  taken ;  and  it  was  decided  in  the 
affirmative,  as  follows :  yeas  102,  nays  79  ;  not  voting,  59. 

"  So  the  report  of  the  Committee  of  Conference  was 
agreed  to." 

On  the  24th  of  February,  1873,  the  Appropriation 
Bill  being  under  consideration,  Mr.  Butler,  of  Massachu 
setts,  offered  an  amendment  increasing  the  salaries  paid 
to  the  President  and  Vice-President  of  the  United  States, 
the  heads  of  departments,  and  the  members  of  Con 
gress.  This  measure  did  riot  meet  with  Mr.  Garfield's  ap 
proval,  and  at  the  close  of  Mr.  Butler's  remarks,  he  said  : 

"  I  desire  to  answer  some  of  the  points  which  have 
been  made  in  support  of  this  amendment.  Some  of  the 
salaries  referred  to  in  the  amendment,  I  doubt  not.  are  too 
low — perhaps  all  of  them.  But  I  feel  it  to  be  my  duty 


208  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD  I 

to  call  the  attention  of  the  committee  to  the  movement  of 
salaries  in  the  last  ten  years.  I  hold  in  my  hand  a  state 
ment  of  salaries  other  than  legislative,  as  they  wefe  paid 
in  I860.  The  total  amount  of  the  salaries  of  officers  of 
this  government,  in  the  several  executive  departments 
here  in  Washington  in  1860,  was  $809,864.07.  The  war 
so  greatly  increased  our  civil  service,  that  now,  in  the 
year  just  closed,  in  the  calendar  year  1872,  the  total 
for  the  same  classes  of  salaries  with  the  increase  of  bu 
reaus  that  have  been  put  on  the  various  departments, 
was  $3,598,878.35,  being  an  increase  of  $2,78J,113.68. 

"  Now  the  fact  that  the  salaries  of  the  officers  of  the 
Government  other  than  legislative,  have  been  thus  in 
creased  in  the  twelve  years,  is  a  fact  that  the  House 
ought  to  know.  And  when  it  is  proposed  to  increase  the 
salaries  by  a  sum  I  think  somewhere  in  the  neighborhood 
of  a  million  and  a  half  or  two  millions  of  dollars  in  one 
amendment,  I  feel  it  my  duty  to  show  them  what  the 
total  of  the  salaries  will  be.  I,  of  course,  believe  that  the 
propositions  in  this  amendment  ought  to  be  separated. 
Some  of  them  gentlemen  ought  doubtless  to  vote  for. 
But  to  pass  that  amendment  in  the  lump,  as  laid  before 
the  committee  now,  I  do  not  think  it  just,  I  do  not  think 
it  equitable,  and  I  do  not  think  the  House  will  do  it ;  it 
ought  not  to  be  done." 

Notwithstanding  General  Garfield's  opposition,  the 
bill  passed  the  House,  and  was  sent  to  the  Senate,  where 
it  was  amended.  The  amendments  were  not  satisfactory 
to  the  House,  and  a  Committee  of  Conference  was  ap 
pointed.  It  resulted  in  the  presentation  of  a  bill  by  Gen 
eral  Garfield,  making  a  large  increase  in  the  salaries  of  the 


HIS  CONGRESSIONAL  CAREER.  209 

Executive  officers  of  the  Government  and  members  of 
Congress.  On  the  3d  of  March,  1873,  in  presenting  this 
bill,  General  Garfield  said  : 

"  Mr.  Speaker,  if  I  can  have  the  attention  of  the 
House,  I  will  explain  the  points  embraced  in  this  report, 
in  reference  to  the  salaries  of  the  President,  Vice-Presi 
dent,  Cabinet  officers,  members  of  the  Supreme  Court, 
and  members  of  the  two  Houses  of  Congress.  The 
amendment  known  as  the  Butler  Amendment  was  agreed 
to  by  the  Senate  in  everything  except  the  provision  in 
reference  to  the  salaries  of  members  of  Congress.  I  wish 
to  state  in  a  few  words  the  condition  of  that  question  in 
the  conference.  In  the  first  place  the  Senate  voted  di 
rectly  on  the  proposition  to  strike  out  the  provision 
increasing  the  salary  of  members  of  Congress,  and  by  a 
large  vote  refused  to  strike  it  out.  The  Senate  conferees 
insisted  that  the  $6,500  clause,  cutting  off  mileage,  actu 
ally  reduced  the  pay  of  some  eighteen  members  of  the 
Senate.  They  refused,  therefore,  to  submit  to  an  amend 
ment  which  cut  down  the  salary  of  so  many  senators. 
The  Senate  conferees  were  unanimous  in  fixing  the  sal 
ary  at  $7,500,  and  cutting  off  all  allowances  except  ac 
tual  individual  travelling  expenses  of  a  member  from  his 
home  to  Washington  and  back  once  a  session,  and  cutting 
off  all  other  allowances  of  every  kind.  That  proposition 
was  agreed  to  by  a  majority  of  the  conferees  on  the  part 
of  the  House.  I  was  opposed  to  the  increase  in  confer* 
ence  as  I  have  been  opposed  to  it  in  the  discussion  and  in 
my  votes  here,  but  my  associate  conferees  were  in  favor 
of  the  Senate  amendment,  and  I  was  compelled  to  choose 
between  signing  the  report  and  running  the  risk  of  bring- 

14 


210  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD  ! 

ing  on  an  extra  session  of  Congress.  I  have  signed  the 
report,  and  I  present  it  as  it  is,  and  ask  the  House  to  act 
on  it  in  accordance  with  their  best  judgment. 

"  Mr.  Hibbard,  of  New  Hampshire,  said :  I  desire  to 
ask  the  gentleman  how  much  plunder  will  be  taken  from 
the  treasury  if  this  raising  of  salaries  is  adopted  ? 

"  Mr.  Garfield. — I  am  glad  the  gentleman  has  asked 
me  that  question.  The  report  presented  here,  taking  into 
account  the  changes  made  with  reference  to  the  salaries  of 
members  and  officers  of  both  Houses  and  other  increases 
of  salaries  in  this  bill,  will,  according  to  the  best  estimate 
I  have  been  able  to  make,  involve  an  annual  increase  of 
about  three-quarters  of  a  million  of  dollars. 

u  Mr.  Hibbard. — How  much  for  the  -present  Congress  ? 

"  Mr.  Garfield. — For  the  present  Congress  it  involves 
an  additional  expenditure  of  about  one  and  a  quarter  mil 
lion.  I  think  the  House  ought  to  know  all  the  facts." 

On  the  final  passage  of  the  bill  Gen.  Garfield  voted  for 
it,  for  the  same  reasons  that  induced  him  to  sustain  the 
report  of  the  committee  of  conference.  He  was  sharply 
criticised  for  his  course,  for  the  measure  proved  one  of 
the  most  objectionable  to  the  country  ever  adopted  by 
Congress.  While  satisfied  of  the  propriety  of  his  conduct, 
General  Garfield  was  yet  sensitive  to  the  criticisms  upon 
him.  He  wrote  to  a  friend  as  follows  in  relation  to  his 
conduct : 

"  HIRAM,  Ohio,  April  21,  1873. 

"  Dear  Friend  : — Your  kind  and  welcome  letter  of  the 
llth  instant  came  duly  to  hand,  for  which  I  thank  you. 
When  I  went  into  the  army  I  did  so  expecting  to  follow 
the  path  of  duty,  whether  it  led  me  to  life  or  death.  In 


HIS   CONGRESSIONAL    CAREER.  211 

entering  Congress  I  undertook  to  follow  the  path  of  duty 
there,  whether  it  led  to  political  life  or  political  death.  I 
have  cast  many  thousands  of  votes  during 'my  ten  years 
of  service,  and  none  with  a  more  conscientious  conviction 
that  I  was  doing  right  than  the  one  for  which  I  am  so  much 
blamed.  Perhaps  the  people  will  never  so  understand  it, 
but  I  believe  most  of  them  will  some  day.  They  may  think 
I  made  a  mistake,  and  they  may  be  right  about  it.  But  I 
am  sure  that  fair-minded  men,  when  they  fully  understand 
the  case,  will  see  that  I  acted  from  worthy  motives,  and 
tried  to  do  my  duty.  I  have  addressed  a  letter  to  the 
district,  which  will  appear  in  this  week's  paper.  They 
will  see  that  I  did  all  I  could  to  keep  the  salary  clause  off 
from  my  bill,  and  when  that  effort  failed  1  did  what  I 
could  to  reduce  the  amount  'appropriated,  and  that  by 
standing  by  the  bill  1  saved  the  treasury  several  hundred 
thousand  dollars. 

"  In  1856,  Mr.  Giddings  voted  for  a  large  increase  of 
pay  of  members  of  Congress,  and  the  pay  then  dated  back 
sixteen  months.  It  passed  the  House  then  by  one  ma 
jority,  and  Mr.  Giddings'  vote  turned  the  scale.  It  was 
not  a  part  of  an  appropriation  bill,  but  stood  alone  on  its 
own  merits.  Mr.  Giddings  was  not  censured,  but  was, 
that  same  fall,  renominated  and  re-elected.  They  did  not 
call  him  a  thief  nor  a  robber;  now  they  call  me  both, 
when  I  did  more  than  any  other  member  to  prevent  the 
increase  of  salaries.  I  believe  that,  in  the  long  run,  the 
people  will  be  just.  As  ever,  your  friend, 

"  J.  A.  GARFIELD." 

By  the  terms  of  the  salary  bill  General  Garfield  was 


212  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD  : 

entitled  to  $5,000  back  pay  as  a  member  of  the  House. 
He  drew  the  amount,  but  as  his  ideas  of  duty  would  not 
permit  him  to  appropriate  it  to  his  own  use,  he  promptly 
paid  it  back  into  the  treasury  of  the  United  States. 
Shortly  after  the  nomination  of  General  Garfield  for  the 
Presidency,  some  of  his  political  opponents  declared  that 
while  he  had  not  used  his  back  pay  for  his  own  wants,  ho 
had  made  a  present  of  it  to  Hiram  College.  With  regard 
to  this  a  Cleveland  reporter  called  upon  Professor  B.  A. 
Hinsdale,  the  President  of  Hiram  College,  and  said  to 
him: 

"  I  understand  that  a  story  is  being  told  in  certain 
sections  that  General  Garfield  made  a  proposition  to  Hi 
ram  College,  viz.,  that  he  would  draw  from  the  United 
Stites  Treasury  the  $5,000  due  him  by  the  back  salary 
grab,  and  give  it  to  the  college,  providing  the  trustees 
were  willing  to  accept  it.  Now,  President  Hinsdale,  what 
are  the  facts  in  the  case  concerning  this?" 

Mr.  Hinsdale  answered  with  considerable  vehemence : 
"  I  have  received  several  letters  of  inquiry  concerning 
this  matter.  I  have  answered  all  inquiries  with  a  point- 
blank  denial.  General  Garfield  never  made  any  such 
proposition  to  me  or  to  anybody  else  connected  with  Hi 
ram  College.  The  story  is  false  as  a  whole,  in  all  its 
particulars,  in  its  inception,  and  in  its  spirit.  I  wrote  to 
Mr.  Davis  if  there  was  a  man  in  Salem  who  professed  to 
have  been  present  at  this  fictitious  presentation  scene, 
he  would  please  say  to  said  man  for  me  that  there  is 
not  a  word  of  truth  in  the  story  he  is  telling ;  that  he 
was  never  present  at  any  such  scene ;  that  there  never 
was  any  such  scene;  and  that  he  would  also  tell  him 


HIS   CONGRESSIONAL   CAREER.  213 

i 

that  he  had -better  find  some  better  trade  than  that  of 
slander." 

The  case  was  so  clear  and  the  proofs  so  convenient  to 
produce,  that  General  Garfield  had  no  trouble  in  refuting 
this  slander. 

The  first  session  of  the  forty-third  Congress  com 
menced  on  the  1st  of  December,  1873.  On  the  8th  of 
December  a  special  committee  reported  a  bill  to  the  House 
to  repeal  the  increase  of  certain  salaries,  adopted  March  3, 
1873,  and  to  restore  the  former  rates,  to  wit,  for  members 
of  Congress,  etc.  On  December  9th  the  bill  was  con 
sidered. 

"  Mr.  Wilson,  of  Indiana,  said  :  Mr.  Speaker,  the  sub 
ject  now  under  consideration  is  one  which  has  attracted 
much  public  attention.  The  action  of  the  forty-second 
Congress,  in  passing  the  act  by  which  the  salaries  of  sen 
ators  and  representatives  were  increased,  which  it  is  now 
proposed  to  repeal,  and  especially  that  feature  of  it  where 
by  increased  pay  was  made  to  date  from  the  beginning  of 
the  Congress,  has  met  with  the  fiercest  denunciation.  Not 
only  those  who  voted  for  it,  but  those  who  voted  against 
it,  yet  received  its  benefits,  have  been  stigmatized  as 
thieves  and  robbers. 

"  It  matters  not  how  many  years  of  faithful  service 
had  been  devoted  to  the  country,  nor  how  exalted  a  char 
acter  for  integrity  had  been  builded  up,  this  one  act  has 
been  deemed  an  unpardonable  sin,  and  treated  as  an  un 
mitigated  criminality.  While  indulging  in  this  wholesale 
denunciation,  no  one  stopped  to  consider  the  circumstances 
under  which  any  member  happened  to  be  placed,  and 
which  to  him,  and  to  any  reasonable  man,  might  seem  to 


214  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD  :' 

i 

make  it  his  duty  to  vote  for  the  measure ;  no  difference 
of  opinion  was  permitted  as  to  its  justice ;  no  appeal  to 
reason  would  be  listened  to.  My  distinguished  friend 
from  Ohio  (Mr.  Garfield),  who  struggled  against  it  until, 
in  a  conference  report  which  he  had  resisted  to  the  last, 
it  was  brought  before  the  House  attached  to  one  of  the 
most  important  appropriation  bills,  and  then,  as  all  of  us 
who  are  familiar  with  the  facts  must  confidently  believe 
(and  it  is  but  justice  to  him  to  say  so  here),  voted  for  it 
in  the  conscientious  discharge  of  his  duty  to  the  country, 
has  fared  no  better  than  any  one  else." 

After  some  lengthy  remarks  by  other  members,  Mr. 
Garfield  said  : 

"  Mr.  Speaker,  there  was  so  much  to  admire  in  the 
speech  to  which  the  House  has  just  listened,  that  it  may 
seem  ungracious  to  say  anything  in  conflict  with  the  doc 
trines  announced.  And  yet  the  distinguished  gentleman 
(Mr.  Stephens,  of  Georgia)  has  said  some  things  so  strik 
ingly  different  from  the  views  generally  entertained  by 
the  American  people,  that  I  venture  to  offer  a  few  sugges 
tions  by  way  of  reply,  while  the  subject  is  still  fresh  in 
the  minds  of  his  hearers. 

"  All  that  the  gentleman  said  in  regard  to  the  rela 
tion  of  public  opinion  to  representative  men  will,  I  pre 
sume,  be  cordially  concurred  in  by  those  who  heard  him. 
The  real  leaders  of  the  people — they  who  give  voice  to  the 
best  thoughts  or  aspirations  of  their  countrymen — are  im 
measurably  above  those  who  consult  public  passion  only 
to  cater  to  its  worst  tendencies.  It  is  a  high  and  worthy 
work  to  study  public  opinion,  for  the  purpose  of  learning 
fcow  best  to  serve  the  public  good ;  but  to  study  to  learn 


HIS   CONGRESSIONAL   CAREER.  215 

how  best  to  serve  ourselves  is  base.  But  it  is  important 
that  we  understand  what  we  mean  by  public  opinion.  It 
is  not  an  infallible  standard  of  right,  for  it  is  sometimes 
wholly  wrong.  Its  judgments  are  frequently  revised 
and  reversed  by  its  own  consent.  But  it  is  true  that, 
after  a  full  hearing,  public  opinion  finally  adjusts  itsell 
on  a  basis  which  will  be  practically  just  and  true.  He 
greatly  errs  who  calls  all  the  passing  and  changing  words 
of  the  public  mind  the  fixed  and  final  verdict  of  public 
judgment. 

"  The  public  opinion  that  teaches  its  most  valuable 
and  impressive  lessons  resembles  the  ocean — not  when 
lashed  by  the  breath  of  the  tempest — but  when  seen  in 
the  grandeur  of  its  all-pervading  calm.  The  men  who 
shall  take  the  dash  and  roar  of  its  wild  waves  on  the 
rocks  as  their  symbol  of  public  opinion  will  not  only  fail  to 
learn  its  best  lessons,  but  may  find  themselves  wrecked  on 
its  breakers.  But  the  sea  in  its  hour  of  calm,  when  the 
forces  that  play  upon  it  are  in  equipoise — when  its  depths 
are  unvexed  by  tempests — is  the  grand  level  by  which  all 
the  heights  and  depths  of  the  world  are  measured.  And 
so  public  opinion,  though  it  may  at  times  dash  itself  in 
fury  against  events  and  against  men,  will  at  last  settle 
down  into  broad  and  settled  calm,  and  will  mark  the  level 
on  which  we  gauge  our  political  institutions,  and  measure 
the  strength  and  wisdom  of  opinions  and  men. 

"  While  recognizing  thus,  the  general  justness 
the  almost  omnipotent  power  of  public  opinion  iu  a 
ernment  like  ours,  it  is  equally  important  that  the  indi 
vidual  man  should  not  be  the  servile  and  unquestioning 
follower  of  its  behests.  Wo  may  value  it  as  a  guide, 


JAMES    A.  GARFIELD  : 

we  may  accept  its  lessons,  but  we  should  never  be  its 
slaves. 

"  There  is  a  circle  of  individual  right  within  which 
every  man's  opinions  are  sacredly  his  own,  even  in  defi 
ance  of  public  opinion,  and  which  his  manhood  and  self- 
respect  demand  that  he  shall  never  surrender.  But  there 
are  public  questions  like  that  which  we  are  to-day  consid 
ering,  on  which  the  voice  of  public  opinion  has  a  right  to 
be  heard  and  considered  by  every  representative  in  the 
national  legislature. 

"  Now,  if  we  were  legislating  for  the  ideal  republic  of 
Plato,  I  do  not  know  that  a  wiser  plan  of  compensation 
could  be  found  than  that  proposed  by  the  distinguished 
gentleman  from  Georgia  (Mr.  Stephens).  If  we  lived  in 
a  world  where  the  highest  power  Avas  the  best  paid,  his 
scheme  would  be  perfect,  and  his  argument  unanswerable. 
But,  so  far  as  I  have  studied  life,  exactly  the  reverse  is 
the  accepted  rule.  The  things  that  have  the  highest 
marketable  value  in  th*e  world,  as  we  find  it,  are  not  the 
things  that  stand  highest  in  the  intellectual  or  moral 
scale. 

"  One  of  the  brightest  and  perhaps  greatest  men  I 
know  in  this  nation,  a  man  who,  perhaps,  has  done  as 
much  for  its  intellectual  life  as  any  other,  told  me,  not 
many  months  ago,  that  he  had  made  it  the  rule  of  his  life 
to  abandon  any  intellectual  pursuit  the  moment  it  be 
came  commercially  valuable ;  that  others  would  utilize 
what  he  had  discovered  ;  that  his  field  of  work  was 
above  the  line  of  commercial  values ;  and  when  he 
brought  down  the  great  truths  of  science  from  the  upper 
heights  to  the  level  of  commercial  values,  a  thousand 


HIS    CONGRESSIONAL    CAREER.  217 

hands  would  be  ready  to  take  them  and  make  them  val 
uable  in  the  markets  of  the  world. 

"  A  voice — '  Who  was  he  ?' 

"  Mr.  Garfield. — It  was  Agassiz.  He  entered  upon  his 
great  career,  not  for  the  salary  it  gave  him,  for  that  was 
meagre  compared  with  the  pay  of  those  in  the  lower  walks 
of  life  ;  but  he  followed  the  promptings  of  his  great  na 
ture,  and.  works  for  the  love  of  the  truth,  and  for  the  in 
struction  of  mankind.  Something  of  this  spirit  pervaded 
the  lives  of  the  great  men  who  did  so  much  to  build  up 
and  maintain  our  Republican  institutions.  And  this  spirit 
is,  in  my  judgment,  higher  and  worthier  than  that  which 
the  gentleman  from  Georgia  (Mr.  Stephens)  has  described. 

"  To  come  immediately  to  the  question  before  us,  I 
agree  with  the  distinguished  gentleman  that  we  should 
not  be  driven  or  s\vayed  by  that  unjust  clamor  that  calls 
men  thieves  who  voted  as  they  had  the  constitutional 
right  to  vote,  and  accepted  a  compensation  which  they 
had  the  legal  and  constitutional  right  to  take.  I  join  in 
no  clamor  of  that  sort ;  nor  will  I  join  in  any  criminations 
against  those  who  used  their  right  to  act  and  vote  diiYer- 
ently  from  myself  on  this  subject.  It  is  idle  to  waste 
our  time  now  in  discussing  the  votes  of  the  last  Congress 
in  relation  to  the  Salary  Bill.  We  are  called  upon  to 
confront  this  plain,  practical  question,  (  Shall  the  Salary 
Bill  of  the  last  Congress  be  repealed  ?'  I  shall  argue  it 
on  two  grounds  :  first,  the  just  demands  of  public  opin 
ion  ;  second,  the  relation  of  this  repeal  to  the  Govern 
ment  and  its  necessities ;  and  I  shall  confine  my  remarks 
to  these  two  points.  I  think  it  cannot  be  doubted  that 
public  opinion  plainly  and  clearly  demands  the  repeal ; 


218  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD  : 

and  on  a  subject  like  this,  the  voice  of  the  people  should 
have  more  than  ever  its  usual  weight. 

"  When  the  public  says  to  me,  and  to  those  associated 
with  me,  that  we  have  under  constitutional  law  given 
ourselves  more  pay  than  that  public  is  willing  to  grant 
us,  it  would  be  indelicate  and  indecent  in  us  on  such  a 
question  to  resist  that  public  opinion. 

"  It  does  not  compromise  the  manhood,  the  indepen 
dence,  or  the  self-respect  of  any  representative  to  say 
that  he  will  not  help  to  keep  on  the  statute  book  a  law 
which  allows  him  more  pay  than  public  opinion  thinks  he 
ought  to  have.  Even  if  he  believes  public  opinion  wrong, 
he  ought  to  yield  to  it  in  a  matter  of  such  delicacy. 

"  That  is  all  the  argument  I  make  on  the  score  of 
public  opinion. 

"  I  now  come  to  the  other  point,  the  necessities  of 
the  Government.  Gentlemen  must  remember  that  only 
seven  years  ago  our  expenditures  had  risen  to  a  vol 
ume  that  was  simply  frightful,  in  view  of  the  burdens 
of  the  country.  We  were  then  paying  out  over  the 
counter  of  our  treasury  $1,290,000,000  a  year  as  the 
cost  of  sustaining  the  Government  and  meeting  the  great 
expenses  entailed  by  the  war.  What  was  the  duty  of 
this  national  legislature  ?  Manifestly  to  bring  the  ex 
penses  of  the  Government  down  as  rapidly  as  possibly 
from  the  high  level  of  war  to  the  normal  level  of  peace. 

"  If,  therefore,  the  forty-third  Congress  intends  to  go 
forward  in  the  work  of  economy  and  retrenchment,  if 
it  has  any  hope  of  making  further  reductions  in  the  ex 
penditures  of  this  Government,  we  must,  before  under 
taking  to  carry  out  that  work,  give  ourselves  the  moral 


HIS   CONGRESSIONAL   CAREER.  219 

power  that  will  result  from  a  reduction  of  our  own  pay 
to  the  old  standard.  As  the  case  stands  to-day,  pur  own 
salaries  are  the  master  key  in  our  hands  by  which  alone 
we  can  turn  the  machinery  that  will  bring  about  a 
further  reduction  of  expenses  in  the  Government. 

"  Mr.  Speaker,  I  say  all  this  on  the  theory  that  we 
are  to  run  the  Government  as  our  fathers  who  made  it 
intended  it  should  be  run — not  on  the  principle  of  the 
gentleman  from  Georgia  (Mr.  Stephens),  a.  principle 
that  would  make  this  the  most  expensive  government  on 
the  globe,  but  on  the  old  principle  that  there  is  some 
thing  due  to  the  honor  of  the  service  we  perform." 


CHAPTER  VII. 

GENERAL    GARFIELD    LEADS    THE    REPUBLICAN    OPPOSITION — 18 
ELECTED   TO   THE    SENATE. 

Efforts  to  defeat  General  Garfield  for  Congress — His  triumphant  Re-election 
— The  Democrats  have  a  Majority  in  the  House— Garfield  loses  his  Chair 
manship — One  of  the  Republican  Leaders — A  sharp  Arraignment  of  the 
Democratic  Party — The  Democratic  Graveyard— Ohio  goes  Republican — 
General  Garfield  nominated  for  United  States  Senator — Is  the  Republi 
can  Candidate  for  Speaker  of  the  House — A  Member  of  two  important 
Committees — Becomes  the  Republican  Leader  in  the  House — Garfield 
pours  a  Broadside  into  the  Democratic  Ranks — A  Withering  Denunciation 
of  Democratic  Policy — Reply  to  Mr.  Tucker,  of  Virginia — Garfield  breaks 
the  Democratic  Lin* — Delight  of  the  Republicans  in  the  House — Com 
ments  of  the  New  York  Herald — Appeal  in  behalf  of  the  Loyal  Men  of 
the  South — Speech  on  the  Judicial  Expenses  Bill — Speech  at  Madison 
Wisconsin — Speech  at  the  Andersonville  Re-union— Plain  Talking  on  a 
Sad  Subject — General  Garfield  is  Elected  to  the  United  States  Senate— 
His  Arrival  at  Columbus — Reception  at  the  Capital — His  Remarks — Ad 
dress  of  President  Hinsdale  on  Garfield's  Election — Speech  of  General 
Garfield  on  Democratic  Nullification. 

IN  the  elections  of  1874,  the  Republican  party  suffered 
heavy  reverses  in  the  Congressional  districts.  The  re 
sult  was  that  a  Democratic  majority  was  returned  to  the 
House  of  Representatives.  General  Garfield  was  renorn- 
inated  by  his  district,  receiving  nearly  every  vote  in 
the  Convention,  but  at  the  polls  a  determined  effort  was 
made  by  the  Democrats  to  defeat  him.  His  vote  was 
cut  down  from  19,189  in  1872,  to  12,591,  and  an  Inde- 


LEADS    THE    REPUBLICAN   OPPOSITION.  221 

pendent  Republican  polled  3,427  votes ;  but  Garfield 
still  had  a  plurality  of  6,346  over  his  Democratic  an 
tagonist,  and  a  clear  majority  of  2,919  over  all  opposi 
tion. 

The  preponderance  of  the  Democratic  party  in  the 
House,  of  course,  gave  them  the  speakership  and  the  con 
trol  of  all  the  committees.  General  Garfield  was  removed 
from  the  chairmanship  of  the  Committee  on  Appropria 
tions,  and  was  made  the  second  Republican  member  of 
the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means.  He  rendered  good 
service  to  his  party  and  the  country  in  this  position,  and 
by  his  boldness  and  brilliancy  made  himself  regarded  as 
one  of  the  ablest  leaders  of  the  Republican  minority  in 
the  House.  In  this  respect  he  ranked  next  in  the  popu 
lar  estimation  to  Mr.  Blaine,  of  Maine,  to  whom  the  lead 
ership  of  the  party  was  conceded — surpassing  him,  indeed, 
in  many  things.  He  held  his  position  on  the  Committee 
of  Ways  and  Means  for  four  years. 

In  1876  General  Garfield  was  again  returned  to  Con 
gress  by  a  handsome  majority.  He  had  become  so  use 
ful  to  his  party  that  his  nomination  and  election  were 
now  a  matter  of  certainty.  He  ably  maintained  his  great 
reputation  as  a  speaker,  as  the  following  extract  from 
one  of  his  speeches  delivered  in  the  House  on  the  4th 
of  August,  1876,  will  show  : 

"  Mr.  Chairman. — It  is  now  time  to  inquire  as  to  the 
fitiicss  of  this  Democratic  party  to  take  control  of  our 
great  nation  and  its  vast  and  important  interests  for  the 
next  four  years.  I  put  the  question  to  the  gentleman 
from  Mississippi  (Mr.  Lamar).  What  has  the  Demo- 
'cratic  party  done  to  merit  that  great  trust  ?  He  tries  to 


222  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD. 

show  in  what  respects  it  would  not  be  dangerous.     I  ask 
him  to  show  in  what  it  would  be  safe. 

"  I  affirm,  and  I  believe  I  do  not  misrepresent  the 
great  Democratic  party,  that  in  the  last  sixteen  years 
they  have  not  advanced  one  great  national  idea  that  is 
not  to-day  exploded  and  as  dead  as  Julius  Ceesar.  And 
if  any  Democrat  here  will  rise  and  name  a  great  national 
doctrine  his  party  has  advanced,  within  that  time,  that 
is  now  alive  and  believed  in,  I  will  yield  to  him.  (A 
pause.)  In  default  of  an  answer,  I  will  attempt  to  prove 
my  negative. 

"  What  were  the  great  central  doctrines  of  the 
Democratic  party  in  the  Presidential  struggle  of  1860  ? 
The  followers  of  Breckinridge  said  slavery  had  a  right 
to  go  wherever  the  Constitution  goes.  Do  you  believe 
that  to-day  ?  And  is  there  a  man  on  this  continent  that 
holds  that  doctrine  to-day  ?  Not  one.  That  doctrine 
is  dead  and  buried.  The  other  wing  of  the  Democracy 
held  that  slavery  might  be  established  in  the  Territories 
if  the  people  wanted  it.  Does  anybody  hold  that  doc 
trine  to-day  ?  Dead,  absolutely  dead  ! 

"  Come  down  to  1864.  Your  party,  under  the  lead 
of  Tilden  and  Vallandigham,  declared  the  experiment  of 
war  to  save  the  Union  was  a  failure.  Do  you  believe 
in  that  doctrine  to-day  ?  That  doctrine  was  shot  to 
death  by  the  guns  of  Farragut  at  Mobile,  and  driven, 
in  a  tempest  of  fire,  from  the  valley  of  the  Shenan- 
doah  by  Sheridan,  less  than  a  month  after  its  birth  at 
Chicago.  - 

"  Come  down  to  1868.  You  declared  the  constitu 
tional  amendments  revolutionary  and  void.  Does  any 


LEADS   THE    REPUBLICAN    OPPOSITION.  223 

man  on  this  floor  say  so  to-day  ?  If  so,  let  him  rise  and 
declare  it. 

"  Do  you  believe  in  the  doctrine  of  the  Broadhead 
letter  of  1868,  that  the  so-called  constitutional  amend 
ments  should  be  disregarded  ?  No ;  the  gentleman  from 
Mississippi  accepts  the  results  of  the  war !  The  Demo 
cratic  doctrine  of  1868  is  dead  ! 

"  I  walk  across  that  Democratic  camping  ground  as 
in  a  graveyard.  Under  my  feet  resound  the  hollow 
echoes  of  the  dead.  There  lies  Slavery,  a  black  marble 
column  at  the  head  of  its  grave,  on  which  I  read  :  '  Died 
in  the  flames  of  the  Civil  War :  loved  in  its  life ;  la 
mented  in  its  death;  followed  to  its  bier  by  its  only 
mourner,  the  Democratic  party,  but  dead  ! '  And  here 
is  a  double  grave  ;  '  Sacred  to  the  memory  of  Squatter 
Sovereignty.  Died  in  the  Campaign  of  I860.'  On  the 
reverse  side ;  '  Sacred  to  the  memory  of  Dred  Scott  and 
the  Breckinridge  doctrine.  Both  dead  at  the  hands  of 
Abraham  Lincoln  ! '  And  here  a  monument  of  brim 
stone  ;  '  Sacred  to  the  memory  of  the  Rebellion :  the 
War  against  it  is  a  failure;  Tilden  et  Vattandigham — 
fecerunt,  A.  D.  1864.  Dead  on  the  field  of  battle;  shot 
to  death  by  the  million  guns  of  the  Republic.  The  doc 
trine  of  Secession,  of  State  Sovereignty,  dead  !  Expired 
in  the  flames  of  civil  war,  amid  the  blazing  rafters  of 
the  Confederacy,  except  that  the  modern  ^Eneas.  flee 
ing  out  of  the  flames  of  that  ruin,  bears  on  his  back 
another  Anchises  of  State  sovereignty,  and  brings  it 
here  in  the  person  of  the  honorable  gentleman  from  the 
Appomattox  district  of  Virginia  (Mr.  Tucker).  All  else 
is  dead ! 


224  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD. 

"Now,  gentlemen,  are  you  sad,  are  you  sorry  for 
these  deaths  ?  Are  you  not  glad  that  Secession  is  dead  ? 
that  Squatter  Sovereignty  is  dead  ?  that  the  doctrine  of 
the  failure  of  the  War  is  dead  ?  Then  you  are  glad 
that  you  were  out-voted  in  1860,  in  1864,  in  1868,  and 
in  1872.  If  you  have  tears  to  shed  over  these  losses, 
shed  them  in  the  graveyard,  but  not  in  this  House  of 
living  men.  I  know  that  many  a  Southern  man  re 
joices  that  these  issues  are  dead.  The  gentleman  from 
Mississippi  (Mr.  Lamar)  has  clothed  his  joy  with  elo 
quence. 

"  Now,  gentlemen,  if  you  yourselves  are  glad  that 
you  have  suffered  defeat  during  the  last  sixteen  years, 
will  you  not  be  equally  glad  when  you  suffer  defeat  next 
November  ?  But  pardon  that  remark.  I  regret  it ;  I 
should  use  no  bravado. 

"  Now,  gentlemen,  come  with  me  for  a  moment  into 
the  camp  of  the  Republican  party  and  review  its  career. 
Our  central  doctrine  in  1860  was  that  slavery  should 
never  extend  itself  over  another  foot  of  American  soil. 
Is  that  doctrine  dead  ?  It  is  folded  away  like  a  victo 
rious  banner  ;  its  truth  is  alive  for  evermore  on  this  conti 
nent.  In  1864  we  declared  that  we  would  put  down  the 
rebellion  and  secession.  And  that  doctrine  lives,  and  will 
live  when  the  second  centennial  has  arrived.  Freedom, 
national,  universal  and  perpetual — our  great  constitutional 
amendments,  are  they  alive  or  dead?  Alive,  thank  the 
God  that  shields  both  liberty  and  union.  And  our 
national  credit !  saved  from  the  assaults  of  Pendleton ; 
Baved  from  the  assaults  of  those  who  struck  it  later,  rising 
higher  and  higher  at  home  and  abroad ;  and  only  now  in 


LEADS    THE    REPUBLICAN    OPPOSITION.  225 

doubt  lost  its  chief,  its  only  enemy,  the  Democracy,  should 
triumph  in  November." 

General  Gar  field  took  an  active  part  in  the  memorable 
camp.iign  of  1877,  which  did  much  to  restore  the  State 
of  Ohio  to  the  Republican  party.  In  the  early  part  of 
the  year  he  was  a  candidate  for  the  office  of  United  States 
Senator  from  Ohio,  to  succeed  the  Hon.  John  Sherman, 
who  had  accepted  the  secretaryship  of  the  Treasury  in 
the  cabinet  of  President  Hayes.  He  withdrew  from  the 
contest,  however,  at  the  special  request  of  President 
Hayes,  who  assured  him  he  could  be  of  more  service  to 
the  administration  as  a  member  of  the  House  than  as  a 
senator.  Mr.  Elaine  had  been  elected  to  the  Senate,  and 
General  Garfield  was  now  the  formally  recognized  leader 
of  the  Republican  party  in  the  House.  He  held  this 
position  for  several  years,  displaying  in  it  all  his  old 
vigor  and  boldness,  and  the  sound  qualities  of  leadership 
that  induced  the  Republican  party  to  nominate  him  for 
the  Presidency. 

At  the  meeting  of  the  forty-fifth  Congress  in  1877, 
General  Garfield  was  the  Republican  candidate  for 
Speaker  of  the  House,  and  received  the  full  vote  of  his 
party.  The  Democrats  being  so  largely  in  the  ma 
jority,  the  Republican  nomination  and  the  vote  upon  it 
were  merely  complimentary.  Hon.  Samuel  J.  Ran 
dall,  of  Pennsylvania,  was  elected  Speaker  by  the  Dem 
ocrats. 

In  1878  General  Garfield  was  again  elected  to  Con 
gress  by  a  handsome  majority. 

In  the  same  year,  when  the  Democrats  controlled  the 

Legislature  of  Ohio,  General  Garfield  was  u  candidate  for 
13 


226  JAMi:S    A.  GARFIELD. 

the  complimentary  vote  of  his  party  for  United  States 
Senator ;  but  after  a  prolonged  and  hitter  contest  in  the 
caucus,  his  name  was  withdrawn,  and  it  was  resolved  to 
cast  only  blank  votes  in  the  two  Houses. 

The  forty-sixth  Congress  met  in  extra  session  OP 
the  18th  of  March,  1879.  General  Garfield  was  nomi 
nated  by  the  Republicans  for  Speaker  of  the  House,  and 
received  one  hundred  and  twenty-five  votes,  but  the 
Democratic  majority  reseated  Speaker  Randall.  The 
Speaker,  in  reorganizing  the  standing  committees  of  the 
House,  placed  General  Garfield  at  the  head  of  the  Re 
publican  membership  of  the  Committee  of  Ways  and 
Means.  He  also  appointed  him  one  of  the  committee 
charged  with  revising  the  rules  of  the  House  of  Repre 
sentatives,  thus  paying  a  high  and  deserved  compliment 
to  General  Garfield's  rare  knowledge  of  parliamentary 
law. 

General  Garfield  was  the  acknowledged  leader  of  the 
Republican  side  of  the  House  during  this  session.  He 
held  the  Democracy  to  a  strict  accountability  in  forcing 
the  extra  session  upon  the  country,  -and  denounced  their 
course  in  withholding  the  supplies  of  the  Government  in 
order  to  force  upon  it  an  acceptance  of  their  schemes  for 
removing  the  safeguards  that  had  been  thrown  around 
the  ballot  box,  which  measures  he  declared  were  unpa 
iriotic  and  dangerous.  On  the  29th  of  March,  1879,  he 
made  his  great  effort.  The  House  went  into  Committee 
of  the  Whole,  Mr.  Springer,  of  Illinois,  in  the  chair,  on 
the  Army  Appropriation  Bill. 

"  Mr.  Stephens,  of  Georgia,  obtained  the  floor,  and 
proceeded  to  speak  in  a  clear  voice.  He  did  not  desire 


LEADS    THE    REPUBLICAN    OPPOSITION.  '227 

to  say  much  outside  of  the  pending  point  of  order.  The 
section  against  which  that  point  had  been  raised  was 
clearly  germane  to  the  bill.  All  laws  penal  in  their  cnar- 
acter  were  to  be  construed  strictly,  but  laws  involving 
questions  of  public  right,  public  liberty,  and  public  policy 
were  to  be  liberally  construed — not  strictly.  The  gentle 
man  from  Maine  (Mr.  Frye)  had  said  that  the  section 
did  not,  on  its  face,  retrench  expenditures.  That  was 
not  the  question.  The  question  was,  <  Would  it  probably 
retrench  expenditures  ? '  He  thought  it  would,  and  not 
only  possibly  or  probably,  but  certainly.  The  past  his 
tory  of  the  country  showed  that  enormous  expenditures 
had  attended  the  use  of  troops  at  elections.  He  went  on 
to  argue  that  the  acts  of  1795  and  1817  only  authorized 
the  use  of  the  troops  to  put  down  domestic  insurrection. 
The  provision  for  the  use  of  troops  for  civil  purposes  was 
an  entirely  different  matter.  The  law  authorizing  the 
use  of  troops  at  the  polls  had  never  any  existence  until 
1865,  and  the  danger  of  such  a  law  would  not,  he  pre 
sumed,  be  denied  by  anybody.  If  there  was  any  man 
on  the  floor  who  Avas  in  favor  of  peaceable  elections  and 
order  throughout  the  length  and  breadth  of  the  land  he 
(Mr.  Stephens)  professed  to  be  equally  strong  with  him 
in  that  feeling.  He  was  for  law  and  order.  He  had  wit 
nessed  the  soldier  at  the  polls,  and  had  seen  no  good  of 
it.  The  country  had  got  along  three-fourths  of  a  century 
without  having  troops  at  the  polls,  and  the  sentiment  of 
the  people  was  as  much  against  their  presence  there  now 
as  it  had  ever  been.  The  future  harmony,  order,  and 
prosperity  of  the  country  would  be  greatly  promoted  by 
hereafter  adhering  to  the  principles  and  precepts  of  the 


223  JAMES    A.    QARFIELH. 

fathers  of  the  Republic.  Congress  had  a  right  to  raise 
armies  and  to  designate  the  purpose  for  which  the^ 
should  be  used  ;  and  the  President's  right  to  control  and 
direct  their  movements  was  clearly  an  executive  one, 
with  which  Congress  had  no  power  to  interfere.  But  it 
could  say  that  the  executive  could  not  use  such  forces 
for  a  particular  purpose.  It  hau  a  right  (which  he  did 
not  tfrink  the  executive  would  deny)  to  say  that  the 
military  should  not  be  used  at  the  polls.  Let  the  land 
forces  be  devoted  to  protecting  the  frontier.  Let  the 
navy  be  afloat  on  the  sea,  protecting  the  country's  flag 
and  commerce.  Let  each  be  in  the  sphere  to  which  it 
was  entitled,  in  which,  in  the  past,  it  had  won  such  honor 
and  glory  for  the  common  country.  Let  them  perform 
their  duties,  and  let  the  civil  administration  of  the  coun 
try  go  on  in  its  own  channel.  Let  members  of  Congress 
be  returned  as  heretofore,  and  if  any  man  was  defrauded 
of  his  right,  then  let  the  high  court  of  the  country,  the 
House  of  Representatives,  decide  that  question,  and  not 
the  bayonet  of  the  soldier. 


REVOLUTIONARY   DECISION  OF  THE   CHAIR. 

"  The  Chairman  then  proceeded  to  rule  on  the  point 
of  order,  which  he  did  by  declaring  the  section  to  be 
in  order,  both  on  the  ground  of  its  being  germane  and  of 
its  retrenching  expenditure.  There  could  scarcely  be  u 
doubt  as  to  its  being  germane,  for  it  related  to  the  duties 
of  the  army,  or  rather  to  the  uses  to  which  the  army  may 
be  put.  '  Germane  '  did  riot  mean  synonymous,  but  meant 
something  near  ukiri,  closely  allied,  relevant  to  the  sub- 


LEADS    THE    REPUBLICAN    OPPOSITION.  229 

ject.  As  to  the  question  of  retrenching  expenditures, 
lie  referred  to  the  official  estimates  and  to  appropriations 
heretofore  made  to  show  how  much  money  had  been  ex 
pended  for  transportation  and  other  expenses  attending 
the  use  of  the  troops  at  the  polls.  The  ending  section 
proposed  to  retrench  such  expenditures  for  the  future. 
For  these  and  other  reasons  the  point  of  order  was  over 
ruled. 

u  Mr.  Conger  (Rep.),  of  Michigan,  appealed  from  the 
decision  of  the  chair,  and  the  decision  was  sustained — 
yeas  125,  nays  107. 

"Mr.  New  (Rep.),  of  Indiana,  offered  an  amendment 
providing  that  nothing  contained  in  the  section  should  be 
held  to  abridge  or  affect  the  duty  or  power  of  the  Presi 
dent  under  the  fourth  article  of  the  Constitution  to  send 
troops  into  States  on  the  application  of  the  legislature  or 
executive. 

"  The  amendment  was  allowed  to  stand  over  for  the 
present. 

MR.    GARFIELD'S   SPEECH. 

"  Mr.  Garfield  (Rep.),  of  Ohio,  then  took  the  floor. 
He  commenced  his  speech  by  referring  to  the  gravity  and 
solemnity  of  the  crisis  that  had  now  been  brought  upon 
the  country,  and  declared  that  the  House  had,  to-day,  re 
solved  to  enter  upon  a  revolution  against  the  Constitution 
and  the  Government ;  and  that  the  consequence  of  that 
resolve,  if  persisted  in,  meant  nothing  short  of  subversion 
of  the  Government.  He  sketched  the  point  at  issue  be 
tween  the  two  Houses  at  the  close  of  the  last  Congress, 
ind  read  from  a  report  of  one  of  the  Senate  conferees  to 


230  JAMES    A.   GARFIELD. 

the  effect  that  the  Democratic  conferees  on  the  part  of  the 
House  were  determined,  unless  the  action  of  the  House 
was  concurred  in,  to  refuse  making  appropriations  to  carry 
on  the  Government,  and  he  also  quoted  from  the  speech 
of  Senator  Beck  (another  of  the  conferees)  to  the  effect 
that  the  Democrats  claimed  the  right  which  the  House 
ot  Commons  in  England  had  established,  after  two  centu 
ries  of  conquest,  to  say  they  would  not  grant  the  money 
of  the  people  unless  there  was  a  redress  of  grievances. 
These  propositions,  continued  Mr.  Garfield,  in  various 
forms,  more  or  less  vehemently,  were  repeated  in  the  last 
House,  and  with  that  situation  of  affairs  the  session  came 
near  its  close.  The  Republican  majority  in  the  Senate, 
and  the  Republican  minority  in  the  House,  expressed  the 
deepest  possible  solicitude  to  avoid  the  catastrophe  here 
threatened.  They  expressed  their  strongest  desire  to 
avoid  the  danger  to  the  country  and  to  its  business  of  an 
extra  session  of  Congress,  and  they  expressed  their  wil 
lingness  to  let  go  what  they  considered  the  least  impor 
tant  of  the  propositions — not  as  a  matter  of  coercion  afc 
all,  but  as  a  matter  of  fair  adjustment  and  compromise,  if 
they  could  be  met  in  the  spirit  of  adjustment  on  the  other 
side.  Unfortunately,  no  spirit  of  adjustment  appeared  on 
the  other  side  to  meet  their  advances.  And  now  the  new 
Congress  is  assembled,  and  after  ten  days  of  deliberation 
the  House  of  Representatives  has  resolved  substantially 
to  reaffirm  the  propositions  of  its  predecessor,  and  on  these 
propositions  we  are  met  to-day.  This  is  no  time  to  enter 
into  all  this  case.  I  am  not  prepared  for  it  myself.  But 
I  shall  confine  myself  to  the  one  phase  of  the  issue  pre 
sented  in  this  bill 


LEADS    THE    REPUBLICAN    OPPOSITION.  231 

DRAWING  THE   LINES. 

"Mr.  Atkens  (Dem.),  of  Ten.,  asked  Mr.  Gariield 
whether  he  understood  him  to  stale  that  there  had  been  no 
proposition  to  compromise  made  in  Conference  Committee 

"  Mr.  Gar  field  replied  that  ho  did  not  undertake  to 
state  what  had  been  said  in  the  Conference  Committee, 
for  he  had  not  been  a  member  of  the  Conference.  He  hau 
been  only  stating  what  had  been  stated  on  the  floor  of  the 
House  and  of  the  Senate. 

"  Mr.  Atkins. — Then  I  state  that  a  proposition  was 
made  in  the  Conference  Committee  the  same  as  the  prop 
osition  now  before  the  House,  and  which  is  proposed  to 
be  attached  to  this  bill. 

"  Mr.  Garfield. — I  take  it  for  granted  that  what  my 
friend  says  is  strictly  true.  I  know  nothing  to  the  con 
trary.  The  question  may  be  asked  why  we  make  any 
special  resistance  to  propositions  which  a  great  many  gen 
tlemen  have  declared  are  to  be  considered  of  no  impor 
tance.  So  far  as  this  side  is  concerned  I  desire  to  say 
this  :  We  recognize  you,  gentlemen  of  the  other  side,  as 
skilful  parliamentarians  and  skilful  strategists  ;  you  have 
chosen  wisely  and  adroitly  your  line  of  assault ;  you  have 
put  forward  perhaps  the  least  objectionable  of  your  meas 
ures,  but  we  meet  that  as  one  part  of  your  programme. 
We  reply  to  it  as  an  order  of  battle,  and  we  are  as  much 
compelled  by  the  logic  of  the  situation  to  meet  you  on  the 
skirmish  line  as  we  would  be  if  you  were  attacking  the 
entrenchments  themselves.  And,  therefore,  on  the  thresh 
old,  we  desire  to  plant  our  case  on  the  general  grounds  on 
which  we  choose  to  defend  it 


JAMES    A.  GAltflELD. 

THE  FEEBLEST   GOVERNMENT   ON  EARTH. 

"Mr.  Garfield  then  went  on  to  refer  to  what  he  had 
stated  on  the  last  day  of  the  last  Congress,  as  to  the 
division  of  the  government  into  three  parts — the  nation, 
tiie  Seriate,  and  the  people;  and  he  said  that,  looking 
at  the  government  as  a  foreigner  might  look  upon  it, 
it  might  be  said  to  be  the  feeblest  government  on  the 
enrth,  while  looking  at  it  as  American  citizens  did,  it 
was  the  mightiest  government.  A  foreigner  could  point 
out  a  dozen  ways  in  which  the  government  could  be 
killed,  and  that  not  by  violence.  Of  course  all  govern 
ments  might  be  overturned  by  the  sword.  But  there 
was  some  ways  by  which  this  government  might  be  ut 
terly  annihilated  without  the  firing  of  a  gun.  The 
people  might  say  that  they  would  not  elect  representa 
tive.*.  That,  of  course,  was  a  violent  supposition,  but 
there  was  no  possible  remedy  for  such  a  condition  of 
things,  and  without  a  House  of  Representatives  there 
could  be  no  support  of  a  government,  and,  consequently, 
there  could  be  no  government ;  so  the  States  might  say 
through  their  legislatures,  that  they  would  not  elect 
senators.  The  very  abstention  from  electing  senators 
would  absolutely  .destroy  the  government,  and  there 
would  be  110  process  of  compulsion.  Or,  supposing  that 
the  two  Houses  were  assembled  in  their  usual  order,  and 
That  a  bare  majority  of  one  in  either  House  should  firmly 
bind  itself  together  and  say  that  it  would  vote  to  adjourn 
at  the  moment  of  meeting  each  day.  and  would  do  that 
foi  two  years  in  succession — in  that  case  what  would 
happen  and  what  would  be  the  measure  of  redress  ? 


LEADS    THE    REPUBLICAN    OPPOSITION.  238 

The  government  would  die.  There  could  not  be  found 
in  tl<e  whole  range  of  judicial  or  executive  authority 
any  remedy  whatever.  The  power  of  a  member  of  the 
House  to  vote  was  free,  and  ho  might  vote  '  no '  on  every 
proposition  of  that  kind.  It  was  not  so  with  the  ex 
ecutive.  The  executive  had  no  power  to  destroy  the 
government.  Let  the  executive  travel  but  one  inch 
beyond  the  line  of  law  and  there  was  the  power  of  im 
peachment.  But  if  the  electors  among  the  people  who 
elected  representatives,  or  if  the  electors  in  the  State 
legislatures  who  created  senators,  or  if  senators  and 
representatives  themselves  abstain  from  the  perform 
ance  of  their  duty,  there  was  no  remedy. 

WHAT  THE  CONSTITUTION  MEANT. 

"  At  a  first  view  it  might  seem  remarkable  that  a 
body  of  wise  men  like  those  who  framed  the  Constitution 
should  have  left  the  whole  side  of  the  fabric  of  govern 
ment  open  to  those  deadly  assaults,  but  on  another  view 
of  the  case  they  were  wise.  What  was  their  reliance  ? 
It  was  on  the  sovereignty  of  the  nation,  on  the  crowned 
and  anointed  sovereign  to  whom  all  American  citizens 
owed  their  allegiance.  That  sovereign  was  the  body  of 
the  people  of  the  United  States,  inspired  by  their  love  of 
country  and  their  sense  of  obligation  to  public  duty.  As 
the  originators  of  the  forces  that  were  sent  to  Congress  to 
Jo  their  work  they  had  no  need  of  any  coercive  authority 
to  be  laid  on  them  to  compel  them  to  do  their  manifest 
duty.  Public  opinion,  the  level  of  that  mighty  ocean 
from  which  all  heights  and  all  depths  were  measured, 
was  deemed  a  sufficient  measure  to  guard  that  side  of  the 


234  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

constitution  and  those  approaches  to  the  life  of  the  na 
tion,  absolutely  from  all  danger,  all  harm.  Up  to  this 
hour  our  sovereign  has  never  failed  us.  There  has  never 
been  such  abstention  from  the  exercise  of  those  primary 
functions  of  sovereignty,  as  either  to  cripple  or  endanger 
the  government.  And  now,  for  the  first  time  in  our 
history,  and  I  will  say  for  the  first  time  in  at  least 
two  centuries  in  the  history  of  English-speaking  people, 
has  it  been  proposed,  or  at  least  insisted  upon,  that  these 
voluntary  powers  shall  be  used  for  the  destruction  of 
the  government.  I  want  it  understood  that  the  propo 
sition  which  I  have  read,  and  which  is  the  programme 
announced  to  the  American  people  to-day,  is,  this  day, 
that  if  we  cannot  have  our  way  in  a  certain  manner,  we 
will  destroy  the  government  of  this  country  by  using  the 
voluntary  power  not  of  the  people,  but  of  ourselves, 
against  the  government  to  destroy  it.  What  is  our 
theory  of  law  ?  It  is  free  consent.  That  is  the  gran 
ite  foundation  of  our  whole  structure.  Nothing  in  this 
llepublic  can  be  a  law  that  has  not  a  free  consent  of 
the  House,  the  free  consent  of  the  Senate,  and  the  free 
consent  of  the  executive.  Or  if  the  executive  refuses 
his  free  consent,  then  it  must  have  the  free  consent  of 
two-thirds  of  eajch  body.  Will  anybody  deny  that? 
Will  anybody  challenge  a  line  of  that  statement — that 
free  consent  is  the  foundation  rock  of  all  our  institutions  ? 

THREATS    TO   STOP    THE   GOVERNMENT. 

"And  yet  the  programme  announced  two  weeks  ago 
was,  that  if  the  Senate  refused  to  consent  to  the  demand 
of  the  House  the  government  should  stop.  The  proposi- 


LEADS    THE    REPUBLICAN    OPPOSITION.  235 

tion  was  then,  and  the  programme  is  now,  that  although 
there  is  not  a  Senate  to  veto  it,  there  is  still  a  third 
independent  factor  in  the  legislative  power  of  the  govern 
ment  which  is  to  be  coerced  at  the  peril  of  the  destruc 
tion  of  the  government.  It  makes  no  difference  what 
your  issue  is.  If  it  were  the  simplest  and  most  inoffen 
sive  proposition  in  the  world,  yet  if  you  demand  as  a 
matter  of  coercion  that  it  shall  be  put  in,  every  fair- 
minded  Republican  in  America  would  be  bound  to  resist 
it  as  much  as  though  his  own  life  depended  on  his  re 
sistance.  I  am  not  arguing  as  to  the  merits  of  your 
three  amendments  at  all :  I  am  speaking  of  our  methods, 
and  I  say  that  they  are  against  the  constitution  of  our 
country.  I  say  that  they  are  revolutionary  to  the  core, 
and  that  they  tend  to  the  destruction  of  the  first  ele 
ment  of  American  liberty,  which  is  free  consent  of  all 
the  powers  that  unite  to  make  the  law.  I  ask  anybody 
to  take  up  my  challenge  and  to  show  me  where  hitherto 
this  consent  has  been  coerced  as  a  condition  precedent 
to  the  support  of  the  government.  It  is  a  little  surpris 
ing  to  me  that  our  friends  on  the  other  side  should  have 
gone  into  this  great  contest  on  so  slender  a  topic  as  the 
one  embraced  in  this  particular  bill.  Victor  Hugo  said, 
in  his  description  of  the  great  Battle  of  Waterloo,  that 
two  armies  were  like  two  mighty  giants,  and  that  some 
times  a  chip  under  the  heel  of  one  might  determine  the 
victory.  It  may  be,  gentlemen,  that  there  is  merely  a 
chip  under  your  heel,  or  it  may  be  that  you  treated  it 
as  a  chip  on  our  shoulder.  But  whether  it  is  under 
your  heel  or  on  our  shoulder  it  represents  a  matter  of 
revolution,  and  we  fight  for  the  chip  as  if  it  w^c1  an 


236  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD, 

ingot  of  tho  richest  ore.     [Loud  applause  on  the   floor 
and  in  the  galleries.] 

A  POINT  FOR  DEMOCRATIC  MEMBERS. 

"  Let  us  see  what  the  chip  is.  Do  the  gentlemen  know 
what  they  ask  when  they  ask  us  to  repeal  ?  Who  made 
this  law  which  you  now  demand  to  have  repealed  in  this 
bill  ?  It  was  introduced  into  the  Senate  of  the  United 
States  by  a  prominent  Democrat  from  the  State  of  Ken 
tucky  (Mr.  Powell).  It  was  insisted  upon  in  an  able 
and  elaborate  speech  by  him.  It  was  reported  against  by 
a  Republican  committee  in  that  body.  It  went  through 
days  and  weeks  of  debate  in  the  Senate,  and  when  it 
finally  came  to  be  acted  upon  in  that  body  this  is  about 
the  way  the  vote  ran  :  Every  Democrat  in  the  Senate 
voted  for  it,  and  every  senator  who  voted  against  it  was 
a  Republican.  No  Democrat  voted  against  it,  but  every 
Democratic  senator  voted  for  it.  Who  were  they  ?  Mi\ 
Hendricks,  of  Indiana;  Mr.  Davis,  of  Kentucky;  Mr. 
Johnson,  of  Maryland ;  Mr.  McDougal,  of  California ; 
Mr.  Powell,  of  Kentucky;  Mr.  Richardson,  of  Illinois, 
and  Mr.  Saulsbury,  of  Delaware.  There  were  fewer 
Republican  senators  who  voted  for  it  than  there  were  who 
voted  against  it.  Thirteen  Republican  senators  voted 
against  it  and  only  ten  for  it.  The  bill  then  came  over 
to  the  House  and  was  put  upon  its  passage  here.  And 
how  did  the  vote  stand  in  this  body?  Every  Democrat 
in  the  House  of  Representatives  voted  for  it — sixty  of 
them.  The  total  number  of  persons  who  voted  for  it  in 
the  House  was  about  one  hundred  and  thirteen,  and  of 
that  number  a  majority  were  Democrats.  The  distin- 


LEADS    THK    REPUBLICAN    OPIVSITION.  237 

guished  Speaker  of  the  House.  Samuel  J.  Randall,  voted 
for  it.  The  distinguished  chairman  of  the  Committee  of 
Ways  and  Means  (Fernando  Wood)  voted  for  it.  A  dis 
tinguished  member  from  Ohio,  now  a  senator  from  that 
State  (Mr.  Pendleton)  voted  for  it.  Every  man  of 
leading  name  or  fame  in  the  Democratic  party  who  was 
then  in  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  voted  for  the 
bill,  and  not  one  against  it.  In  this  House  there  were 
but  few  Republicans  who  voted  against  it.  I  was  one  of 
the  few.  Thaddeus  Stephens  voted  against  it.  What 
was  the  object  of  the  bill  at  that  time  ?  It  was  this — it 
was  alleged  by  Democrats  that  in  those  days  of  war  there 
was  interference  with  elections  in  the  border  States. 
There  was  no  charge  of  any  interference  in  the  States 
where  war  did  not  exist.  But  lest  there  might  be  some 
infraction  of  the  freedom  of  elections  a  large  number  of 
Republicans  in  Congress  were  unwilling  to  give  any  ap 
pearance  whatever  of  interfering  with  the  freedom  of 
elections,  voted  against  this  law  as  an  expression  of  their 
purpose  that  the  army  should  not  be  improperly  used  in 
and  about  any  election. 

"Mr.  Carlisle  (Dem.)  of  Kentucky. — I  want  to  ask 
if  the  Democrats  in  the  Senate  and  the  House  did  not 
vote  for  that  proposition  because  it  came  in  the  form  of  a 
substitute  for  another  proposition  still  more  "objectiona 
ble  to  them  ? 

"  Mr.  Gariield. — The  gentleman  is  quite  mistaken.  The 
original  bill  wras  introduced  by  Senator  Powell,  of  Ken 
tucky.  It  was  amended  by  several  persons  in  its  course 
through  the  Senate,  but  the  vote  I  have  given  is  the 
final  vote.  A  Republican  senator  moved  to  reconsider  it, 


238  JAMES    A.  GARFIELB. 

hoping  to  kill  the  proposition,  and  for  four  or  five  days  it 
was  delayed.  It  was  again  passed,  every  Democrat  vot/ 
ing  for  it.  In  the  House  there  was  no  debate,  and  there 
fore  no  expression  of  the  reason  why  anybody  voted  for  it 

STEPHENS  IN  A  MERRY  MOOD. 

"  Mr.  Stephens,  of  Georgia. — I  wish  to  ask  the  gentle 
man  if  the  country  is  likely  to  be  revolutionized  and  the 
Government  destroyed  by  repealing  a  law  that  the  gentle 
man  voted  against?  (Laughter  on  the  Democratic  side.) 

"Mr.  Garfield. — I  think  not,  sir.  That  is  not  the 
element  of  revolution  that  I  have  been  discussing.  The 
proposition  now  is  that  fourteen  years  have  passed  since 
the  war,  and  not  one  petition  from  any  American  citizen 
has  come  to  us  asking  that  the  law  be  repealed ;  not  one 
memorial  has  found  its  way  to  our  desks,  complaining  of 
the  law ;  and  now  the  Democratic  House  of  Representa 
tives  hold  that  if  they  are  not  permitted  to  force  on 
another  House  and  the  executive  against  their  will  and 
their  consent,  the  repeal  of  a  law  that  the  Democrats  made 
it  shall  be  a  sufficient  ground  for  starving  this  Govern 
ment.  That  is  the  proposition  we  are  here  debating. 

"  Mr.  Wood  (Dem.),  of  New  York.  — Before  the  gentle 
man  leaves  that  part  of  the  discussion,  I  desire  to  ask  him 
whether  he  wishes  to  make  the  impression  on  this  House 
that  the  bill  introduced  by  Senator  Powell,  of  Kentucky, 
which  resulted  finally  in  the  law  of  1865,  was  the  bill 
that  passed  the  Senate  and  the  House  which  he  ski  ted 
that  the  present  Speaker  of  the  House  and  myself  voted 
in  favor  of? 


LEADS    THE    REPUBLICAN    Or  POSITION. 

"  Mr.  Garfield. — I  have  not  intimated  that  there  wera 
no  amendments.  There  were  amendments. 

"  Mr.  Wood. — I  want  to  correct  the  impression.  1 
deny  that,  so  far  as  I  am  personally  concerned,  I  ever 
voted  for  the  bill,  except  as  a  substitute  for  a  more  per 
nicious  and  objectionable  measure.  [Applause  on  the 
Democratic  side.] 

"  Mr.  Garfield. — All  I  say  is  a  matter  of  record.  What 
1  say  is  that  the  gentleman  voted  for  that  law,  and  every 
Democrat  in  the  Senate  and  in  the  Rouse  who  voted  at 
all  voted  for  it. 

"  Mr.  Wood. — I  want  to  ask  the  gentleman  whether, 
in  1365,  at  the  time  of  the  passing  of  this  law,  the  war  had 
really  yet  subsided — whether  there  was  not  a  portion  of 
this  country  in  a  condition  where  it  was  impossible  to 
exercise  an  elective  franchise  unless  there  was  some  kind 
of  military  interference ;  and  whether,  at  the  expiration 
of  fourteen  years  after  the  war  has  subsided,  that  gentle 
man  is  yet  prepared  to  continue  a  war  measure  in  a  time 
of  profound  peace  in  the  country  ? 


GOING  BACK  TO  I860. 

<fc  Mr.  Garfield. — I  have  no  doubt  that  the  patriotic 
gentleman  from  New  York  took  all  those  things  into  consid 
eration  when  he  voted  for  that  bill,  and  I  may  have  been 
unratriotic  in  voting  against  it ;  but  he  and  I  must  stand 
on  our  record  as  made  up.  Let  it  be  understood  that  1 
have  not  at  all  entered  into  the  discussion  of  the  merits 
of  the  case.  I  am  discussing  a  method  of  revolution 
against  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States.  I  desirr 


240  JAMES    A.  GAKF1ELD. 

to  ask  the  forbearance  of  the  gentlemen  on  the  othei  side 
for  remarks  that  I  dislike  to  make,  for  they  will  bear 
witness  that  I  have  in  many  ways  shown  my  desire  that 
the  wounds  of  the  war  shall  be  healed  and  that  the  grass 
that  God  plants  over  the  graves  of  our  dead  may  signalize 
the  return  of  the  spring  of  friendship  and  peace  between 
all  parts  of  this  country.  But  I  am  compelled  by  the 
necessity  of  the  situation  to  refer  for  a  moment  to  a  chap 
ter  of  history.  The  last  act  of  the  Democratic  administra 
tion  in  this  House,  eighteen  years  ago,  was  stirring  and 
dramatic,  but  it  was  heroic  and  high-souied.  Then  the 
Democratic  party  said,  '  If  you  elect  your  man  as  Presi 
dent  of  the  United  States,  we  will  shoot  your  Union  to 
death ;'  and  the  people  of  this  country,  not  willing  to  be 
coerced,  but  believing  that  they  had  a  right  to  vote  for 
Abraham  Lincoln  if  they  chose,  did  elect  him  lawfully  as 
President.  And  then  your  leaders  in  control  of  the  major 
ity  of  the  other  wing  of  this  Capitol  did  the  heroic  thing 
of  withdrawing  from  their  seats,  and  your  representatives 
withdrew  from  their  seats  and  flung  down  to  us  the  gage 
of  mortal  battle  We  called  it  rebellion,  but  we  admitted 
that  it  was  honorable,  that  it  was  courageous,  and  that  it 
was  noble  to  give  us  the  fell  gage  of  battle  and  fight  it 
out  in  the  open  field.  That  conflict  and  what  followed 
we  all  know  too  well ;  and  to-day,  after  eighteen  years, 
the  book  of  your  domination  is  opened  where  you  turned 
down  your  leaves  iri  1860,  and  you  are  signalizing  your 
return  to  power  by  reading  the  second  chapter  (not  this 
time  an  heroic  onej,  that  declares  that  if  we  do  not  let  you 
dash  a  statute  out  of  the  book,  you  will,  not  shoot  the 
Union  to  death,  as  in  the  first  chapter,  but  starve  it  to 


LEADS    THE    REPUBLICAN   OPPOSITION.  241 

death  by  refusing  the  necessary  appropriations.  (Ap 
plause  on  the  Republican  side.)  You,  gentlemen,  have  it 
in  your  power  to  kill  this  movement ;  you  have  it  in  your 
power,  by  withholding  these  two  bills,  to  smite  the  nerve 
centres  of  our  constitution  to  the  stillness  of  death ;  and 
you  have,  declared  your  purpose  to  do  it  if  you  cannot 
break  down  the  elements  of  free  consent  that  up  to  this 
time  have  always  ruled  in  the  Government. 


SUPERCILIOUS  CARPING. 

"  Mr.  Davis  (Dem.),  of  North  Carolina. — Do  I  under 
stand  the  gentleman  to  state  that  refusal  to  admit  the 
army  at  the  polls  will  be  the  death  of  this  government  ? 
That  is  the  logic  of  his  remark  if  it  means  anything. 
We  say  it  will  be  the  preservation  of  the  government  to 
keep  the  army  from  destroying  liberty  at  the  polls. 

"  Mr.  Garfield. — I  have  too  much  respect  for  the  intel 
ligence  of  the  gentleman  from  North  Carolina  to  believe 
that  he  thinks  that  that  svas  my  argument.  He  does  not 
say  that  he  thinks  so.  On  the  contrary,  I  am  sure  that 
every  clear-minded  man  knows  that  that  was  not  my 
argument.  My  argument  was  this — that  unless  some 
independent  branch  of  the  legislative  power  against  its 
will  is  forced  to  sign  or  vote  what  it  does  not  consent  to, 
it  will  use  the  power  in  its  hands  to  starve  the  govern 
ment  to  death. 

"  Mr.  Davis. — How  does  the  gentleman  assume  that 
we  are  forcing  some  branch  of  the  government  to  do 
what  it  does  not  wish  to  do  ?  How  do  we  know  that, 
or  how  does  the  gentleman  know  it  ? 

16 


242  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

"  Mr.  Garfield. — My  reply  to  the  gentleman  is,  that 
I  read  at  the  outset  of  my  remarks  the  declaration  of 
his  party  asserting  that  this  is  its  programme.  In 
1856,  in  Cincinnati,  in  the  National  Democratic  Con 
vention,  and  still  later,  in  1860,  the  national  Democ 
racy  in  the  United  States,  affirmed  the  right  of  the 
veto  as"  one  of  the  sacred  rights  of  our  Government,  and 
declared  that  any  law  which  could  not  be  passed  over  a 
veto  had  no  right  to  become  a  law,  and  that  the  only 
redress  was  an  appeal  from  the  veto  to  the  people  at  the 
next  election.  That  has  been  the  Democratic  doctrine  on 
that  subject  from  the  remotest  day — certainly  from  Gen 
eral  Jackson's  time  until  now.  What  would  you  have 
said  in  1861  if  the  Democratic  majority  in  the  Senate,  in 
stead  of  taking  the  course  which  it  did,  had  simply  said  : 
6  We  will  put  an  amendment  on  an  appropriation  bill  de 
claring  the  right  of  any  State  to  secede  from  the  Union 
at  pleasure,  and  forbidding  any  officer  of  the  army  or 
navy  of  the  United  States  from  interfering  with  any 
State  in  its  purpose  to  secede?'  Suppose  the  Demo 
cratic  majority  had  said  then,  *  Put  that  on  these  appro 
priation  bills,  or  we  will  refuse  supplies  to  the  govern 
ment/  Perhaps  they  could  have  killed  the  government 
then  by  starvation.  But  in  the  madness  of  that  hour  the 
secession  government  did  not  dream  that  it  would  be 
honorable  to  put  their  fight  on  that  ground,  but  they 
walked  out  on  their  plan  of  battle  and  fought  it  out. 
But  now,  in  a  way  which  the  wildest  of  secessionists 
never  dreamed  of  taking,  it  is  proposed  to  make  this  new 
on  the  vitals  of  the  nation. 


LEADS   THE    REPUBLICAN   OPPOSITION.  243 

A  REPUBLICAN  CHALLENGE. 

"  Gentlemen  (addressing  the  Democratic  side  of  the 
House),  we  have  tried  to  count  the  cost.  We  did  try  to 
count  it  in  1861  before  we  picked  up  the  gage  of  battle; 
and  although  no  man  could  then  forecast  the  awful  loss 
in  blood  and  treasure,  yet  having  started  in  we  staid 
there  to  victory.  We  simply  made  the  appeal  to  our 
sovereign,  to  that  great  omnipotent  public  opinion  in 
America,  to  determine  whether  the  Union  should  be  shot 
to  death.  And  now  lawfully  in  our  right  hand,  in  our 
place  here,  we  pick  up  the  gage  of  battle  which  you  have 
thrown  down,  and  will  appeal  to  our  common  sovereign 
to  say  whether  you  shall  break  down  the  principle  of 
free  consent  in  legislation  at  the  price  of  starving  the 
government  to  death.  We  are  ready  to  pass  these  bills 
for  the  support  of  the  government  at  any  hour  when  you 
will  offer  them  in  the  ordinary  way,  and  if  you  offer 
these  other  measures  as  separate  measures,  we  will 
meet  you  in  the  spirit  of  fair  and  fraternal  debate.  But 
you  shall  not  compel  us — you  shall  not  coerce  us — even 
to  save  this  government,  until  the  question  has  gone  to 
the  sovereign  to  determine  whether  it  will  consent  to 
break  down  any  of  its  voluntary  powers.  And  on  that 
ground,  gentlemen,  we  plant  ourselves.  (Loud  applause 
on  the  Republican  side  and  in  the  galleries.)  We  remind 
you,  in  conclusion,  that  this  great  zeal  of  yours  in  regard 
to  keeping  the  officers  of  the  government  out  of  the 
States  has  not  been  always  yours.  I  remember  that 
only  six  years  before  the  war  your  law  authorized  mar 
ghals  of  the  United  States  to  go  through  all  our  house- 


244  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD. 

holds  and  hunt  for  fugitive  slaves.  It  did  not  only  that> 
but  it  empowered  marshals  to  call  for  a  posse-comitatus 
and  to  call  upon  all  the  bystanders  to  join  in  the  chase, 
and  your  Democratic  attorney-general  declared  in  an 
opinion,  in  1854,  that  a  marshal  of  the  United  States 
might  call  to  his  aid  the  whole  posse,  including  soldiers 
and  sailors  and  marines  of  the  United  States,  to  join  in 
the  chase  and  to  hunt  down  the  fugitive.  Now,  fellow 
members  of  the  House,  if,  for  the  purpose  of  making  sla 
very  eternal,  you  could  send  your  marshals  and  could 
summon  posses  and  use  the  armed  forces  of  the  United 
States,  by  what  face  or  grace  can  you  tell  us  that,  in 
order  to  procure  freedom  in  elections  and  peace  at  the 
polls,  you  cannot  use  the  same  marshal  with  his  armed 
posse  ?  But  I  refrain  from  discussing  the  merits  of  the 
proposition.  I  have  tried  in  this  hurried  and  unsatis 
factory  way  to  give  my  ground  of  opposition  to  this  legis 
lation." 

As  Mr.  Garfield  resumed  his  seat,  he  was  again 
loudly  applauded  on  the  Republican  side  and  in  the  gal 
leries. 

On  the  4th  of  April,  in  reply  to  Mr.  Tucker,  of  Vir 
ginia,  who  in  behalf  of  his  party  had  threatened  the  stop 
page  of  the  supplies  of  the  army  unless  the  rider  tacked 
on  to  the  appropriation  bill,  forbidding  the  use  of  the 
troops  at  the  polls,  should  be  adopted,  General  Garfield 
spoke  with  rare  force  and  effect. 

"  Mr.  Garfield,  of  Ohio,  said  :  During  the  last  four 
days  fifteen  or  twenty  demolitions  of  his  argument  of  last 
Saturday  had  been  made  in  the  presence  of  the  House 
and  of  the  country.  All  of  them  save  one  hud  alleged 


LEADS   THE   REPUBLICAN   OPPOSITION.  245 

(hat  he  held  it  to  be  revolutionary  to  place  this  legisla 
tion  on  an  appropriation  bill.  If  they  had  any  particular 
pleasure  in  setting  up  a  man  of  straw  to  knock  him  down 
again,  they  had  enjoyed  that  pleasure.  He  had  never 
claimed  that  it  was  either  revolutionary  or  unconstitu 
tional  to  put  a  rider  on  an  appropriation  bill.  No  man  on 
the  Republican  side  had  claimed  that.  The  most  that 
had  been  said  was  that  it  was  considered  a  bad  parliamen 
tary  practice.  All  parties  in  the  country  had  repeatedly 
said  that.  The  gentleman  from  Kentucky  (Mr.  Black 
burn)  had  thought  that  he  was  especially  severe  in  show 
ing  that  he  (Mr.  Garfield)  had  insisted  on  the  passage 
of  a  conference  report  in  1872,  in  an  appropriation  bill 
that  had  a  rider  to  it,  and  had  said  that  it  was  revolution 
ary  in  the  Democratic  party  to  resist  it.  What  he  (Mr. 
Garfield)  had  said  on  that  occasion,  and  what  he  said  now, 
was  that  it  was  revolutionary  in  the  gentleman's  party  to 
refuse  to  let  the  appropriation  bill  be  voted  on.  For  four 
days  gentlemen  on  that  side  had  said  that  the  House 
should  not  vote  on  the  appropriation  bill  because  there 
was  a  rider  on  it.  He  had  tried  to  prevent  that  rider 
being  put  on,  but  when  the  minority  insisted  that  the 
House  should  never  act  upon  it,  he  had  said  that  that  was 
an  unparliamentary  obstruction.  The  Republicans  did  not 
filibuster  to  prevent  a  vote  on  the  pending  measure.  The 
majority  had  a  right  (however  indecent  it  might  be  as  a 
matter  of  parliamentary  practice)  to  put  a  rider  on  the 
Appropriation  bill  and  pass  it.  When  the  bill  was  sent 
to  the  Senate  that  body  had  a  perfect  right  to  pass  it. 
And  when  it  went  to  the  President,  it  was  the  President's 
constitutional  right  to  approve  and  sign  it.  If  the  Presi- 


246  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD. 

dent  signed  it,  then  it  would  be  a  Liw  ;  but  it  was  equally 
the  President's  constitutional  right  to  disapprove  it 
Should  he  do  so,  then,  unless  the  other  side  had  a  two- 
third  majority  in  the  House  and  Senate  to  pass  the  bill 
notwithstanding  the  President's  objections,  it  could  not  be 
passed  without  the  flattest  violation  of  the  constitution. 

THE  VETO   QUESTION. 

"  Nobody  on  the  Republican  side  had  brought  up  the 
question  of  a  veto.  It  had  been  brought  up  by  the  proc 
lamation  of  Democratic  caucuses  and  by  the  conference 
committees  of  the  last  House  that  had  written  it  down  as 
their  programme,  that  they  would  bind  together  these 
elements  of  legislation  and  send  them  to  the  President, 
and  that  if  he  did  not  approve  them  the  Democratic  party 
would  not  vote  supplies  for  the  government.  You  (said 
he,  addressing  the  opposite  side)  threatened  him  in  ad 
vance,  before  you  let  him  have  an  opportunity  to  say  yes 
or  no.  You  walked  into  this  Capitol  with  your  threats 
against  him  in  your  high-sounding  proclamations.  You 
'  threatened  in  the  index  : '  it  remains  to  be  seen  whether 
in  the  body  of  your  work  and  in  its  concluding  sentences 
your  thunder  will  be  as  loud  as  it  was  in  the  opening 
chapter.  (Applause  on  the  Republican  side.)  Let  no 
gentleman  say  that  I,  or  any  man  on  this  floor,  have 
threatened  a  veto.  It  would  be  indecent  to  do  it.  It 
would  be  indecent  for  any  of  us  even  to  speak  of  what 
the  executive  intends,  for  none  of  us  has  the  right  to 
know  that.  But  you  in  advance  proclaim  to  him  that  if 
he  dared  to  exercise  his  constitutional  power  you  would 
refuse  to  vote  the  supplies  of  the  government — in  other 


LEADS    THE    REPUBLICAN    OPPOSITION.  247 

words,  that  you  would  starve  it  to  death.  And  that  is 
the  proposition  of  mv  distinguished  friend  from  Virginia 
(Mr.  Tucker),  who  has  come  nearer  meeting  this  case 
than  any  man  on  this  floor — has  made  a  point  which  is  a 
part  of  the  grandeur  of  his  intellect,  which  I  respect. 
He  says  that  under  our  constitution  we  can  vote  supplies 
for  the  army  for  but  two  years,  and  that  in  a  certain  way 
the  army  ceases  to  be  if  the  supplies  are  not  voted.  He 
is  mistaken  in  one  thing — the  army  is  an  organization  in 
dependent  of  appropriation  bills  so  far  as  the  creation  of 
officers  and  ranks  is  concerned.  The  mere  supply  of  it, 
of  course,  comes  through  the  appropriation  bills.  If  you 
refuse  supplies  to  the  army  it  must  perish  of  inanition. 
The  gentleman  from  Virginia  says,  <  Unless  you  let  us  ap 
pend  a  condition,  which  is  to  us  a  redress  of  grievances, 
we  will  let  the  army  be  annihilated  on  the  30th  of  June 
next  by  lack  of  food  and  shelter/  That  is  fair  in  argu 
ment  ;  that  is  brave.  But  what  is  the  '  grievance '  of 
which  the  gentleman  complains  ?  A  law :  a  law  of  the 
land.  A  law  made  by  the  representatives  of  the  people, 
made  through  all  the  proper  forms  of  consent  known  to 
our  constitution.  And  it  is  his  grievance  that  he  could 
not  get  rid  of  it  in  the  ordinary  and  constitutional  way  of 
repealing  a  law.  If  he  can  get  rid  of  it  by  all  the  powers 
of  consent  that  go  to  make  or  unmake  a  law,  then  he  can 
do  so,  whether  it  is  a  *  grievance '  or  not,  whether  it  is 
good  or  bad. 

"  If  the  gentleman  from  Virginia  wants  to  take  before 
the  American  people  this  proposition  of  letting  our  army 
be  annihilated  on  the  30th  of  June  next,  unless  the  Pres 
ident,  against  his  conscience  and  sense  of  duty,  shall  sign 


248  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD.   V 

what  he  sends  him,  we  will  debate  the  question  in  the 
forum  of  every  man's  mind.  If  what  the  gentleman  from 
Kentucky  (Mr.  Blackburn)  calls  '  the  return  of  the  Dem 
ocratic  party  to  its  birthright '  (changed  to  '  heritage '  in 
the  Record)  is  to  be  signalized  in  its  first  great  act  by 
striking  down  the  grand  army  of  the  United  States,  the 
people  of  this  country  will  not  be  slow  to  understand  that 
there  are  reminiscences  about  that  army  which  these 
gentlemen  would  willingly  get  rid  of.  [Loud  applause 
on  the  Republican  side  and  in  the  galleries]. 

"  In  the  course  of  further  remarks  Mr.  Garfield  ex 
pressed  his  willingness  to  help  the  Democrats  to  wipe 
from  the  statute  book  the  law  authorizing  the  use  of  the 
army  at  the  polls.  A  bill  for  that  purpose  should  be  in 
troduced  in  the  regular  manner." 

In  describing  the  effect  of  this  speech  the  correspond 
ent  of  the  Neiv  York  Herald  said  : 

"  The  exposure  by  General  Garfield  to-day  of  the  de 
mure  manner  in  which  the  rider  of  the  army  bill  was 
arranged  by  the  Democrats  will  deservedly  put  the  man 
agers  of  the  extremists  to  disgrace.  The  amendment  so 
hastily  offered  from  the  Democratic  side  after  he  sat 
down,  showed  their  surprise  and  a  certain  demoralization. 
This  amendment  has  yet  to  be  discussed  in  the  House,  as 
well  as  Mr.  Baker's,  offered  in  the  interest  of  economy, 
and,  he  might  have  added,  of  a  useful  and  necessary  re 
form,  and  the  whole  bill  will  be  elaborately  discussed  and 
amended  in  the  Senate.  It  will  go  to  the  President  in  a 
shape  quite  different  from  that  in  which  it  was  brought 
into  the  House,  and  there  are  signs  here  that  the  moderate 
men  of  the  Democratic  side  are  at  last — and  a  little  too 


LEADS   THE    REPUBLICAN   OPPOSITION.  249 

late,  as  usual — making  up  their  minds  to  assert  them 
selves.  They  begin  to  try  to  steer  their  ship  after  the 
extremists  have  carried  it  into  the  breakers." 

Commenting  upon  the  speech,  the  Herald  said,  edito 
rially  : 

"  The  discussion  of  the  army  bill  yesterday  was  more 
powerful  and  noteworthy  than  it  has  been  on  any  preced 
ing  day.  Its  great  feature  was  the  second  speech  of  Mr. 
Garfield,  who  rose  to  the  full  height  of  the  occasion  and 
stripped  the  question  of  the  infinite  rubbish  which  has 
gathered  around  it  in  the  progress  of  the  debate.  It  was 
really  a  statesmanlike  effort,  alike  remarkable  for  candor, 
for  clearness  of  statement,  for  force  of  logic  and  especially 
for  the  sureness  of  aim  with  which  he  hit  the  Democratic 
position  between  wind  and  water  and  set  his  opponents  at 
work  in  trying  to  stop  the  leaks  in  their  ship.  He  frankly 
repudiated  all  the  Republican  nonsense  about  the  enor 
mity  of  attaching  extraneous  legislation  to  an  appropria 
tion  bill.  .  He  declared  his  willingness  to  repeal  the 
offensive  sections  of  the  Revised  Statutes  in  separate 
bills.  He  stated  some  strong  reasons  why  it  is  inexpe 
dient  to  strike  out  merely  the  one  clause  which  the  Dem 
ocrats  seek  to  repeal  without  annulling  the  whole  section. 
The  effect  of  his  speech  seems  to  have  been  remarkable 
in  disconcerting  the  Democrats.  It  is  probable  now  that 
if  an  attempt  is  made  to  carry  out  the  threat  of  stopping 
the  supplies,  the  party  will  split,  and  our  correspondent 
therefore  says,  very  aptly  and  forcibly,  that  Mr.  Garfield 
1  has  broken  the  Democratic  line.' " 

On  the  16th  of  April,  during  the  debate  on  the  South 
ern  Claims  Bill,  General  Garfield  made  the  following  gen 


250  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

erous  appeal  in  behalf  of  the  men  of  the  South  who  were 
loyal  to  the  Union  during  the  rebellion.     He  said : 

"  The  general  doctrine  of  belligerents  is,  of  course,  ac 
cepted  by  everybody  to  cover  as  enemies  technically  all 
the  inhabitants  of  the  belligerent  territory.  That  general 
doctrine  is  recognized  by  all  lawyers  everywhere.  But 
nobody  has  ever  denied,  except  the  gentleman  from  Wis 
consin,  that  during  our  late  war,  and  since  the  Supreme 
Court  has  repeatedly  determined  that  in  cases  before  it 
the  question  of  loyalty  cannot  be  raised  where  the  party 
has  been  granted  a  pardon.  It  was  stated  in  the  last 
Congress  that  ninety-nine  per  cent,  of  all  the  people  of 
the  seceded  States  were  what  we  would  call  disloyal,  and 
that  every  man  in  those  States  that  amounted  to  anything 
belonged  to  that  category.  I  desire  to  traverse  that  prop 
osition  by  some  facts.  Do  gentlemen  "know  that,  leaving 
out  all  the  border  States,  there  were  fifty  regiments  and 
seven  companies  of  white  men  in  our  army  fighting  for 
the  Union  from  the  States  that  went  into  rebellion  ?  Do 
they  know  that  from  the  single  State  of  Kentucky  more 
Union  soldiers  fought  under  our  flag  than  Napoleon  took 
into  the  battle  of  Waterloo — more  than  Wellington  took 
with  all  the  allied  armies  against  Napoleon  ?  Do  they 
remember  that  186,000  colored  men  fought  under  our 
flag  against  the  rebellion  and  for  the  Union,  and  that  of 
that  number  90,000  were  from  the  States  which  went 
into  rebellion?  To  say  that  they  were  enemies,  that 
they  had  no  rights,  and  that  when  we  came  out  of  the 
war  we  should  not  pay  them  and  their  families  for  all 
the  proper  losses  that  they  suffered  in  aid  of  our  Govern 
ment,  is  what  I  had  hoped  no  man  on  either  side  of  the 


LEADS    THE    REPUBLICAN   OPPOSITION.  251 

House  would  say.  I  am  glad  to  know  that  the  gentlemen 
who  fought  against  us  do  not  say  it — not  one  of  them.  It 
remained  for  one  of  our  own  soldiers  to  say  that  nothing 
ought  to  be  paid  to  any  man,  however  loyal,  if  he  came 
from  the  South.  In  my  judgment,  that  is  in  the  highest 
degree  inequitable  and  unjust.  Let  the  Southern  Claims 
Commission  go  on  until  it  has  acted  in  cases  before  it, 
and  then  let  it  be  mustered  out.  Let  us  not  enlarge 
that  business,  but  let  us  complete  it.  Most  of  all,  let  us 
not  turn  it  over  to  a  court  where  the  distinction  between 
loyalty  and  disloyalty  is  not  retained." 

On  the  19th  of  June,  1879,  Mr.  McMahon  (Dem.), 
of  Ohio,  submitted  to  conference  report  upon  the  judi 
cial  expenses  bill.  The  report  recommends  that  the 
House  recede  from  its  disagreement  to  amendment  1 
and  agree  to  the  same,  with  an  amendment  striking  out 
the  words  inserted  by  the  Senate  and  inserting  in  lieu 
thereof  the  following:  "Under  any  of  the  provisions  of 
title  26  of  the  Revised  Statutes  of  the  United  States 
authorizing  the  appointment  or  payment  of  general  or 
special  deputy  marshals  for  services  in  connection  with 
elections  or  on  election  day." 

"  Mr.  McMahon  proceeded  to  explain  the  report.  If 
adopted  it  would  prohibit  any  officer  of  the  Government 
from  making  any  contract  or  incurring  any  liability 
under  any  of  the  provisions  of  title  26  of  the  Revised 
Statutes.  It  would  be  seen  that  supervisors  were  not 
mentioned  in  the  section.  There  was  no  doubt  that  all 
supervisors,  ordinary  and  chief,  were  paid  out  of  a  perma 
nent  annual  appropriation  fund.  The  limitation  was  con 
fined  to  marshals,  and  if  Democrats  surrendered  that  limi- 


252  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD. 

tation,  they  would  be  base  and  worthless  representatives 
of  the  people,  and  would  no  longer  deserve  the  confidence 
of  their  constituents.  Whatever  might  be  thought  of 
supervisors  of  elections  the  course  of  the  Republican  party 
in  regard  to  special  deputy  marshals  had  been  one  of  the 
grossest  outrages  on  decent  and  fair  elections  that  had 
ever  been  committed. 

THE  REPUBLICAN  ATTITUDE. 

"  Mr.  Garfield,  of  Ohio,  opposed  the  report,  and  laid 
down  the  position  occupied  by  the  Republican  side  on  this 
question.  The  bill  went  beyond  making  appropriations 
and  proposed  to  prevent  the  executive  authority  of  the 
Government  from  enforcing  the  law.  The  issue  was  nar 
rowed  down  to  this  point — the  majority  avowed  its  de 
termination  that  marshals,  deputy  marshals,  and  assistant 
marshals  shall  not  be  appointed  to  execute  the  laws  as 
embodied  in  title  26  of  the  Revised  Statutes,  and  con 
fessed  that  the  clause  in  the  conference  report  was  in 
tended  and  devised  for  that  purpose.  That  made  a  square 
issue,  which  everybody  could  understand.  The  other 
side  did  not  like  the  law,  but  it  should  have  proposed  to 
amend  it  so  as  to  correct  the  abuses  complained  of.  The 
Republican  side  of  the-  House  was  willing  to  offer  or  to 
accept  an  amendment  placing  the  appointment  of  deputy 
marshals  and  assistant  marshals  (where  that  of  the  super 
visors  is)  in  the  courts.  That  would  be  in  the  direction 
of  legislation  to  cure  the  evil  complained  of.  The  other 
side,  for  want  of  a  two-thirds  majority,  could  not  con 
stitutionally  repeal  the  law  and  therefore,  not  being  able 
to  repeal  it,  it  wished  to  prevent  the  execution  of  the 


LEADS    THE    REPUBLICAN   OPPOSITION.  253 

law.  It  was  necessary  that  the  courts  should  be  open  to 
all  suitors,  that  justice  should  be  done  in  every  district, 
that  prisoners  should  have  a  speedy  trial.  And  so  the 
other  side  segregated  from  all  the  other  appropriations  of 
the  year  that  for  the  judicial  expenses  of  the  Government, 
and  it  held  out  the  bill  for  judicial  expenses  in  one  hand 
and  said,  not  to  the  minority  alone  but  to  all  the  offi 
cers  of  the  nation,  (  Take  this  money ;  but  you  can  only 
have  it  on  condition  that  we  shall  be  permitted  to  couple 
with  it  a  provision  that  certain  laws,  which  we  cannot 
repeal,  shall  not  be  enforced ;  that  for  the  coming  year 
they  shall  be  nullified. 

POSITION  OF  THE  PRESIDENT. 

"  See  the  attitude  in  which  this  bill  puts  the  Presi 
dent  of  the  United  States.  It  puts  him  absolutely  be 
tween  two  fires — the  fire  of  your  law  on  the  one  side,  and 
the  fire  of  heaven  and  his  oath  on  the  other. 

"  Mr.  McMahon,  of  Ohio. — How  is  the  President  at 
all  interfered  with. 

"  Mr.  Garfield. — The  President  has  taken  an  oath 
that  he  shall  see  to  it  that  the  laws  be  faithfully  executed. 
You  do  not  repeal  this  law,  but  you  make  it  impossible 
for  him  to  execute  it  without  his  running  in  danger,  on 
the  one  hand,  of  your  impeaching  him,  or,  on  the  other 
hand,  without  neglecting  his  duty  and  violating  his  oath. 
Now,  I  take  it  that  no  President  of  the  United  States  can 
allow  himself  to  be  put  in  that  attitude.  The  wisdom  of 
the  old  writer  of  Proverbs,  '  Surely  in  vain  the  net  is 
spread  in  the  sight  of  any  bird/  is -quite  likely  to  apply 
in  this  case.  I  do  not  see  that  there  is  the  slightest 


254  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD. 

probability  that  you  can  catch  the  President  in  this  net, 
or  thnt  he  will  allow  himself  to  be  put  in  a  position  where 
he  will  be  compelled  to  decide  between  obeying  his  oath 
and  the  constitution  on  the  one  hand,  and  obeying  this 
entangling  law  on  the  other  hand. 

During  the  summer  and  fall  of  1879,  General  Garfield 
delivered  a  number  of  speeches  in  the  West.  At  the 
twenty-fifth  reunion  of  the  Western  Republicans,  held  at 
Madison,  in  July,  1879,  he  spoke  as  follows : 

"  This  vast  assembly  must  have  richly  enjoyed  the 
review  of  the  party's  history  presented  here  and  cele 
brated  here  ton  lay,  and  not  only  a  review  of  the  past, 
but  the  hopeful  promises  made  for  the  future  of  that 
great  party.  The  Republican  party,  organized  a  quar 
ter  of  a  century  ago,  was  made  a  necessity  to  carry  out 
the  pledges  of  the  fathers  that  this  should  be  a  land  of 
liberty. 

"  There  was  in  the  early  days  of  the  Republic,  a  Re 
publican  party  that  dedicated  this  very  territory,  and  all 
our  vast  territory,  to  freedom ;  that  promised  much  for 
schools  ;  that  abolished  imprisonment  for  debt,  and  that 
instituted  many  wise  reforms.  But  there  were  many 
conservatives  in  those  days,  whose  measures  degenerated 
into  treason ;  and  the  Republican  party  of  to-day  was  but 
the  revival  of  the  Republican  party  of  seventy  years  ago, 
under  new  and  broader  conditions  of  usefulness. 

"  It  is  well  to  remember  and  honor  the  greatest 
names  of  the  Republican  party.  One  of  these  is  Joshua 
.  Giddings,  who  for  twenty  years  was  freedom's  cham 
pion  in  Congress,  and,  from  a  feeble  minority  of  two, 
lived  to  see  a  Republican  Speaker  elected,  and  himself  to 


LEADS   THE   REPUBLICAN   OPPOSITION.  255 

conduct  him  to  the  chair.  Another  is  Abraham  Lincoln, 
the  man  raised  up  by  God  for  a  great  mission.  No  man 
ever  had  a  truer  appreciation  of  the  principles  of  the  Dec 
laration  of  Independence,  that  great  charter  which  it  was 
the  mission  of  the  Republican  party  to  enforce. 

"  There  was  a  fitness  in  the  first  platform  of  the  Wis 
consin  Republicans  that  they  based  themselves  upon  the 
Declaration  of  Independence.  While  the  Republicans, 
from  the  first,  have  been  true  to  their  principles,  perfect 
ing  all  they  promised,  as  proved  to-day  by  the  whole 
record,  the  Democrats,  on  the  other  hand,  steadily  wrong, 
have  been  forced  from  one  bad  position  to  another. 

"  Can  any  Democrat  point  with  pride  to  his  party 
platforms  of  1854,  or  find  in  them  any  living  issue  ?  The 
issues  they  then  presented  led  us  into  war  and  involved 
us  in  a  great  national  debt.  Looking  for  the  cause  of 
that  debt,  I  say  that  the  Democratic  party  caused  it. 

"  We  are,  as  a  nation,  emerging  from  difficulties,  and 
the  Republican  party  alone  can  probably  claim  that  the 
brightest  p;ige  of  our  country's  history  has  been  written 
by  the  true  friends  of  freedom  and  progress.  The  Re 
publican  party  has  yet  work  to  do.  We  are  confronted 
to-day  in  Congress  by  nearly  the  same  spirit  that  pre 
vailed  in  the  years  just  before  the  war. 

"  They  tell  us  that  the  National  Government  is  but 
the  servant  of  the  States ;  that  we  shall  not  interpose,  as 
a  nation,  to  guard  an  honest  election  in  a  State ;  that  if 
we  will  interpose  they  will  deny  appropriations.  Is  this 
less  dangerous  than  their  position  in  1861  ?  Have  we 
no  interest  except  in  local  elections,  no  power  to  guard 
the  ballot  box  and  protect  ourselves  against  outrages 


256  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD. 

upon  it  ?  Why  does  the  South  make  this  issue  ?  I  an 
swer  :  They  have  a  solid  South,  and  only  used  to  carry 
Ohio  and  New  York  to  elect  the  President,  and  they 
trust  to  carry  these  States  by  the  means  they  best  know 
how  to  use. 

"  There  are  sentimentalists  and  optimists  who  may 
see  no  danger  in  this.  There  had  been  sentimentalists 
and  optimists  in  the  Republican  party,  but  to-day  all 
were  stalwarts.  President  Hayes,  when  he  came  into 
office,  was  an  optimist,  but  he  saw  all  his  hopes,  concil 
iation  frustrated,  and  all  his  advances  met  with  scorn. 
We  all  now  stand  together  on  the  issue  as  one." 

At  the  Anderson ville  Reunion,  at  Toledo,  Ohio,  on 
the  3d  of  October,  1879,  General  Garfield  said  : 

"  My  Comrades,  Ladies  and  Gentlemen :  I  have  ad 
dressed  a  great  many  audiences,  but  I  never  before  stood 
in  the  presence  of  one  that  I  felt  so  wholly  unworthy  to 
speak  to.  A  man  who  came  through  the  war  without 
being  shot  or  made  prisoner  is  almost  out  of  place  in 
such  an  assemblage  as  this. 

"  While  I  have  listened  to  you  this  evening,  I  have 
remembered  the  words  of  the  distinguished  Englishman 
who  once  said,  '  that  he  was  willing  to  die  for  his  coun 
try.7  Now,  to  say  that  a  man  is  willing  to  die  for  his 
country  is  a  good  deal,  but  these  men  who  sit  before 
us  have  said  a  great  deal  more  than  that.  I  would 
like  to  know  where  the  man  is  that  would  calmly  step 
out  on  the  platform  and  say,  ( I  am  ready  to  starve  to 
death  for  my  country.'  That  is  an  enormous  thing  to 
\say,  but  there  is  a  harder  thing  than  that.  Find  a  man, 
if  you  can,  who  will  walk  out  before  this  audience  and 


LEADS   THE    REPUBLICAN   OPPOSITION.  257 

say,  ( I  am  willing  to  become  an  idiot  for  my  country.' 
How  many  men  could  you  find  who  would  volunteer  to 
become  idiots  for  their  country  ? 

"Now,  let  me  make  this  statement  to  you,  fellow- 
citizens  :  One  hundred  and  eighty-eight  thousand  such 
men  as  this  were  captured  by  the  rebels  who  were  fight 
ing  our  Government.  One  hundred  and  eighty-eight 
thousand  !  How  many  is  that.  They  tell  me  there  are. 
4,500  men  and  women  in  this  building  to-night !  Mul 
tiply  this  mighty  audience  by  forty  and  you  will  have; 
about  188,000.  Forty  times  this  great  audience  were 
prisoners  of  war  to  the  enemies  of  our  country.  And  to> 
every  man  of  that  enormous  company  there  stood  opea 
night  and  day  the  offer:  'If  you  will  join  the  rebel 
army,  and  lift  up  your  hand  against  your  flag,  you  are; 
free.' 

"A  voice.— ' That's  so/ 

"  General  Garfield. — *  And  you  shall  have  food,  and! 
you  shall  have  clothing,  and  you  shall  see  wife,  and: 
mother,  and  child/ 

"  A  voice. — '  We  didn't  do  it,  though.' 

"  General. — And  do  you  know  that  out  of  that 
188,000  there  were  less  than  3,000  who  accepted  the 
offer  ?  And  of  those  3,GOO,  perhaps  nine-tenths  of  them 
did  it  with  the  mental  reservation  that  they  would 
desert  at  the  first  hour — the  first  moment  there  was  an> 
opportunity. 

"Voices.— <  That's  so/ 

"  General  Garfield.— But  185,000  out  of  the  188,000- 
said  :  *  No  !  not  to  see  wife  again ;  not  to  see  child, 
again ;  not  to  avoid  starvation ;  not  to  avoid  idiocy ;  not; 

17 


258  JAMES   A.    GARFIELD. 

to  avoid  the  most  loathsome  of  deaths,  will  I  lift  thib 
hand  against  my  country  forever.'  Now,  we  praise  the 
ladies  for  their  patriotism ;  we  praise  our  good  citizens 
at  home  for  their  patriotism ;  we  praise  the  gallant  sol 
diers  who  fought  and  fell.  But  what  were  all  these 
things  compared  with  that  yonder  ?  I  bow  in  rever 
ence.  I  would  stand  with  unsandaled  feet  in  the  pres 
ence  of  such  heroism  and  such  suffering;  and  I  would 
say  to  you,  fellow-citizens,  such  an  assemblage  as  this 
has  never  yet  before  met  on  this  great  earth. 

"  Who  have  reunions  ?  I  will  not  trench  upon  for 
bidden  ground,  but  let  me  say  this :  Nothing  on  the 
earth  and  under  the  sky  can  call  men  together  for  re 
unions  except  ideas  that  have  immortal  truth  and  im 
mortal  life  in  them.  The  animals  fight.  Lions  and 
tigers  fight  as  ferociously  as  did  you.  Wild  beasts  tear 
to  the  death,  but  they  never  have  reunions.  Why? 
Because  wild  beasts  do  not  fight  for  ideas.  They  merely 
: fight  for  blood. 

"  All  these  men,  and  all  their  comrades  went  out 
inspired  by  two  immortal  ideas. 

"  First,  that  liberty  shall  be  universal  in  America. 

"  And,  second,  that  this  old  flag  is  the  flag  of  a 
Nation,  and  not  of  a  State ;  that  the  Nation  is  supreme 
.over  all  people  and  all  corporations. 

"  Call  it  a  State ;  call  it  a  section ;  call  it  a  South ; 
call  it  a  North;  call  it  anything  you  wish,  and  yet. 
armed  with  the  nationality  that  God  gave  us,  this  is  a 
Nation  against  all  State  sovereignty  and  secession  what 
ever.  It  is  the  immortality  of  that  truth  that  makes 
these  reunions,  and  that  makes  this  one.  You  believer! 


LEADS   THE    REPUBLICAN   OPPOSITION.  259 

it  on  the  battle-field,  you  believed  it  in  the  hell  of  An- 
dersonville,  and  you  believe  it  to-day,  thank  God ;  and 
you  will  believe  it  to  the  last  gasp. 

"  Voices— '  Yes,  we  will,'  <  That's  so,'  etc. 

"  General  Garfield. — Well,  now,  fellow-citizens  and 
fellow-soldiers — but  I  am  not  worthy  to  be  your  fellow  in 
this  work, — I  thank  you  for  having  asked  me  to  speak  to 
you.  [Cries  of  '  Go  on  !  '  '  Go  on ! '  '  Talk  to  us  more, 
etc.] 

"  I  want  to  say  simply  that  I  have  had  one  oppor 
tunity  only  to  do  you  any  service.  I  did  hear  a  man 
\\ho  stood  by  my  side  in  the  halls  of  the  legislation — the 
man  that  offered  on  the  floor  of  Congress  the  resolution 
that  any  man  who  commanded  colored  troops  should  be 
treated  as  a  pirate  and  not  as  a  soldier ;  as  a  slave-stealer 
and  not  as  a  soldier — I  heard  that  man  calmly  say,  with 
his  head  up  in  the  light,  in  the  presence  of  this  American 
people,  that  the  Union  soldiers  were  as  well  treated,  and 
as  kindly  treated  in  all  the  Southern  prisons  as  were  the 
rebel  soldiers  in  all  the  Northern  prisons. 

"  Voices.— '  Liar  !'     <  Liar  !'     '  He  was  a  liar !' 

"  General  Garfield. —  I  heard  him  declare  that  no 
kinder  men  ever  lived  than  General  Winder  and  his  Com- 
mander-in-Chief,  Jeff.  Davis.  [Yells  of  derision,  hisses, 
etc.]  And  I  took  it  upon  myself  to  overwhelm  him  with 
the  proof  [a  roll  of  applause  begins],  with  the  proof  of 
the  tortures  you  suffered,  the  wrongs  done  to  you,  were 
suffered  and  done  with  the  knowledge  of  the  Confederate 
authorities  from  Jefferson  Davis  down — [great  applause, 
waving  of  hats,  veterans  standing  in  their  chairs  and 
cheering]-— that  it  was  a  part  of  their  policy  to  make  you 


260  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD. 

idiots  and  skeletons,  and  to  exchange  your  broken  and 
shattered  bodies  and  dethroned  minds  for  strong,  robust, 
well-fed  rebel  prisoners.  That  policy,  I  affirm,  has  never 
had  its  parallel  for  atrocity  in  the  civilized  world." 

«  Voice.— '  That's  so.7 

"  General  Garfield. — It  was  never  heard  of  in  any 
land  since  the  dark  ages  closed  upon  the  earth.  While 
history  lives  men  have  memories.  We  can  forgive  and 
forget  all  other  things  before  we  can  forgive  and  forget 
this. 

"  Finally,  and  in  conclusion,  I  am  willing,  for  one — 
and  I  think  I  speak  for  thousands  of  others — I  am  will 
ing  to  see  all  the  bitterness  of  the  late  war  buried  in  the 
grave  of  our  dead.  I  would  be  willing  that  we  should 
imitate  the  condescending,  loving-kindness  of  him  who 
planted  the  green  grass  on  the  battle-fields  and  let  the 
fresh  flowers  bloom  on  all  the  graves  alike.  I  would 
clasp  hands  with  those  who  fought  against  us,  make  them 
my  brethren,  and  forgive  all  the  past,  only  on  one  su 
preme  condition  :  that  it  be  admitted  in  practice,  acknowl 
edged  in  theory,  that  the  cause  for  which  we  fought,  and 
you  suffered,  was  and  is,  and  for  evermore  will  be  right, 
eternally  right."  [Unbounded  enthusiasm.] 

"Voices.— '  That's  it/  <  That's  so,'  etc. 

"  General  Garfield. —  That  the  cause  for  which  they 
fought  was,  and  forever  will  be,  the  cause  of  treason  and 
wrong.  [Prolonged  applause.]  Until  that  is  acknowl 
edged  my  hand  shall  never  grasp  any  rebel's  hand  across 
any  chasm,  however  small."  [Great  applause  and  cheers .] 
General  Garfield  took  an  active  part  in  the  campaign 
in  Ohio  in  the  fall  of  1879,  which  returned  a  Republican 


LEADS    THE    REPUBLICAN   OPPOSITION.  261 

legislature,  and  ensured  the  election  of  a  United  States 
senator  of  the  same  political  faith. 

The  new  Legislature  of  Ohio  assembled  in  January, 
1880,  and  at  once  proceeded  to  the  election  of  a  United 
States  senator  to  succeed  Allen  G.  Thurman,  whose  term 
would  expire  on  the  3d  of  March,  1881.  General  Gar- 
field  was  placed  in  nomination  by  his  friends.  Ex-Sen 
ator  Stanley  Matthews,  ex-Attorney-General  Alphonso 
Taft,  and  ex-Governor  William  Denison  had  also  entered 
into  a  canvass  for  the  place,  but  by  the  time  the  caucus 
met  the  general  sentiment  of  the  State  was  so  earnest 
and  enthusiastic  in  favor  of  Garfield  that  his  three  com 
petitors  withdrew  without  waiting  for  a  ballot,  and  he 
was  nominated  unanimously  by  a  rising  vote.  On  the 
15th  of  January  he  was  elected  United  States  Senator  by 
a  majority  of  22  in  the  Assembly,  and  7  in  the  Senate. 

On  the  same  day  General  Garfield  arrived  in  Colum 
bus  from  Washington,  and  in  the-  evening  a  reception  was 
given  to  him  in  the  hall  of  the  House  of  Representatives, 
in  the  State  capitol.  He  was  introduced  by  Governor 
Foster,  and  after  some  hand-shaking,  spoke  as  follows  : 

"  Fellow-citizens  :  I  should  be  a  great  deal  more  than 
a  man,  or  a  great  deal  less  than  a  man,  if  I  were  not  ex 
tremely  gratified  by  the  many  marks  of  kindness  you  have 
shown  me  in  recent  days.  I  did  not  expect  any  such 
meeting  as  this.  I  knew  there  was  a  greeting  awaiting 
me,  but  did  not  expect  so  cordial,  generous,  and  general 
a  greeting,  without  distinction  of  party,  without  distinc 
tion  of  interests,  as  I  have  received  to-night.  And  you 
will  allow  me,  in  a  moment  or  two,  to  speak  of  the  mem- 
wries  this  chamber  awakens. 


262  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

"  Twenty  years  ago  this  last  week  I  first  entered  this 
chamber  and  entered  upon  the  duties  of  public  life,  in 
which  I  have  been  every  hour  since  that  time  in  some 
capacity  or  other.  I  left  this  chamber  eighteen  years  ago, 
and  I  believe  I  have  never  entered  it  since  that  time. 
But  the  place  is  familiar,  though  it  was  not  peopled  with 
the  faces  that  I  see  before  me  here  to-night  alone,  but  with 
the  faces  of  hundreds  of  people  that  I  knew  here  twenty 
years  ago,  a  large  number  of  whom  are  gone  from  earth. 

"  It  was  here  in  this  chamber  that  the  word  was  first 
brought  of  the  firing  on  Fort  Sumter.  I  remember  dis 
tinctly  a  gentleman  from  Lancaster,  the  late  Senator 
Schleigh — General  Schleigh,  who  died  not  very  long  ago 
— I  remember  distinctly  as  he  came  down  this  aisle,  with 
all  the  look  of  agony  and  anxiety  in  his  face,  informing  us 
that  the  guns  had  opened  upon  Sumter.  I  remember  that 
one  week  after  that  time,  on  motion  of  a  leading  Demo 
cratic  senator,  who  occupied  a  seat  not  far  from  that  po 
sition  (pointing  to  the  Democratic  side  of  the  chamber), 
that  we  surrendered  this  chamber  to  several  companies  of 
soldiers  who  had  come  to  Columbus  to  tender  their  ser 
vices  to  the  imperilled  Government.  They  slept  on  its 
carpets  and  on  these  sofas,  and  quartered  for  two  or  three 
nights  in  this  chamber  while  waiting  for  other  quarters 
outside  the  capitol. 

"  All  the  early  scenes  of  the  war  are  associated  with 
this  place  in  my  mind.  Here  were  the  musterings — here 
was  the  centre,  the  nerve  centre,  of  anxiety  and  agony. 
Here  over  80,000  Ohio  citizens  tendered  their  services  in 
the  course  of  three  weeks  to  the  imperilled  nation.  Here, 
where  we  had  been  fighting  our  political  battles  with  sharp 


LEADS   THE   REPUBLICAN   OPPOSITION.  263 

*nd  severe  partisanship,  there  disappeared,  almost  as  if  by 
magic,  all  party  lines  ;  and  from  both  sides  of  the  cham 
ber  men  went  out  to  take  their  places  on  the  field  of  bat 
tle.  I  can  see  now,  as  I  look  out  over  the  various  seats, 
where  sat  men  who  afterward  became  distinguished  in  the 
service  in  high  rank,  and  nobly  served  their  constituen 
cies  and  honored  themselves. 

"  We  now  come  to  this  place,  while  so  many  are 
gone ;  but  we  meet  here  to-night  with  the  war  so  far  back 
in  the  distance  that  it  is  an  almost  half-forgotten  memory. 
We  meet  here  to-night  with  a  nation  redeemed.  We 
meet  here  to-night  under  the  flag  we  fought  for.  We 
meet  with  a  glorious,  a  great  and  growing  Republic,  made 
greater  and  more  glorious  by  the  sacrifices  through  which 
the  country  has  passed.  And  coming  here  as  I  do  to 
night,  brings  the  two  ends  of  twenty  years  together,  with 
all  the  visions  of  the  terrible  and  glorious,  the  touching 
and  cheerful,  that  have  occurred  during  that  time. 

"  I  came  here  to-night,  fellow-citizens,  to  thank  this 
General  Assembly  for  their  great  act  of  confidence  and 
compliment  to  me.  I  do  not  undervalue  the  office  that 
you  have  tendered  to  me  yesterday  and  to-day ;  but  I 
say,  I  think,  without  any  mental  reservation,  that  the 
manner  in  which  it  was  tendered  to  me  is  far  higher  to 
me,  far  more  desirable,  than  the  thing  itself.  That  it 
has  been  a  voluntary  gift  of  the  General  Assembly  of 
Ohio,  without  solicitation,  tendered  to  me  because  of 
their  confidence,  is  as  touching  and  as  high  a  tribute  as 
one  man  can  receive  from  his  fellow-citizens,  and  in  the 
name  of  all  my  friends,  for  myself,  I  give  you  my 
thanks. 


264  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD. 

"  I  recognize  the  importance  of  the  place  to  which 
you  have  elected  me ;  and  I  should  be  base  if  I  did  not 
also  recognize  the  great  man  whom  you  have  elected  me 
to  succeed.  I  say  for  him,  Ohio  has  had  few  larger- 
minded,  broader-minded  men  in  the  records  of  our  his 
tory  than  that  of  Allen  GL  Thurman.  Differing  widely 
from  him  as  I  have  done  in  politics,  and  do,  I  recog 
nize  him  as  a  man  high  in  character  and  great  in  intel 
lect  ;  and  I  take  this  occasion  to  refer  to  what  I  have 
never  before  referred  to  in  public :  that  many  years 
ago,  in  the  storm  of  party  fighting,  when  the  air  was 
filled  with  all  sorts  of  missies  aimed  at  the  character 
and  reputation  of  public  men,  when  it  was  even  for  his 
party  interest  to  join  the  general  clamor  against  me  and 
my  associates,  Senator  Thurman  said  in  public,  in  the 
campaign,  on  the  stump — when  men  are  as  likely  to 
say  unkind  things  as  at  any  place  in  the  world — a  most 
generous  and  earnest  word  of  defence  and  kindness  for 
me,  which  I  shall  never  forget  so  long  as  I  live.  I  say, 
moreover,  that  the  flowers  that  bloom  over  the  garden- 
wall  of  party  politics  are  the  sweetest  and  most  fragrant 
that  bloom  in  the  gardens  of  this  world  ;  and  where  we 
can  fairly  pluck  them  and  enjoy  their  fragrance,  it  is 
manly  and  delightful  to  do  so. 

"  And  now,  gentlemen  of  the  General  Assembly, 
without  distinction  of  party,  I  recognize  this  tribute  and 
compliment  paid  to  me  to-night.  Whatever  my  own 
course  may  be  in  the  future,  a  large  share  of  the  in 
spiration  of  my  future  public  life  will  be  drawn  from 
this  occasion  and  these  surroundings,  and  I  shall  feel 
anew  the  sense  of  obligation  that  I  feel  to  the  State  of 


LEADS   THE   REPUBLICAN   OPPOSITION.  265 

Ohio.  Let  me  venture  to  point  a  single  sentence  in 
regard  to  that  work.  During  the  twenty  years  that  I 
have  been  in  public  life,  almost  eighteen  of  it  in  the 
Congress  of  the  United  States,  I  have  tried  to  do  one 
thing.  Whether  I  was  mistaken  or  otherwise,  it  has 
been  the  plan  of  my  life  to  follow  my  conviction  at 
whatever  personal  cost  to  myself. 

"I  have  represented  for  many  years  a  district  in 
Congress,  whose  approbation  I  greatly  desired ;  but 
though  it  may-  seem,  perhaps,  a  little  egotistical  to 
say  it,  I  yet  desired  still  more  the  approbation  of  one 
person,  and  his  name  was  Garfield.  He  is  the  only 
man  that  I  am  compelled  to  sleep  with,  and  eat  with, 
and  live  with,  and  die  with ;  and  if  I  could  not  have 
his  approbation  I  should  have  bad  companionship.  And 
in  this  larger  constituency  which  has  called  me  to  rep 
resent  them  now,  I  can  only  do  what  is  true  to  my  best 
self,  applying  the  same  rule. 

"  And  if  I  should  be  so  unfortunate  as  to  lose  the 
confidence  of  this  larger  constituency,  I  must  do  what 
every  other  fair-minded  man  has  to  do — carry  his  polit 
ical  life  in  his  hand  and  would  take  the  consequences. 
But  I  must  follow  what  seems  to  me  to  be  the  only  safe 
rule  of  my  life ;  and  with  that  view  of  the  case,  and  with 
that  much  personal  reference,  I  leave  that  subject. 

"  Thanking  you  again,  fellow-citizens,  members  of 
the  General  Assembly,  Republicans  as  well  as  Demo 
crats — all  party  men  as  I  am — thanking  you  both  for 
what  you  have  done  and  for  this  cordial  and  manly 
greeting,  I  bid  you  good-night." 

On  the  day  of  General  Garfield's  election  to  the  Sen- 


266  JAMES    A.  GARF1ELD. 

ate,  President  Hinsdale,  of  Hiram  College,  made  the  foJ 
lowing  announcement  to  the  students  of  that  institu 
tion: 

"  To-day  a  man  will  be  elected  to  the  United  States 
Senate  in  Columbus,  who,  when  a  boy,  was  once  the  bell- 
ringer  in  this  school  and  afterward  its  president.  Feeling 
this,  we  ought,  in  some  way,  to  recognize  this  step  in  his 
history.  I  will  to-morrow  morning  call  your  attention  to 
some  of  the  more  notable  and  worthy  features  of  General 
Garfield's  history  and  character." 

The  address  which  President  Hinsdale  delivered  on 
the  occasion  is  as  follows : 

"  YOUNG  LADIES  AND  GENTLEMEN  :  I  am  not  going  to 
attempt  a  formal  address  on  the  life  and  character  of 
General  Garfield.  There  is  now  no  call  for  such  an  at 
tempt,  and  I  have  made  no  adequate  preparations  for 
such  a  task.  My  object  is  far  humbler :  simply  to  hold 
up  to  your  minds  some  points  in  his  history,  and  some 
features  in  his  character  that  young  men  and  women  may 
study  with  interest  and  profit. 

"  I  shall  begin  by  destroying  history,  or  what  is 
commonly  held  to  be  history.  The  popularly  accepted 
account  of  General  Garfield's  history  and  character  is 
largely  fabulous.  We  are  not  to  suppose  that  the  ages 
of  myth  and  legend  are  gone ;  under  proper  conditions 
such  growths  spring  up  now,  and  I  know  of  no  man  in 
public  life  around  whom  they  have  sprung  up  more 
rankly  than  around  the  subject  of  my  remarks. 

"  No  doubt  you  have  seen  some  of  the  stories  con 
cerning  him  and  his  family  that  appear  ever  and  anon  in 
the  newspapers ;  that  his  mother  chopped  cordwood  :  that 


LEADS    THE    REPUBLICAN   OPPOSITION.  267 

she  fought  wolves  with  fire  to  keep  them  from  devour 
ing  her  children,  her  distinguished  son  being  one  of  the 
group ;  that  the  circumstances  of  the  family  were  most 
pinching ;  that  Garfield  himself  could  not  read  at  the  age 
of  twenty-one;  that  he  was  peculiarly  reckless  in  his 
early  life;  that,  when  he  had  become  a  man,  he  went 
down  from  the  pulpit  to  thrash  a  bully  who  interrupter 
him  in  his  sermon  on  the  patience  of  Job. 

"  These  stories,  and  others  like  them,  are  all  false  and 
all  harmful.  They  fail  of  accomplishing  the  very  purpose 
for  which  they  were  professedly  told — the  stimulation  of 
youth.  To  make  the  lives  of  the  great  distorted  and 
monstrous  is  not  to  make  them  fruitful  as  lessons. 

"  If  a  life  be  anomalous  and  outlandish,  it  is,  for  that 
reason,  the  poorer  example.  It  is  all  in  the  wrong  direc 
tion.  It  makes  the  impression  that,  in  human  history, 
there  is  no  cause  and  no  effect ;  no  antecedent  and  no 
consequent ;  that  everything  is  capricious  and  fitful ;  and 
suggests  that  the  best  thing  to  do  is  to  abandon  one's  self 
to  the  currents  of  life,  trusting  that  some  beneficent  gulf- 
stream  will  seize  you  and  bear  you  to  some  happy  shore. 
No,  young  people,  do  not  heed  such  instruction  as  this. 

"  The  best  lives  for  them  to  study  are  those  that  are 
natural  and  symmetrical ;  those  in  which  the  relation  be 
tween  cause  and  effect  is  so  close  and  apparent  that  the 
dullest  can  see  it;  and  that  preach  in  the  plainest  terms 
the  sermon  on  the  text:  'Whatever  a  man  soweth  that 
shall  he  also  reap/ 

"  Irregular  and  abnormal  lives  will  do  for  '  studies,' 
but  healthy,  normal,  harmonious  lives  should  be  chosen 
for  example.  And  General  Garfield's  life  from  the  first 


268  JAMES  A.  GARFIELD. 

has   been   eminently  healthy,  normal,  and  well-propor 
tioned. 

"  He  was  born  in  the  woods  of  Orange,  Cuyahoga 
County,  in  1831.  His  father  died  when  the  son  was  a 
year  and  a  half  old.  Abram  Garfield's  circumstances 
were  those  of  his  neighbors.  Measured  by  our  standard 
they  were  all  poor ;  they  lived  on  small  farms,  for  which 
they  had  gone  in  debt,  hoping  to  clear  and  pay  for  them 
by  their  toil.  Garfield  dying,  left  his  wife  and  four 
young  children  in  the  condition  that  any  one  of  his  neigh 
bors  would  have  done  in  like  circumstances — poor.  The 
family  life  before  had  been  close  and  hard  enough ;  now 
it  became  closer  and  harder. 

"  Grandma  Garfield,  as  some  of  us  familiarly  call  her, 
was  a  woman  of  unusual  energy,  faith,  and  courage.  She 
said  the  children  should  not  be  separated,  but  kept  them 
together;  and  that  the  home  should  be  maintained,  as 
when  its  head  was  living.  The  battle  was  a  hard  one, 
and  she  won  it.  All  honor  to  her,  but  let  us  not  make 
her  ridiculous  by  inventing  impossible  stories. 

"  To  external  appearance,  young  Garfield's  life  did 
not  differ  materially  from  the  lives  of  the  neighbors'  boys. 

"  He  chopped  wood,  and  so  did  they ;  he  mowed,  and 
so  did  they  ;  he  carried  butter  to  the  store  in  a  little  pail, 
and  so  did  they.  Other  families  that  had  not  lost  their 
heads  naturally  shot  ahead  of  the  Garfields  in  property ; 
but  such  differences  counted  far  less  then  than  they  do 
now.  The  traits  of  his  maturer  character  appeared  early  ; 
studiousness,  truthfulness,  generosity  of  nature,  and  men 
tal  power.  So  far  was  he  from  being  reckless,  that  he 
was  almost  serious,  reverent,  and  thoughtful.  So  far  was 


LEADS    THE    REPUBLICAN   OPPOSITION.  269 

he  from  being  unable  to  read  at  twenty-one,  that  he  was 
a  teacher  in  the  district  schools  before  he  was  eighteen. 

"  He  was  the  farthest  removed  from  being  a  pugilist, 
though  he  had  great  physical  strength  and  courage,  cool 
ness  of  mind,  was  left-handed  withal,  and  was  both  able 
and  disposed  to  defend  himself  and  all  his  rights,  and 
did  so  on  due  occasion. 

"  His  three  months'  service  on  the  canal  has  been  the 
source  of  numerous  fables  and  morals.  The  morals  are 
as  false  as  the  fables,  and  more  misleading.  All  I  have 
to  say  about  it  is  :  James  A.  Garfield  has  not  risen  to 
the  position  of  a  United  States  Senator  because  he  '  ran 
on  a  canal/  Nor  is  it  because  he  chopped  more  wood 
than  the  neighbors'  boys.  Many  a  man  has  run  longer 
on  the  canal,  and  chopped  more  wood,  and  never  became 
a  senator. 

"  General  Garfield  once  rang  the  school  bell  when  a 
student  here.  That  did  not  make  him  the  man  he  is. 
Convince  me  that  it  did,  and  I  will  hang  up  a  bell  in 
every  tree  in  the  campus,  and  set  you  all  to  ringing. 
Thomas  Corwin,  when  a  boy,  drove  a  wagon,  and  became 
the  head  of  the  Treasury;  Thomas  Ewing  boiled  salt,  and 
became  a  senator ;  Henry  Clay  rode  a  horse  to  mill  from 
the  '  Slashes/  and  he  became  the  great  commoner  of  the 
West.  But  it  was  not  the  wagon,  the  salt,  and  horse 
that  made  these  men  great. 

"These  are  interesting  facts  in  the  lives  of  these 
illustrious  men ;  they  show,  that  in  our  country  it  has 
been,  and  still  is  possible  for  young  men  of  ability,  en 
ergy,  and  determined  purpose  to  rise  above  a  lowly  con 
dition,  and  win  places  of  usefulness  and  honor.  Poverty 


270  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD. 

may  be   a    good  school ;    straitened  circumstances   may 
develop   power   and    character;    but    the  principal   con 
ditions  of  success  are  in  the  man,  and  not  in  his  sur 
roundings. 

"  Garfield  is  the  man  he  is  because  nature  gave  him 
a  noble  endowment  of  faculties  that  he  has  nobly  handled. 
We  must  look  within,  and  not  without,  for  the  secret  of 
destiny.  The  thing  to  look  at  in  a  man's  life  are  his 
aspirations,  his  energy,  his  courage,  his  strength  of  will, 
and  not  the  wood  he  may  have  chopped,  or  the  salt  he 
may  have  boiled.  How  a  man  works,  and  not  what  he 
does,  is  the  test  of  worth. 

"  His  success  did  not  lie  in  his  technical  scholarship, 
or  his  ability  as  a  drill-master.  Teachers  are  plenty  who 
much  surpass  him  in  these  particulars.  He  had  great 
ability  to  grasp  a  subject,  to  organize  a  body  of  intel 
lectual  materials,  to  amass  facts  and  work  out  striking 
generalizations,  and  therefore  he  excelled  in  rhetorical 
exposition.  An  old  pupil  who  has  often  heard  him  on  the 
stump,  once  told  me,  '  The  General  succeeds  best  when 
talking  to  the  people  just  as  he  did  to  his  class.'  He 
imparted  to  his  pupils  largeness  of  view,  enthusiasm,  and 
called  out  of  them  unbounded  devotion  to  himself. 

"  This  devotion  was  not  owing  to  any  plan  or  trick, 
but  to  the  qualities  of  the  man.  Mr.  H.  M.  Jones,  of  the 
Cleveland  schools,  an  old  Hiram  scholar,  speaking  of  the 
old  Hiram  days  before  Garfield  went  to  college,  once 
wrote  me  :  (  There  began  to  grow  up  in  me  an  admira 
tion  and  love  for  Garfield  that  has  never  abated,  and  the 
like  of  which  I  have  never  known.  A  bow  of  recognition, 
or  a  simple  word  from  him,  was  to  me  an  inspiration.* 


LEADS    THE    REPUBLICAN    OPPOSITION.  271 

"Probably  all  were  not  equally  susceptible,  but  all 
the  boys  who  were  long  under  his  charge  (save  perhaps,  a 
few  i  sticks'),  would  speak  in  the  same  strain.  He  had 
great  power  to  energize  young  men.  General  Garfield 
has  carried  the  same  qualities  into  public  life.  He  has 
commanded  success.  His  ability,  knowledge,  mastery  of 
questions,  generosity  of  nature,  devotion  to  the  public 
good,  and  honesty  of  purpose,  have  done  the  work.  He 
has  never  had  a  political  '  machine.'  He  has  never  for 
gotten  the  day  of  small  things.  He  has  never  made  per 
sonal  enemies. 

"  It  is  difficult  to  see  how  a  political  triumph  could 
be  more  complete  or  more  gratifying  than  his  election 
to  the  Senate.  No  '  bar-gains,'  no  '  slate,'  no  '  grocery' 
at  Columbus.  He  did  not  even  go  to  the  capital  city. 
Such  things  are  inspiring  to  those  who  think  politics  in  a 
broad  way.  He  is  a  man  of  positive  convictions,  freely 
uttered.  Politically  he  may  be  called  a  'man-of-war;1 
and  yet  few  men,  or  none,  begrudge  him  his  triumph. 
Democrats  vied  with  Republicans  the  other  day  in  Wash 
ington  in  snowing  him  under  with  congratulations  ;  some 
of  them  were  as  anxious  for  his  election  as  any  Repub 
lican  could  be. 

"  It  is  said  that  he  will  go  to  the  Senate  without  an 
enemy  on  either  side  of  the  chamber.  These  things  are 
honorable  to  all  parties.  They  show  that  manhood  is 
more  than  party.  The  Senator  is  honored,  Ohio  is  hon 
ored,  and  so  is  the  school  in  Hiram,  with  which  he  was 
connected  so  many  years.  The  whole  story  abounds  in 
interest,  and  I  hope  I  have  so  told  it  as  to  bring  out  some 
of  its  best  points,  and  to  give  you  stimulus  and  cheer." 


272  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD. 

General  Garfield  took  an  active  part  in  the  regular 
session  of  the  forty-sixth  Congress,  which  met  in  Decem 
ber,  1879,  and  on  the  17th  of  March,  1880,  delivered  one 
of  his  most  powerful  speeches.  The  Civil  Appropriation 
Bill  was  under  discussion,  and  the  Democratic  majority 
was  endeavoring  to  force  the  Government  into  removing 
the  United  States  marshals  from  the  polls  at  elections, 
by  refusing  the  appropriation  for  the  pay  of  those  officers. 
General  Garfield  said  : 

"  The  discussion  of  this  bill  has  concentrated  upon 
two  topics — the  public  printing  and  the  election  laws. 
On  the  subject  of  the  public  printing  I  shall  take  no  time, 
except  to  say  this  :  After  one  of  the  saddest  histories  in 
the  experience  of  this  Government  with  the  old  contract 
system,  which  broke  down  by  the  weight  of  its  own  cor 
ruption,  it  was  developed  and  proved  beyond  any  contro 
versy  that  in  the  four  years  preceding  the  administration 
of  Abraham  Lincoln,  out  of  the  private  profits  on  the 
public  printing  and  binding,  the  sum  of  $100,000  was 
contributed  by  the  public  printer  for  political  purposes, 
mainly  to  carry  the  Democratic  elections  in  Pennsyl 
vania;  and  that  vast  contribution  did  not  exhaust  the 
profits  of  the  public  printer  out  of  the  Government.  This 
exposure  destroyed  the  wretched  contract  system,  and 
thereafter  the  Government  itself  assumed  the  responsi 
bility  of  the  work.  At  first  the  Senate  or  the  House  of 
Representatives  elected  a  Printer,  as  they  had  a  manifest 
right  to  do  under  the  clause  of  the  Constitution  which 
gives  each  House  the  power  to  elect  its  own  officers. 
But  when,  by  and  by,  the  office  grew  into  a  great  national 
establishment,  in  which  all  the  printing  and  binding  for 


LEADS    THE    REPUBLICAN    OPPOSITION.  Zf3 

all  departments  of  the  Government  was  done,  it  became 
manifest  that  the  Senate  was  exercising  a  power  of  ap 
pointment  unwarranted  by  the  Constitution  ;  and  in  the 
year  1874,  on  motion  of  Mr.  Hale,  of  New  York,  a  reso 
lution  was  adopted  by  a  two-thirds  vote  suspending  the 
rules  of  the  House  and  making  in  order  on  a  sundry  civil 
service  appropriation  bill  an  amendment  to  change  the 
law  and  make  the  Printer  an  officer  of  the  United  States, 
to  be  appointed  by  the  President  and  confirmed  by  the 
Senate.  I  had  charge  of  that  bill  and  voted  for  the 
amendment,  as  did  nearly  all  my  associates,  and  it  was 
adopted  by  the  almost  unanimous  vote  of  this  House, 
both  parties  uniting  in  declaring  that  the  old  law  was  un 
constitutional,  and  that  experience  had  proved  it  unwise ; 
Republicans  taking  their  share  of  responsibility  for  their 
own  blunders  and  mistakes  ;  all  agreeing  that  the  law 
ought  to  conform  to  the  Constitution. 

"When  the  Democratic  party  came  into  power  in 
1876,  they  amended  that  law  by  making  it  take  effect 
immediately.  We  made  it  take  effect  when  a  vacancy 
should  occur  in  the  office  of  Public  Printer.  In  1876  the 
law  was  so  changed  as  to  make  it  take  effect  immediately. 
And  that  passed  by  the  general  consent  of  both  parties. 
The  proposition  now  is,  to  go  back,  and  in  the  face  of  our 
past  experience,  make  a  change  in  this  law  which  will 
not  affect  in  any  way  the  question  of  economy,  which  will 
not  change  one  iota  of  the  machinery  of  the  management 
of  the  public  printing,  and  does  not  pretend  to  be  in  the 
direction  of  economy ;  but  merely  abolishes  a  constitu 
tional  office  and  creates  an  unconstitutional  one,  takes  the 
appointing  power  out  of  the  hands  of  the  President  and 

18 


274  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD. 

unlawfully  places  it  in  the  hands  of  this  House,  merely 
to  get  some  Democrat  into  office.  This  is  to  be  done  for 
no  public  good,  to  satisfy  the  demands  of  party  hunger, 
I  have  no  doubt  that  this  amendment  will  be,  as  it  cer 
tainly  ought  to  be,  ruled  out  of  order,  and  I  will  waste  no 
\irther  words  in  discussing  it. 


CONTEMNING  THE  SUPREME  COURT  DECISION. 

"  I  will  now  call  attention,  during  the  short  time  left 
me,  to  what  I  consider  a  matter  of  far  greater  moment. 
My  colleague  [Mr.  McMahon],  in  his  speech  opening 
the  discussion  upon  this  bill,  made  the  announcement  in 
substance,  and  it  remains  uncontradicted  and  not  pro 
tested  against  by  anyone  on  this  side  of  the  House,  first, 
that  '  we  have  not  hitherto  made,  do  not  in  this  bill,  and 
will  not  in  any  future  bill,  make  any  appropriation  what 
ever  for  supervisors  or  special  deputy  marshals,  so  far 
as  they  have  to  do  with  congressional  elections/  He 
asserts  that  it  was  not  proper  for  any  officer  of  the 
Government  to  appoint  special  deputy  marshals  when 
no  appropriation  had  been  made  for  that  specific  pur 
pose. 

"  Then,  further  on,  he  declares — I  quote  from  his 
printed  speech  : 

"  '  And  I  desire  to  say  that  because  the  Supreme  Court 
of  the  United  States  has  decided  that  the  election  law  is 
constitutional  by  a  sort  of  eight-by-seven  decision — and 
I  mean  by  that  a  division  apparently  according  to  party 
lines  (without  impugning  the  good  faith  of  any  member 
of  the  Supreme  Court,  but  to  show  how  differently  a  legal 


LEADS    THE    REPUBLICAN   OPPOSITION.  275 

question  may  appear  to  persons  who  have  been  educated 
in  different  political  schools) — that  although  that  court 
has  decided  the  constitutionality  of  the  law,  that  when 
we  come,  *is  legislators,  to  appropriate  money,  it  is  our 
duty  to  say,  is  this  law  constitutional?  or,  if  constitu 
tional,  is  it  a  good  law,  and  are  we  bound  to  appropriate 
money  for  it  ? ' 

"  He  undertakes,  as  will  be  seen,  to  throw  contempt 
on  that  decision  by  styling  it  6  a  sort  of  eight-by-seven 
decision.'  I  remind  him  that  it  is  a  seven-to-two  de 
cision,  having  been  adopted  by  a  larger  number  of  the 
members  of  the  court  than  the  majority  of  the  decisions 
of  that  tribunal.  It  is  a  decision  of  a  broad,  sweeping 
character,  and  declares  that  Congress  may  take  the  whole 
control  of  congressional  elections,  or  a  partial  control,  as 
they  choose;  that  the  election  law  as  it  stands  on  the 
national  statute-book  is  the  supreme  law  of  the  land  on 
that  subject. 

"  More  than  that :  the  Supreme  Court,  not  only  in 
this  case  but  in  another  recent  case,  has  made  a  declara 
tion  which  ought  to  be  engraven  upon  the  minds  and 
hearts  of  all  the  people  of  this  country.  And  this  is  its 
substance  : 

" '  That  a  law  of  Congress  interpenetrates  and  be 
comes  a  part  of  every  law  of  every  State  of  this  Union 
to  which  its  subject  matter  is  applicable,  and  is  binding 
upon  all  people  on  every  foot  of  our  soil.  This  is  the 
voice  of  the  Constitution/ 

"  Now,  therefore,  under  this  decision  the  election  laws 
of  the  United  States  are  the  laws  of  every  State  of  this 
Union.  No  judge  of  election,  no  State  officer  or  other 


270  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

persons  connected  with  any  congressional  election,  no 
elector  who  offers  his  ballot  at  any  such  election,  can  with 
impunity  lift  his  hand  or  do  any  act  against  any  of  the 
provisions  of  these  laws.  They  rest  down  upon  congres 
sional  elections  upon  every  State  like  the  '  casing  air/ 
broad  and  general,  protecting  with  their  dignity  every 
act,  and  penetrating  with  their  authority  every  function 
of  congressional  elections.  They  are  the  supreme  law 
of  the  land  on  that  subject. 

"  But  now  a  Representative,  speaking  for  the  Demo 
cratic  party  in  this  House,  rises,  not  with  the  plea  which 
he  could  have  made  with  some  show  of  plausibility  last 
year,  that  the  law  is  unconstitutional,  and  that  therefore 
they  would  not  enforce  it — but  with  a  constitutional  law, 
declared  so  by  the  Supreme  Court,  covering  him  and  fill 
ing  the  Republic  from  end  to  end,  reaching  everywhere 
and  covering  every  foot  of  our  soil  where  a  congressional 
election  can  be  held — he  rises  in  his  place  and  declares 
that  the  Democratic  party  will  not  execute  that  law  nor 
permit  it  to  be  obeyed. 

"  We  who  are  the  sworn  law-makers  of  the  nation, 
and  ought  to  be  examples  of  respect  for  and  obedience  to 
the  law — we  who  before  we  took  our  first  step  in  legis 
lation  swore  before  God  and  our  country  that  we  would 
support  the  supreme  law  of  the  land — we  are  now  in 
vited  to  become  conspicuous  leaders  in  the  violation 
of  the  law.  My  colleague  announces  his  purpose  to 
break  the  law,  and  invites  Congress  to  follow  him  in  his 
assault  upon  it. 

"  Mr.  Chairman,  by  far  the  most  formidable  danger 
that  threatens  the  Republic  to-day  is  the  spirit  of  law- 


LEADS    THE    REPUBLICAN    OPPOSITION.  277 

breaking  which  shows  itself  in  many  turbulent  and 
alarming  manifestations.  The  people  of  the  Pacific 
Coast,  after  two  years  of  wrestling  with  the  spirit  of  com 
munism  in  the  city  of  San  Francisco,  have  finally  grap 
pled  with  this  lawless  spirit,  and  the  leader  of  it  was 
yesterday  sentenced  to  penal  servitude  as  a  violator  of 
the  law.  But  what  can  we  say  to  Dennis  Kearney  and 
his  associates  if  to-day  we  announce  ourselves  the  fore 
most  law-breakers  of  the  country  and  set  an  example 
to  all  the  turbulent  and  vicious  elements  of  disorder  to 
follow  us? 

THE  ELECTION  LAWS  MANDATORY. 

"My  colleague  [Mr.  McMahon]  tries  to  shield  his 
violation  of  the  law  behind  a  section  of  the  statutes 
which  provides  thaf  no  disbursing  or  other  officer  shall 
make  any  contract  involving  the  expenditure  of  money 
beyond  what  is  appropriated  for  the  purpose.  I  answer 
that  I  hold  in  my  hand  a  later  law,  a  later  statute,  which 
governs  the  restrictive  law  of  which  he  speaks,  which 
governs  him  and  governs  the  courts.  It  is  the  election 
law  itself.  I  invite  attention  briefly  to  its  substance. 
Sections  2011  and  2012  of  the  Revised  Statutes  provide 
that  upon  the  application  of  any  two  citizens  of  any  city 
of  more  than  twenty  thousand  inhabitants  to  have  the 
election  guarded  and  scrutinized,  the  judge  of  the  circuit 
court  of  the  United  States  shall  hold  his  court  open 
during  the  ten  days  preceding  the  election.  The  law 
commands  the  judge  of  the  court  to  so  do. 

'*  In  the  open  court  from  day  to  day,  and  from  time 
to  time,  the  judge  shall  appoint,  and,  under  the  seal  of 


278  JAME3    A.  OARF1ELD. 

the  court,  shall  commission  two  citizens  of  different  politi 
cal  parties  who  are  voters  within  the  precinct  where  they 
reside,  to  be  supervisors  of  the  election.  That  law  is 
mandatory  upon  the  judge.  Should  he  refuse  to  obey  he 
can  be  impeached  of  high  crimes  and  misdemeanors  in 
office.  He  must  not  stop  to  inquire  whether  an  appro 
priation  has  been  made  to  pay  these  supervisors.  The 
rights  of  citizens  are  involved  ;  upon  their  application 
the  judge  must  act.  But  what  then  ? 

"  Again,  section  2021  provides  that  on  the  applica 
tion  of  two  citizens  the  marshal  of  the  United  States 
shall  appoint  special  deputy  marshals  to  protect  the  su 
pervisors  in  the  execution  of  their  duty.  And  the  law  is 
mandatory  upon  the  marshal.  He  must  obey  it  under 
the  pains  and  penalties  of  the  law.  What  then  ?  When 
the  supervisors  and  special  deputy 'marshals  have  been 
appointed  they  find  their  duties  plainly  prescribed  in  the 
law.  And  then  section  5521  provides  that  if  they  neg 
lect  or  refuse  to  perform  fully  all  these  duties  enjoined 
upon  them,  they  are  liable  to  fine  and  imprisonment. 
They  cannot  excuse  their  neglect  by  saying,  '  We  will 
not  act  because  Congress  has  not  appropriated  the  money 
to  pay  us/ 

"All  these  officers  are  confronted  by  the  imperial  com 
mand  of  the  law — first  to  the  judge  and  marshal  to  ap 
point,  then  to  the  supervisor  and  deputy  marshal  to  act. 
and  to  act  under  the  pains  and  penalties  of  fine  and  im 
prisonment.  Impeachment  enforces  the  obedience  of  the 
judge ;  fine  and  imprisonment  the  obedience  of  the  super 
visors  and  deputy  marshals. 

"  Now  comes  one  other  mandatory  order  :    in  the  last 


LEADS    THE    REPUBLICAN   OPPOSITION.  27'J 

section  of  this  long  chapter  of  legislation  the  majestic 
command  of  the  law  is  addressed  both  to  Congress  and 
the  Treasury.  It  declares  that  there  *  shall  be  paid '  out 
of  the  treasury  five  dollars  per  day  to  these  officers  as 
compensation  for  their  services.  Here,  too,  the  law  is 
equally  imperious  and  mandatory ;  it  addresses  itself  to 
the  conscience  of  every  member  of  this  House,  with  only 
this  difference :  we  cannot  be  impeached  for  disobedi 
ence  ;  we  cannot  be  fined  or  locked  up  in  the  penitentiary 
for  voting  <  no,'  and  refusing  the  appropriation ;  we  can* 
not  be  fined  or  imprisoned  if  we  refuse  to  do  our  duty. 
And  so,  shielded  by  the  immunity  of  his  privilege  as  a 
representative,  my  colleague  sets  the  example  to  all  offi 
cers  and  all  people  of  deliberately  and  with  clear-sighted 
purpose  violating  the  law  of  the  land. 

"  Thus  he  seeks  to  nullify  the  law.  Thus  he  hopes 
to  thwart  the  nation's  '  collected  will/  Does  my  col 
league  reflect  that  in  doing  this  he  runs  the  risk  of  viti 
ating  every  national  election  ?  Suppose  his  lead  be  fol 
lowed,  and  the  demand  of  citizens  for  supervisors  and 
marshals  is  made  and  refused  because  an  appropriation 
has  not  been  voted.  Does  he  not  see  the  possibility  of 
vitiating  every  election  held  where  fraud  and  violence 
are  not  suppressed  and  the  law  has  not  been  complied 
with  ?  Yet  he  would  risk  the  validity  of  all  the  con 
gressional  elections  of  the  United  States;  rather  than 
abandon  his  party's  purpose  he  would  make  Congress 
the  chief  of  the  law  breakers  of  the  land. 

"  Mr.  Chairman,  when  I  took  my  seat  as  a  member  of 
this  House,  I  took  it  with  all  the  responsibilities  which 
the  place  brought  upon  me  ;  and  among  others  was  my 


280  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

duty  to  keep  the  obligations  of  the  law.  Where  the  law 
speaks  in  mandatory  terms  to  everybody  else  and  then 
to  me,  I  should  deem  it  cowardly  and  dishonorable  if  I 
should  skulk  behind  my  legislative  privilege  for  the  pur 
pose  of  disobeying  and  breaking  the  supreme  law  of  the 
land.  [Applause.]. 


THE  PRESENT   ISSUE. 

"The  issue  now  made  is  somewhat  different  from 
that  of  the  last  session,  but,  in  my  judgment,  it  is  not 
less  significant  and  dangerous.  I  would  gladly  waive 
any  party  advantage  which  this  controversy  might  give 
for  the  sake  of  that  calm  and  settled  peace  which  would 
reign  in  this  hall  if  we  all  obeyed  the  law.  But  if  the 
leaders  on  the  other  side  are  still  determined  to  rush 
upon  their  fate  by  forcing  upon  the  country  this  last 
issue — that  because  the  Democratic  party  happen  not 
to  like  a  law  they  will  not  obey  it — because  they  hap 
pen  not  to  approve  of  the  spirit  and  character  of  a  law 
they  will  not  let  it  be  executed — I  say  to  gentlemen  on 
the  other  side,  if  you  are  determined  to  make  such  an 
issue,  it  is  high  time  that  the  American  people  should 
know  it. 

"  Here  is  the  volume  of  our  laws.  More  sacred  than 
the  twelve  tables  of  Rome,  this  rock  of  the  law  rises  in 
monumental  grandeur  alike  above  the  people  and  the 
President,  above  the  courts,  above  Congress,  command 
ing  everywhere  reverence  and  obedience  to  its  supreme 
authority.  Yet  the  dominant  party  in  this  House  virtu 
ally  declares  that  *  any  part  of  this  volume  that  we  do 


LEADS    THE    REPUBLICAN    OPPOSITION.  281 

not  like  and  cannot  repeal  we  will  disobey.  We  have 
:ried  to  repeal  these  election  laws  ;  we  have  failed  be 
cause  we  had  not  the  constitutional  power  to  destroy 
them.  The  Constitution  says  they  shall  stand  in  their 
authority  and  power ;  but  we,  the  Democratic  party  in 
defiance  of  the  Constitution,  declare  that  if  we  can 
not  destroy  them  outright  by  the  repeal,  they  shall  be 
left  to  crumble  into  ruin  by  wanton  and  lawless  neg 
lect.' 

"  Mr.  Chairman. — I  ask  gentlemen  on  the  other  side 
whether  they  wish  to  maintain  this  attitude  in  regard  to 
the  legislation  of  this  country  ?  Are  they  willing  to  start 
on  a  hunt  through  the  statutes  and  determine  for  them 
selves  what  they  will  obey  and  what  they  will  disobey  ? 
That  is  the  meaning  of  my  colleague's  speech.  If  it 
means  anything  it  means  that.  He  is  not  an  old  Bran 
denburg  elector,  but  an  elector  in  this  novel  and  mod 
ern  sense,  that  he  will  elect  what  laws  he  will  obey  and 
what  he  will  disobey,  and  in  so  far  as  his  power  can  go, 
he  will  infect  with  his  spirit  of  disobedience  all  the  good 
people  of  this  country  who  trust  him. 


THE  DANGER  OF  EXAMPLE  OF  DISOBEDIENCE. 

"  I  ask,  gentlemen,  whether  this  is  a  time  when  it  is 
safe  to  disregard  and  weaken  the  authority  of  law.  In 
all  quarters  the  civil  society  of  this  country  is  becoming 
honey-combed  through  and  through  by  disintegrating 
forces — in  some  States  by  the  violation  of  contracts  and 
the  repudiation  of  debts  ;  in  others  by  open  resistance  and 
defiance  ;  in  still  others  by  the  reckless  overturning  of  con- 


282  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

stitutions  and  letting  'the  red  fool-fury  of  the  Seine 'run 
riot  among  our  people  and  build  its  blazing  altars  to  the 
strange  gods  of  ruin  and  misrule.  All  these  things  are 
shaking  the  good  order  of  society  and  threatening  the 
foundations  of  our  government  and  our  peace.  In  a  time 
like  this,  more  than  ever  before,  this  country  needs  a  body 
of  law-givers  clothed  and  in  their  right  minds,  who  have 
laid  their  hands  upon  the  altar  of  the  law  as  its  defenders, 
not  its  destroyers.  And  yet  now,  in  the  name  of  party, 
for  some  supposed  party  advantage,  my  colleague  from 
Ohio  announces,  and  no  one  on  his  side  has  said  him  nay, 
that  they  not  only  have  not  in  the  past  obeyed,  but  in  the 
future  they  will  not  obey  this  law  of  the  land  which  the 
Supreme  Court  has  just  crowned  with  the  authority  of 
its  sanction.  If  my  colleague  chooses  to  meet  that  issue, 
if  he  chooses  to  go  to  the  country  with  that  plea,  I  shall 
regret  it  deeply  for  my  country's  sake ;  but  if  I  looked 
only  to  my  party's  interest,  it  would  give  me  joy  to  en 
gage  in  such  a  struggle. 

"  The  contest  of  last  autumn  made  the  people  under 
stand  the  tendencies  of  gentlemen  on  the  other  side. 
Now,  this  cool,  calm,  deliberate  assassination  of  the  law 
will  not  be  tolerated.  We  have  had  a  winter  to  freeze 
out  our  passion,  we  have  had  a  summer  to  thaw  out  our 
indifference,  we  have  had  the  changing  circles  of  the  year 
to  bring  us  around  to  order  and  calmness,  and  yet  all  the 
fiery  courses  of  the  stars  seem  to  have  shed  their  influ 
ence  on  my  colleague  to  fire  him  with  a  more  desperate 
madness  and  drive  his  party  on  to  a  still  sadder  fate. 
[Applause  on  the  Republican  side.] 

"  I  trust  and  believe  that  we  may  yet  find  some  re- 


LEADS    THE    REPUBLICAN    OPPOSITION.  283 

sponse  from  the  other  side  of  the  House  that  will  pre 
vent  this  course  of  procedure.  If  we  do,  I  will  gladly 
give  away  any  party  advantage  for  the  sake  of  strength 
ening  the  foundations  of  law  and  good  order.  And  I 
therefore  appeal  to  gentlemen  on  the  other  side  to  pre 
vent  a  disaster  which  their  party  leaders  are  preparing, 
not  for  themselves  alone,  but  for  our  common  country.  I 
hope  before  this  day  is  over  we  may  see  such  a  vote  in 
this  chamber  upon  this  bill  as  will  put  an  end  to  this 
miserable  business,  and  cast  out  of  these  halls  the  dregs 
of  that  unfortunate  and  crazy  extra  session."  [Applause 
on  the  Republican  side.] 


CHAPTER  VIIL 

GENERAL   GARFIELD's    FINANCIAL    RECORD. 

General  Garfield's  Appointment  to  the  Committee  on  Banking  and  Currency 
— His  Efforts  in  Congress  in  behalf  of  Honest  Money— A  Formal  State 
ment  of  his  Views  on  the  Money  Question  — The  Currency  Doctrine  of 
1862 — Definition  of  Money — Money  as  an  Instrument  of  Exchange — 
Coin  as  an  Instrument  of  Universal  Credit — Statutes  cannot  Repeal  the 
Laws  of  Value — Paper  Money  as  an  Instrument  of  Credit — Necessity  of 
Resumption — A  Powerful  Argument — General  Garfield's  Speech  on  the 
Weaver  Resolutions. 

IN  1868,  General  Gurfield  was  appointed  Chairman  of 
the  Committee  on  Banking  and  Currency,  and  during  the 
same  Congress  did  most  of  the  hard  work  on  the  Ninth 
Census.  His  financial  views,  always  sound,  and  based 
on  the  firm  foundation  of  honest  money  and  unsullied 
national  honor,  had  now  become  strengthened  by  his 
studies  and  investigations,  and  he  was  recognized  as  the 
best  authority  in  the  House  on  the  great  subjects  of  the 
debt  and  the  currency.  His  record  in  the  legislation 
concerning  these  subjects  is  without  a  flaw.  No  man  in 
Congress  made  a  more  consistent  and  unwavering  fight 
against  the  paper  money  delusions  that  flourished  dur 
ing  the  decade  following  the  war,  and  in  favor  of  specie 
payments  and  the  strict  fulfilment  of  the  nation's  obliga 
tions  to  its  creditors.  His  speeches  became  the  financial 
gospel  of  the  Republican  party.  No  man  gave  more  ar- 


FINANCIAL    RECORD.  28-J 

dent  and  useful  support  to  the  policy  of  resuming  specie 
payments,  and  no  man  in  Congress  contributed  more  in 
bringing  it  about. 

One  of  the  most  carefully  prepared  expressions  of  his 
views  on  the  financial  question  was  contributed  by  him  to 
The  Atlantic  Monthly,  in  February,  1876.  It  is  a  paper 
of  the  highest  importance,  and  we  give  it  in  full.  He 
styles  it  "  The  Currency  Conflict,"  and  says : 

"In  the  autumn  of  1862,  I  spent  several  weeks 
with  Secretary  Chase,  and  was  permitted  to  share  his 
studies  of  the  financial  questions  which  were  then  en 
grossing  his  attention.  He  was  preparing  to  submit  to 
Congress  his  matured  plans  for  a  system  of  banking  and 
currency  to  meet  the  necessities  of  the  war,  and  this  sub 
ject  formed  the  chief  theme  of  his  conversation.  He  was 
specially  anxious  to  work  out  in  his  own  mind  the  prob 
able  relations  of  greenbacks  to  gold,  to  the  five-twenty 
bonds,  to  the  proposed  national  bank  notes,  and  to  the 
business  of  the  country. 

"  One  evening  the  conversation  turned  on  some  ques 
tion  relating  to  the  laws  of  motion,  and  Mr.  Chase  asked 
for  a  definition  of  motion.  Some  one  answered  '  Matter 
is  inert,  spirit  alone  can  move  ;  therefore  motion  is  the 
Spirit  of  God  made  manifest  in  matter.'  The  Secretary 
said,  *  If  that  is  a  good  definition,  then  legal  tender  notes 
must  be  the  devil  made  manifest  in  paper ;  for  no  man  can 
foresee  what  mischief  they  may  do  when  they  are  once 
let  loose/  He  gravely  doubted  whether  that  war-born 
spirit,  summoned  to  serve  us  in  a  dreadful  emergency, 
would  be  mustered  out  of  service  with  honor  when  the 
conflict  should  end,  or,  at  the  return  of  peace,  would  cap- 


286  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD  : 

turn  public  opinion  and  enslave  the  nation  it  had  served. 
To  what  extent  his  fears  were  well  founded  may  be  ascer 
tained  b}r  comparing  the  present  state  of  the  public  mind 
in  regard  to  the  principles  of  monetary  science  with  that 
which  prevailed  when  our  existing  financial  machinery 
was  set  up. 

"  More  than  a  million  votes  will  be  cast  at  the  next 
Presidential  election  by  men  who  were  school-boys  in 
their  primers  when  the  great  financial  measures  of  1862 
were  adopted  ;  and  they  do  not  realize  how  fast  or  how 
far  the  public  mind  has  drifted.  The  log-book  of  this 
extraordinary  voyage  cannot  be  read  too  often.  Let  it 
be  constantly  borne  in  mind  that  fourteen  years  ago  the 
American  people  considered  themselves  well  instructed 
in  the  leading  doctrines  of  monetary  science.  They  had 
enjoyed,  or  rather  suffered,  an  extraordinary  experience. 
There  was  hardly  an  experiment  in  banking  and  currency 
that  they  or  their  fathers  had  not  fully  tested. 

THE  CURRENCY  DOCTRINES  OF  1862. 

"  The  statesmen  of  that  period,  the  leaders  of  public 
thought,  and  the  people  of  all  political  parties  wore  sub 
stantially  unanimous  in  the  opinion  that  the  only  safe  in 
strument  of  exchange  known  among  men  was  standard 
coin,  or  paper  convertible  into  coin  at  the  will  of  the 
holder. 

"  I  will  not  affirm  that  this  opinion  was  absolutely 
unanimous  ;  for  doubtless  there  was  here  and  there  a 
dreamer  who  looked  upon  paper  money  as  a  sort  of  fetich, 
and  was  ready  to  crown  it  as  a  god.  There  are  always  a 


HIS    FINANCIAL    RECORD.  287 

few  who  believe  in  the  quadrature  of  the  circle  and  the 
perpetual  motion.  I  recently  met  a  cultivated  American 
who  is  a  firm  believer  in  Buddha,  and  rejoices  in  the 
hope  of  attaining  Nirvana  beyond  the  grave.  The  gods 
of  Greece  were  discrowned  and  disowned  by  the  civilized 
world  a  thousand  years  ago ;  yet  within  the  last  genera 
tion  an  eminent  English  scholar  attested  his  love  for  clas 
sical  learning  and  his  devotion  to  the  Greek  mythology 
by  actually  sacrificing  a  bull  to  Jupiter,  in  the  back  par 
lor  of  his  house,  in  London.  So,  in  1862,  there  may  have 
been  followers  of  William  Lowndes  and  of  John  Law 
among  our  people,  and  here  afld  there  a  philosopher  who 
dreamed  of  an  ideal  standard  of  value  stripped  of  all  the 
grossness  of  so  coarse  and  vulgar  a  substance  as  gold. 
But  they  dwelt  apart  in  silence,  and  their  opinions  made 
scarce  a  ripple  on  the  current  of  public  thought. 

"  No  one  can  read  the  history  of  that  year  without 
observing  the  great  reluctance,  the  apprehension,  the  pos 
itive  dread  with  which  the  statesmen  and  people  of  thai 
day  ventured  upon  the  experiment  of  making  treasury 
notes  a  legal  tender  for  private  debts.  They  did  it  under 
the  pressure  of  an  overmastering  necessity,  to  meet  the 
immediate  demands  of  the  war,  and  with  a  most  deter 
mined  purpose  to  return  to  the  old  standard  at  the  ear 
liest  possible  moment.  Indeed,  the  very  act  that  made 
the  greenbacks  a  legal  tender  provided  the  effective 
means  for  retiring  them. 

"  Distressing  as  was  the  crisis,  urgent  as  was  the 
need,  a  large  number  of  the  best  and  most  patriotic  men 
in  Congress  voted  against  the  act.  The  ground  of  their 
opposition  was  well  expressed  by  Owen  Lovejoy,  of  Illi- 


288  JAMES    A.  GAUF1ELD  : 

nois,  who,  after  acknowledging  the  unparalleled  difficul 
ties  and  dangers  of  the  situation,  said,  '  There  is  no 
precipice,  there  is  no  chasm,  there  is  no  possible  bottom- 
less,  yawning  gulf  before  the  nation  so  appalling,  so 
ruinous,  as  this  same  bill  that  is  before  us.' 

"  Of  those  who  supported  the  measure,  not  one  de 
fended  it  as  a  permanent  policy.  All  declared  that  they 
did  not  abate  a  jot  of  their  faith  in  the  soundness  of  the 
old  doctrines. 

"  Thaddeus  Stevens  said,  '  This  bill  is  a  measure  of 
necessity,  not  of  choice.  No  one  would  willingly  issue 
paper  currency  not  redeemable  on  demand,  and  make  it  a 
legal  tender.  It  is  never  desirable  to  depart  from  the 
circulating  medium  which,  by  the  common  consent  of 
civilized  nations,  forms  the  standard  of  value.' 

"  In  the  Senate  the  legal-tender  clause  was  adopted 
by  only  five  majority.  The  senators  who  supported  it 
were  keenly  alive  to  its  dangerous  character.  Mr.  Fes- 
senden,  chairman  of  the  committee  of  finance,  said  of 
the  bill,  '  It  proposes  something  utterly  unknown  in  this 
government  from  its  foundation  :  a  resort  to  a  measure  of 
doubtful  constitutionality,  to  say  the  least  of  it,  which 
has  always  been  denounced  as  ruinous  to  the  credit  of 
any  government  which  has  recourse  to  it ;  ...  a  meas 
ure  which,  when  it  has  been  tried  by  other  countries,  as 
it  often  has  been,  has  always  proved  a  disastrous  failure/ 

"  With  extreme  reluctance  he  supported  the  bill,  but 
said  the  committee  was  bound  i  that  an  assurance  should 
be  given  to  the  country  that  it  was  to  be  resorted  to 
only  as  a  policy;  that  it  was  what  it  professed  to  be, 
but  a  temporary  measure.  I  have  not  heard  anv  man  ex- 


HIS    FINANCIAL    RECORD.  280 

press  a  contrary  opinion,  or,  at  least,  any  man  who  has 
spoken  on  the  subject  in  Congress.  .  .  .  All  the  gen 
tlemen  who  have  written  on  the  subject,  except  some 
wild  speculators  on  currency,  have  declared  that  as  a 
policy  it  would  be  ruinous  to  any  people  ;  and  it  has 
been  defended,  as  I  have  stated,  simply  and  solely  upon  the 
ground  that  it  is  to  be  a  single  measure  standiny  alone,  ana 
not  to  be  repeated.  ...  It  is  put  upon  the  ground  of 
absolute,  overwhelming  necessity. 

"  Mr.  Sumner,  who  supported  the  bill,  said  :  '  Surely 
we  must  all  be  against  paper  money,  we  must  insist 
upon  maintaining  the  integrity  of  the  Government,  and 
we  must  all  set  our  faces  against  any  proposition  like  the 
present  except  as  a  temporary  expedient,  rendered  im 
perative  by  the  exigency  of  the  hour.  ...  A  remedy 
which  at  another  moment  you  would  reject  is  now  pro 
posed.  Whatever  may  be  the  national  resources,  they 
are  not  now  in  reach  except  by  summary  process.  Re 
luctantly,  painfully,  I  consent  that  the  process  should 
issue.  And  yet  I  cannot  give  such  a  vote  without 
warning  the  Government  against  the  dangers  from  such 
an  experiment.  The  medicine  of  the  constitution  must 
not  become  its  daily  bread.' 

"  Such  was  the  unanimous  sentiment  which  animated 
Congress  in  making  its  solemn  pledge  to  return  to  the 
old  path  as  soon  as  the  immediate  danger  should  pass. 

"  The  close  of  the  war  revealed  some  change  of 
opinion,  but  the  purpose  of  1862  w*s  still  maintained. 
December  14,  1865,  the  House  of  Representatives  re 
solved — 

"  That  the  House  cordially  concurs  in  the  views  of 

19 


290  JAilES    A.  GARFIELD  : 

the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  in  relation  to  the  neces 
sity  of  a  contraction  of  the  currency  with  a  view  to  as 
early  a  resumption  of  specie  payments  as  the  business 
interest  of  the  country  will  permit;  and  we  hereby 
pledge  co-operative  action  to  this  end  as  speedily  us 
practicable. 

"  This  resolution  was  adopted  on  a  call  of  the  ayes 
and  noes,  by  the  decisive  vote  of  one  hundred  and 
forty-four  to  six. 

"  The  last  ten  years  have  witnessed  such  a  change 
of  sentiment  as  seldom  occurs  in  one  generation.  Dur 
ing  that  time,  we  have  had  a  Babel  of  conflicting  theo 
ries.  Every  exploded  financial  dogma  of  the  last  t\vo 
hundred  years  has  been  revived  and  advocated.  Con 
gresses  and  political  parties  have  been  agitated  and  con 
vulsed  by  the  discussion  of  old  and  new  schemes  to 
escape  from  the  control  of  the  universal  laws  of  value, 
and  to  reach  prosperity  and  wealth  without  treading 
the  time-worn  path  of  honest  industry  and  solid  values. 
All  this  recalls  Mr.  Chase's  definition  of  irredeemable 
paper  money. 

"  The  great  conflict  of  opinion  resulting  from  this 
change  of  sentiment  finds  expression  in  the  cries  of 
'hard  money '  and  'soft  money'  which  have  been  so 
constantly  echoed  from  State  to  State  during  the  last  six 
months.  Following  these,  as  rally  ing-cries,  the  people 
are  assembled  in  hostile  political  camps,  from  which  they 
will  soon  march  out  to  fight  the  Presidential  battle  of 
1876. 

"  The  recently  invented  term  *  soft  money  '  does  not 
convey  a  very  precise  notion  of  the  doctrine  it  is  in- 


HIS    FINANCIAL    RECORD.  291 

tended  to  describe.  In  fact,  it  is  applied  to  the  doc 
trines  of  several  distinct  groups  of  theorists,  who  differ 
widely  among  themselves,  but  who  all  agree  in  opposing 
a  return  to  specie  as  the  basis  of  our  monetary  system. 

"  The  scope  of  these  opinions  will  be  seen  in  the 
declarations  which  recent  public  discussions  have  brought 
forth. 

(1.)  Most  of  the  advocates  of  soft  money  deny  that 
political  economy  is  a  universal  science.  They  insist 
that  each  nation  should  have  a  political  economy  of  its 
own.  In  pursuance  of  this  opinion,  they  affirm  that  our 
country  should  have  a  standard  of  value  peculiar  to 
itself,  and  a  circulating  medium  which  other  nations  will 
not  use  ;  in  short,  a  non-exportable  currency. 

" '  Beyond  the  sea,  in  foreign  lands,  it  [our  greenback 
currency]  fortunately  is  not  money ;  but,  sir,  when  have 
we  had  such  an  unbroken  career  of  prosperity  in  busi 
ness  as  since  we  adopted  this  non-exportable  currency  ? ' 
—(Hon.  W.  D.  Kelley.) 

" '  Money  should  be  a  thing  of  or  belonging  to  a 
country,  not  of  the  world.  An  exportable  commodity 
is  not  fitted  to  be  money/ — (Quoted  as  a  motto  by 
Henry  Carey  Baird.) 

" fi  I  desire  the  dollar  to  be  made  of  such  material 
that  it  shall  never  be  exported  or  desirable  to  carry  it 
out  of  the  country.' — (Hon.  B.  F.  Butler,  Cooper  In 
stitute,  October  15,  1875.) 

" c  The  venerable  Henry  C.  Carey,  under  date  of 
August  15,  1875,  addressed  a  long  letter  to  the  chair 
man  of  the  Detroit  Greenback  Convention,  in  which  he 
argues  that  this  country  ought  to  maintain  permanently 


292  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD  : 

a  non-exportable  circulation/  He  says,  '  This  important 
idea  was  first  promulgated  by  Mr.  Rauget,  thirty-six 
years  ago.' 

"  I  will  quote  one  other  financial  authority,  which 
shows  that  th«  honor  of  this  discovery  does  not  belong 
to  Rauget,  nor  to  the  present  century.  In  his  work  en 
titled  '  Money  and  Trade  Considered  :  with  a  Proposal  for 
Supplying  the  Nation  with  Money/  published  at  Edin 
burgh,  1705,  John  Law  says  : 

"  '  If  a  money  be  established  that  has  no  intrinsic 
value,  and  its  extrinsic  value  be  such  as  it  will  not  be 
exported,  nor  will  not  be  less  than  the  demand  for  it 
within  the  country,  wealth  and  power  will  be  attained, 
and  will  be  less  precarious.  .  .  .  The  paper  money  herein 
proposed  being  always  equal  in  quantity  to  the  demand, 
the  people  will  be  employed,  the  country  improved, 
manufacture  advanced,  trade — domestic  and  foreign — 
carried  on,  and  wealth  and  power  attained  ;  and  [it]  not 
being  liable  to  be  exported,  the  people  will  not  be  set 
idle,  etc.,  and  wealth  and  power  will  be  less  precarious/ 

"  The  subsequent  experiments  of  Law  are  fitting 
commentaries. 

"  (2.)  They  propose  to  abandon  altogether  the  use  of 
gold  and  silver  as  standards  of  value  or  instruments  of 
exchange,  and  hold  that  the  stamp  of  the  government, 
not  the  value  of  the  material  on  which  it  is  impressed, 
constitutes  money: 

"  '  I  want  the  dollar  stamped  on  some  convenient  and 
cheap  material,  of  the  least  possible  intrinsic  value,  .  .  . 
and  I  desire  that  the  dollar  so  issued  shall  never  be 
redeemed.' — (lion.  B.  F.  Butler,  Cooper  Institute.) 


HIS   FINANCIAL   RECORD.  293 

"  '  A  piece  of  pig-inetal  is  just  as  much  money  as  a 
piece  of  gold,  until  the  public  authority  has  stamped  it 
and  said  that  it  shall  be  taken  for  so  much.  .  .  .  Sup 
pose,  then,  that  instead  of  taking  a  bar  of  silver  or  a  bar 
of  pig-metal,  the  government  of  the  United  States  takea 
a  piece  of  paper,  called  a  greenback,  and  says  that  this 
shall  pass  for  a  legal  tender  in  the  receipt  and  expendi 
ture  of  government  dues,  and  in  all  the  transactions  of 
the  people.  Suppose  this  government  to  be  a  govern 
ment  of  good  standing,  of  sound  credit,  and  responsible 
for  its  paper.  This  dollar  thus  stamped,  instead  of  a 
piece  of  metal  being  stamped,  is  to  all  intents  and  pur 
poses  equivalent  to  a  silver  dollar  when  it  has  been  made 
such  by  the  government  of  the  United  States.' — (Cam 
paign  speech  of  Governor  Allen,  Gallipolis,  Ohio,  July 
21,  1875.) 

"  '  The  use  of  gold  or  other  merchandise  as  money  is 
a  barbarism  unworthy  of  the  age/ — (Wallace  P.  Groom, 
New  York.) 

"  '  The  pretense  of  redemption  in  gold  and  silver  is 
of  necessity  a  delusion  and  an  absurdity/ — (Britton  A. 
Hill,  Missouri.) 

" (  The  government  can  make  money  of  any  material 
and  of  any  shape  and  value  it  pleases.' — (Hon.  0.  S. 
Halstead,  New  Jersey.) 

"  (3.)  They  are  not  agreed  among  themselves  as  to 
what  this  new  soft  money  shall  be.  They  do  agree, 
however,  that  the  national  banking  system  shall  be  abol 
ished,  and  that  whatever  currency  may  be  adopted  shall 
be  issued  directly  from  the  treasury,  as  the  only  money 
of  the  nation.  Three  forms  are  proposed  : — 


294  JAMES  A.  GARFIELD: 

"  First.  The  legal  tenders  we  now  have,  their  vol« 
nme  to  be  increased  and  their  redemption  indefinitely 
postponed.  The  advocates  of  this  form  are  the  infla 
tionists  proper,  who  care  more  for  the  volume  than  the 
character  of  the  currency. 

"  Second.  '  Absolute  money  ;'  that  is,  printed  pieces 
of  paper,  called  dollars,  to  be  the  only  standard  of  value, 
the  only  legal  tender  for  all  debts,  public  and  private,  the 
only  circulating  medium.  The  advocates  of  this  kind  of 
4  money,'  though  few  in  number,  claim  the  highest  place 
as  philosophers. 

"  The  ablest  defence  of  this  doctrine  will  be  found  in 
a  brochure  of  one  hundred  and  eighteen  pages,  by  Britton 
A.  Hill,  published  in  St.  Louis  during  the  present  year 
and  entitled  '  Absolute  Money/  The  author  says  (page 
53): 

" '  If  such  national  legal-tender  money  is  not  of  itself 
sovereign  and  absolute,  but  must  be  convertible  into  some 
other  substance  or  thing,  before  it  can  command  universal 
circulation,  what  matters  it  whether  that  other  substance 
or  thing  be  interest-bearing  bonds  or  gold  or  silver  coin  ? 
.  .  .  The  coin  despotism  cannot.be  broken  by  substi 
tuting  in  its  place  the  despotism  of  interest-bearing 
bonds/ 

"  Third.  A  legal-tender  note  not  redeemable,  but- 
exchangeable,  at  the  will  of  the  holder,  for  a  bond  of  the 
United  States  bearing  3.65  per  cent,  interest,  which 
bond  shall  in  turn  be  exchangeable,  at  the  will  of  the 
holder,  for  legal-tender  notes.  In  order  that  this  cur 
rency  shall  be  wholly  emancipated  from  the  tyranny  and 
barbarism  of  gold  and  silver,  most  of  its  advocates  insist 


HIS    FINANCIAL    RECORD.  29-3 

(.hat  the  interest  on  the  bonds  shall  be  paid  in  the  pro 
posed  paper  money.  This  financial  perpetual  motion  is 
regarded  as  the  great  discovery  of  our  era,  and  there  are 
numerous  claimants  for  the  honor  of  being  the  first  to 
discover  it. 

"  Mr.  Wallace  P.  Groom,  of  New  York,  has  charac 
terized  this  currency  in  a  paragraph  which  has  been  so 
frequently  quoted,  that  it  may  be  fairly  called  their 
creed.  It  is  in  these  words  : 

" '  In  the  interchangeability  (at  the  option  of  the 
holder)  of  national  paper  money  with  government  bonds 
bearing  a  fixed  rate  of  interest,  there  is  a  subtle  princi 
ple  that  will  regulate  the  movements  of  finance  and  com 
merce  as  accurately  as  the  motion  of  the  steam-engine  is 
regulated  by  its  governor.  Such  PAPER  MONEY  TOKENS 
would  be  much  nearer  perfect  measures  of  value  than 
gold  or  silver  ever  have  been  or  ever  can  be.  The  use 
of  gold  or  other  merchandise  as  money  is  a  barbarism 
unworthy  of  the  age.' 

"  (4.)  The  paper  money  men  are  unanimous  in  the 
opinion  that  the  financial  crisis  of  1873  was  caused  by 
an  insufficient  supply  of  currency,  and  that  a  large  in 
crease  will  stimulate  industry,  restore  prosperity,  and 
largely  augment  the  wealth  of  this  country. 

"  Hon.  Alexander  Campbell,  of  Illinois,  a  leading 
writer  of  the  soft  money  school,  thinks  there  should  now 
be  in  circulation  not  less  than  $1,290,000,000  of  legal- 
tender  notes.  (North-Western  Review,  November,  1873, 
page  152.) 

"  John  G.  Drew,  another  prominent  writer,  insists 
that  <as  England  is  an  old  and  settled  country,  and  we 


296  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD  : 

are  just  building  ours/  we  ought  to  have  at  least  $60 
per  capita,  or  an  aggregate  of  $2,500,000,000.— (<  Our 
Currency :  What  it  is  and  what  it  should  be.') 

"  No  doubt  the  very  large  vote  in  Ohio  and  Pennsyl 
vania  in  favor  of  soft  money  resulted,  in  great  measure, 
from  the  depressed  state  of  industry  and  trade,  and  a 
vague  hope  that  the  adoption  of  these  doctrines  would 
bring  relief.  The  discussion  in  both  States  was  able  ; 
and  toward  the  close  of  the  campaign,  it  was  manifest 
that  sound  principles  were  every  day  gaining  ground. 
Important  as  was  the  victory  in  those  States,  it  is  a  great 
mistake  to  suppose  that  the  struggle  is  ended.  The  ad 
vocates  of  soft  money  are  determined  and  aggressive,  and 
they  confidently  believe  they  will  be  able  to  triumph  in 
1876. 

"  It  ought  to  be  observed,  as  an  interesting  fact  of 
current  history,  that  the  soft  money  men  are  making  and 
collecting  a  literature  which  cannot  fail  to  delight  the 
antiquarian  and  the  reader  of  curiosities  of  literature. 
They  are  ransacking  old  libraries  to  find  any 

"  Quaint  and  curious 
Volume  of  forgotten  lore  " 

which  may  give  support  to  their  opinions.  In  a  recent 
pamphlet,  Henry  Carey  Baird  refers  to  Andrew  Yarran- 
ton  'as  the  father  of  English  political  economy.'  The 
forgotton  treatise  which  is  now  enrolled  among  the  pa 
tristic  books  of  the  new  school  was  published  in  London 
HI  1677,  and  is  entitled,  '  England's  Improvement  by  Sea 
mid  Land.  To  outdo  the  Dutch  without  Fighting,  to 
pay  Debts  without  Moneys,  and  to  set  at  work  all  the 
Poor  of  England  with  the  Growth  of  our  own  Lands ' 


HIS    FINANCIAL    RECORD.  297 

"  The  author-  proposes  a  public  bank,  based  on  the 
registered  value  of  houses  and  lands,  *  the  credit  whereof 
making  paper  go  in  trade  equal  with  ready  money,  yea 
better,  in  many  parts  of  the  world  than  money/  He  was 
perhaps  the  first  Englishman  who  suggested  a  currency 
based  on  land.  On  pages  30-33  of  his  book  may  be  found 
his  draft  of  a  proposed  law,  which  provides  '  that  all  bonds 
or  bills  issued  on  such  registered  houses  may  be  transfer 
able,  and  shall  pass  and  be  good  from  man  to  man  in  the 
nature  of  bills  of  exchange.' 

"  The  writings  of  John  Law  are  also  finding  vigorous 
defenders.  Britton  A.  Hill,  in  the  pamphlet  already 
quoted,  devotes  a  chapter  to  his  memory,  compares  him 
favorably  with  Leibnitz  and  Newton,  and  says,  '  John 
Law  is  justly  regarded  as  one  of  the  most  profound  think 
ers  of  his  age,  in  that  he  originated  the  first  fundamental 
principle  of  this  proposed  absolute  money/  The  admirers 
of  '  father'  Yarranton  should  see  to  it  that  the  outdoer 
of  the  Dutch  is  not  robbed  of  his  honors  by  the  great 
Scotsman. 

"English  history  is  being  hunted  through  to  find 
some  comfort  for  the  new  doctrines  in  the  writings  of 
that  small  minority  who  resisted  the  Bullion  Report  of 
1810  and  the  resumption  of  cash  payments  in  1819,  and 
continued  to  denounce  them  afterwards.  History  must 
be  rewritten.  We  must  learn  that  Mathias  Attwood 
(who  ?),  not  Lord  Liverpool,  Huskisson,  or  Peel,  was  the 
fountain  of  financial  wisdom.  Doubleday,  whom  no 
English  writer  has  thought  it  worth  while  to  answer,  is 
much  quoted  by  the  new  school,  and  they  have  lately 
?ome  to  feel  the  profoundest  respect  for  Sir  Archibald 


298  JAMES    A.    GAUFIELD  : 

Alison,  because  of  his  extravagant  assault  upon  the  Re 
sumption  Act  of  iS19.  Alison  holds  a  place  in  English 
literature  chiefly  because  he  wrote  a  work  which  fills  a 
gap  in  English  history  not  otherwise  filled. 

"In  1845  he  wrote  a  pamphlet  entitled  ' England  in 
1815  and  1845;  or,  a  Sufficient  and  Contracted  Cur- 
rency,'  which  the  subsequent  financial  and  commercial 
events  in  his  country  have  so  fully  refuted  that  it  has 
slept  for  a  generation  in  the  limbo  of  things  forgotten. 
It  is  now  unearthed,  and  finds  an  honored  place  in  the 
new  literature. 

"As  a  specimen  of  Alison's  financial  wisdom,  we 
quote  the  following  (pages  2,  3)  :  *  The  eighteen  years  of 
war  between  1797  and  1815  were,  as  all  the  world  knows, 
the  most  glorious  and,  taken  as  a  whole,  the  most  pros 
perous  that  Great  Britain  has  ever  known.  .  .  .  Never  has 
a  prosperity  so  universal  and  unheard-of  pervaded  every 
department  of  the  empire.'  He  then  enumerates  the 
evidences  of  this  prosperity,  and  prominent  among  them 
is  this  :  '  While  the  revenue  raised  by  taxation  was  but 
£21,000,000  in  1796,  it  had  reached  £72,000,000  hi 
1815;  and  the  total  expenditures  from  taxes  and  loans 
had  reached  £117,000,000  in  1815.'  Happy  people, 
whose  burdens  of  taxation  were  quadrupled  in  eighteen 
years,  and  whose  expenses,  consumed  in  war,  exceeded 
their  revenues  by  the  sum  of  $225,000,000  in  gold  ! 

"  The  inflationists  have  not  been  so  fortunate  in  aug 
menting  their  literary  store  from  the  writings  and 
speeches  of  our  early  American  statesmen.  Still,  they 
have  made  vigorous  efforts  to  draft  into  their  service  any 
Isolated  paragraph  that  can  be  made  useful  for  their  pur 


HIS   FINANCIAL    RECORD.  209 

pose.  So  far  as  I  have  seen,  they  have  found  no  comfort 
in  this  search  except  in  very  short  extracts  from  three  ot 
the  great  leaders  of  public  thought.  The  first  is  from  a 
juvenile  essay  in  defence  of  paper  money,  written  by 
Benjamin  Franklin  in  1729,  when  he  was  twenty-twc 
years  of  age.  This  has  been  frequently  quoted  during 
the  last  four  years.  They  are  not  so  fond  of  quoting 
Franklin,  the  statesman  and  philosopher,  who  after  a  life 
long  experience  wrote,  in  1783,  these  memorable  words  : 

"  I  lament  with  you  the  many  mischiefs,  the  injustice, 
the  corruption  of  manners,  etc.,  that  attend  a  depreciated 
currency.  It  is  some  consolation  to  me  that  I  washed 
my  hands  of  that  evil  by  predicting  it  in  Congress,  and 
proposing  means  that  would  have  been  effectual  to  pre 
vent  it  if  they  had  been  adopted.  Subsequent  operations 
that  I  have  executed  demonstrate  that  my  plan  was 
practicable  but  it  was  unfortunately  rejected.' — (Works, 
x.  9.) 

"  A  serious  attempt  has  been  made  to  capture  Thomas 
Jefferson  and  bring  him  into  the  service.  The  following 
passage  from  one  of  his  letters  to  John  W.  Eppes  (Works, 
vi.  140)  has  been  paraded  through  this  discussion  with 
all  the  emphasis  of  italics,  thus  : 

"  '  Bank  paper  must  be  suppressed,  and  the  circulating 
medium  must  be  restored  to  the  nation  to  whom  it  belongs. 
It  is  the  only  fund  on  which  they  can  rely  for  loans  ;  it 
is  the  only  resource  which  can  never  fail  them,  and  it  is 
an  abundant  one  for  every  necessary  purpose.  Treasury 
bills  bottomed  on  taxes,  bearing  or  not  bearing  interest,  as 
may  be  found  necessary,  thrown  into  circulation,  will  take 
the  place  of  so  much  gold  or  silver,  which  last,  when 


300  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD  : 

crowded,  will   find  an  efflux  into  other   countries,  and 
thus  keep  the  quantum  of  medium  at  its  salutary  level.' 

"  This  passage  was  quoted  as  a  strong  point  for  the 
soft-money  men  in  their  campaign  documents  in  Ohio, 
last  fall.  They  did  not  find  it  convenient  to  quote  the 
great  Virginian  more  fully.  When  this  letter  was  writ 
ten,  the  United  States  was  at  war  with  England,  with  no 
friendly  nation  from  whom  to  obtain  loans.  The  demand 
for  revenue  was  urgent,  and  the  treasury  was  empty. 
Mr.  Jefferson  had  long  been  opposed  to  the  state  banks, 
and  he  saw  that  by  suppressing  them  and  issuing  treas 
ury  notes,  with  or  without  interest,  the  government  could 
accomplish  two  things  :  destroy  state  bank  currency,  and 
obtain  a  forced  loan,  in  the  form  of  circulating  notes.  In 
enforcing  this  view,  he  wrote  from  Monticello  to  Mr. 
Eppes,  June  24,  1813  :  '  I  am  sorry  to  see  our  loans  be 
gin  at  so  exorbitant  an  interest.  And  yet,  even  at  that, 
you  will  soon  be  at  the  bottom  of  the  loan-bag.  Ours  is 
an  agricultural  nation.  ...  In  such  a  nation  there  is  one 
and  only  one  resource  for  loans,  sufficient  to  carry  them 
through  the  expense  of  a  war ;  and  that  will  always  be 
sufficient,  and  in  the  power  of  an  honest  government, 
punctual  in  the  preservation  of  its  faith.  The  fund  I 
mean  is  the  mass  of  circulating  coin.  Every  one  knows 
that,  although  not  literally,  it  is  nearly  true  that  every 
paper  dollar  emitted  banishes  a  silver  one  from  the  cir 
culation.  A  nation,  therefore,  making  its  purchases  and 
payments  with  bills  fitted  for  circulation,  thrusts  an  eqiwl 
jum  of  coin  out  of  circulation.  This  is  equivalent  to  bor 
rowing  that  sum  ;  and  yet  the  vendor,  receiving  payment 
in  a  medium  as  effectual  as  coin  for  his  purchases  or  pay- 


HIS    FINANCIAL    RECORD.  301 

ments,  has  no  claim  to  interest.  .  .  .  Tn  this  way  I  am 
not  without  a  hope  that  this  great,  this  sole  resource  for 
loans  in  an  agricultural  country  might  yet  be  recovered 
for  the  use  of  the  nation  during  war ;  and,  if  obtained 
in  perpetuum,  it  would  always  be  sufficient  to  carry  us 
through  any  war,  provided  that  in  the  interval  between 
war  and  war  all  the  outstanding  paper  should  be  called 
in,  coin  be  permitted  to  flow  in  again,  and  to  hold  the 
field  of  circulation  until  another  war  should  require  its 
yielding  place  again  to  the  national  medium.' 

"  From  this  it  appears  that  Jefferson  favored  the  issue 
of  treasury  notes  to  help  us  through  a  war ;  but  he  in 
sisted  that  they  should  be  wholly  retired  on  the  return  of 
peace.  His  three  long  letters  to  Eppes  are  full  of  power 
ful  and  eloquent  denunciations  of  paper  money.  The 
soft  money  men  appeal  to  Jefferson.  We  answer  them 
in  his  own  words  :  '  The  truth  is  that  capital  may  be  pro 
duced  by  industry,  and  accumulated  by  economy ;  but 
jugglers  only  will  propose  to  create  it  by  legerdemain 
tricks  of  paper  money.' — (Letter  to  Eppes,  Works,  vi. 
239.) 

"  Their  third  attempt  to  elect  some  eminent  states 
man  as  an  honorary  member  of  the  new  school  affords  a 
striking  illustration  of  a  method  too  often  adopted  in  our 
politics.  It  was  very  confidently  stated  by  several  ad 
vocates  of  soft  money  that  John  C.  Calhoun  had  sug 
gested  that  a  paper  money,  issued  directly  by  the  gov 
ernment  and  made  receivable  for  all  public  dues,  would 
be  as  good  a  currency  as  gold  and  silver.  Mr.  Hill 
finally  claimed  Calhoun's  authority  in  support  of  his  ab 
solute  money,  and  printed  on  pages  56,  57  of  his  pam- 


302  JAMF.S    A.  GARFIELD  I 

plilet  a  passage  from  a  speech  of  Calhoun's.  This  extract 
was  used  in  the  Ohio  campaign  with  much  effect,  until  it 
was  shown  that  there  had  heen  omitted  from  the  passage 
quoted  these  important  words  :  '  leaviny  its  creditors  to 
take  it  [treasury  note  circulation]  or  gold  and  silver  at 
their  option!  After  this  exposure,  the  great  nullifier  was 
left  out  of  the  canvass. 

"  Thus  far  we  have  attempted  no  more  than  to  ex 
hibit  the  state  of  public  opinion  in  regard  to  the  cur 
rency  in  1801—62,  the  changes  that  have  since  occuired, 
and  the  leading  doctrines  now  held  by  the  soft  money 
men. 

"  Most  of  these  dogmas  are  old,  and  have  long  ago 
been  exploded.  All  are  directly  opposed  to  principles  as 
well  established  as  the  theorems  of  Euclid. 


THE  DOCTRINE  OF  HAED  MONEY. 

"  Believing  that  this  generation  of  Americans  is  not 
willing  to  ignore  all  past  experience,  and  to  decide  so 
great  an  issue  as  though  it  were  now  raised  for  the  first 
time,  we  shall  attempt  to  state,  in  brief  compass,  the 
grounds  on  which  the  doctrine  of  hard  money  rests. 

"  Hard  money  is  not  to  be  understood  as  implying 
a  currency  consisting  of  coin  alone  (though  many  have 
held,  with  Benton,  that  no  other  is  safe),  but  that  coin 
of  ascertained  weight  and  fineness,  duly  stamped  and 
authenticated  by  the  government,  is  the  only  safe  stand 
ard  of  money ;  and  that  no  form  of  credit-currency  is 
safe  unless  it  be  convertible  into  coin  at  the  will  of  the 
holder. 


HIS    FINANCIAL    RECORD.  303 

MONEY  AS   AN  INSTRUMENT   OF  EXCHANGE. 

"  As  preliminary  to  this  discussion,  it  is  necessary  to 
determine  the  functions  which  money  performs  as  an  in 
strument  of  exchange.  As  barter  was  the  oldest  form  of 
exchange,  so  it  was  and  still  is  the  ultimate  object  and 
result  of  all  exchanges.  For  example  :  I  wish  to  ex 
change  my  commodities  or  services  for  commodities  or 
services  of  a  different  kind.  I  find  no  one  at  hand  who 
IIMS  what  I  want,  and  wants  what  I  have.  I  therefore 
exchange,  or,  as  we  say,  sell,  my  commodities  for  money, 
which  I  hold  until  I  find  some  one  who  wishes  to  sell 
what  I  want  to  buy.  I  then  make  the  purchase.  The 
two  transactions  have,  in  fact,  resulted  in  a  barter.  It 
amounts  to  the  same  thing  as  though,  at  the  start,  I  had 
found  a  man  who  wanted  my  commodities,  and  was  will 
ing  to  give  me  in  exchange  the  commodities  I  desired. 
By  a  sale  and  a  purchase  I  have  accomplished  my  object. 
Money  was  the  instrument  by  which  the  transactions 
were  made.  The  great  French  economist,  J.  B.  Say,  has 
justly  described  a  sale  as  half  a  barter,  for  we  see,  in  the 
case  above  stated,  that  two  sales  were  equivalent,  in 
effect,  to  one  act  of  simple  barter.  But  some  time  may 
elapse  between  my  sale  and  the  subsequent  purchase. 
How  are  my  rights  of  property  secured  during  the  inter 
val  ?  That  which  I  sold  carried  its  value  in  itself  as  an 
exchangeable  commodity ;  when  I  had  exchanged  it  for 
money,  and  was  waiting  to  make  my  purchase,  the  secu 
rity  for  my  property  rested  wholly  in  the  money  result 
ing  from  the  sale.  If  that  money  be  a  perfect  instrument 
of  exchange,  it  must  not  only  be  the  lawful  measure  of 


304  JAMES    A.   GARFIELD  : 

that  which  I  sold,  but  it  must,  of  itself,  be  the  actua] 
equivalent  in  value.  If  its  value  depends  upon  the  arbi 
trary  acts  of  government  or  of  individuals,  the  results  of 
my  transaction  depend  not  upon  the  value  of  that  which 
I  sold  nor  of  that  which  I  bought,  nor  upon  my  prudence 
and  skill,  but  upon  an  element  wholly  beyond  my  control 
— a  medium  of  exchange  which  varies  in  value  from  day 
to  day. 

"  Such  being  the  nature  of  exchanges,  we  should  ex 
pect  to  find  that  so  soon  as  man  begins  to  emerge  from 
the  most  primitive  condition  of  society  and  the  narrow 
est  circle  of  family  life,  he  will  seek  a  measure  and  an  in 
strument  of  exchange  among  his  first  necessities.  And 
in  fact  it  is  a  matter  of  history  that  in  the  hunting  state 
skins  were  used  as  money,  because  they  were  the  product 
of  chief  value.  In  the  pastoral  state — the  next  advance 
in  civilization — sheep  and  cattle,  being  the  most  valuable 
and  negotiable  form  of  property,  were  used  as  money. 
This  appears  in  the  earliest  literature.  In  the  Homeric 
poems  oxen  are  repeatedly  mentioned  as  the  standard  by 
which  wealth  was  measured.  The  arms  of  Diomed  were 
declared  to  be  worth  nine  oxen,  as  compared  with  those 
of  Glaucos,  worth  one  hundred.  A  tripod,  the  first  prize 
for  wrestlers,  in  the  twenty-third  book  of  the  Iliad  was 
valued  at  twelve  oxen,  and  a  female  captive,  skilled  in 
industry,  at  four.* 

"  In  many  languages  the  nninc  for  money  is  identical 
with  that  for  some  kind  of  cattle.  Even  our  Avord  '  fee '  is 
said  to  be  the  Anglo-Saxon  4  feoh,'  meaning  both  money 
and  cattle.  Sir  il.  £.  luaine,  speaking  v/t  ihe  primitive 

*  Jcvoju  ft  "  ^iouej  and.  tiie  Aieciittuiwiii  of  Exchange,"  page  21. 


HIS   FINANCIAL   RECORD.  305 

state  of  society,  says  :  i  Being  counted  by  the  head,  th« 
kine  was  called  capitals,  whence  the  economic  term  capi 
tal,  the  law  term  chattel,  and  our  common  name  cattle. 

"  In  the  agricultural  and  manufacturing  stage  of  civi 
lization,  many  forms  of  vegetable  and  manufactured  pro 
ducts  were  used  as  money,  such  as  corn,  wheat,  tobacco, 
cacao-nuts,  cubes  of  tea,  colored  feathers,  shells,  nails,  etc, 

"All  these  species  of  wealth  were  made  instruments 
of  exchange  because  they  were  easily  transferable,  and 
their  value  was  the  best  known  and  least  fluctuating. 
But  the  use  of  each  as  money  was  not  universal ;  in  fact, 
was  but  little  known  beyond  the  bounds  of  a  single  na 
tion.  Most  of  them  were  non-exportable ;  and  though 
that  fact  would  have  commended  them  to  the  favor  of 
some  of  our  modern  economists,  yet  the  mass  of  mankind 
have  entertained  a  different  opinion,  and  have  sought  to 
find  a  medium  whose  value  and  fitness  to  be  used  as 
money  would  be  universally  acknowledged. 

"  It  is  not  possible  to  ascertain  when  and  by  whom 
the  precious  metals  were  first  adopted  as  money ;  but  for 
more  than  three  thousand  years  they  have  been  acknowl 
edged  as  the  forms  of  material  wealth  best  fitted  to  be 
the  measure  and  instrument  of  exchange.  Each  nation 
and  tribe,  as  it  has  emerged  from  barbarism,  has  aban 
doned  its  local,  non-exportable  medium,  and  adopted  what 
is  justly  called  *  the  money  of  the  world.' 

"  Coinage  was  a  later  device,  employed  for  the  sole 
purpose  of  fashioning  into  a  convenient  shape  the  metal 
to  be  used  as  money,  and  of  ascertaining  and  certifying 
officially  the  weight  and  fineness  of  each  piece. 

"  And  here  has  arisen  the  chief  error  in  reference  to 


306  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD  : 

the  nature  of  money.  Because  the  government  coins  it, 
names  its  denomination,  and  declares  its  value,  many 
have  been  led  to  imagine  that  the  government  creates  it, 
that  its  value  is  a  gift  of  the  law. 

"  The  analogy  of  other  standards  will  aid  us  at  this 
point.  Our  constitution  empowers  Congress  to  fix  the 
standard  of  weights  and  measures,  as  well  as  of  values. 
But  Congress  cannot  create  extension,  or  weight,  or  value. 
It  can  measure  that  which  has  extension ;  it  can  weigh 
that  which  is  ponderable ;  it  can  declare  and  subdivide 
and  name  a  standard ;  but  it  cannot  make  length  of  that 
which  has  no  length ;  it  cannot  make  weight  of  that  which 
is  imponderable ;  it  cannot  make  value  of  that  which  has 
no  value.  Ex  nihilo  nihil  fit.  The  power  of  Congress  to 
make  anything  it  pleases  receivable  for  taxes  is  a  matter 
wholly  distinct  from  the  subject  now  under  discussion. 
Legislation  cannot  make  that  a  measure  of  value  which 
neither  possesses  nor  represents  any  definitely  ascertained 
value. 

COIN  AN  INSTRUMENT   OF  UNIVERSAL  CREDIT. 

"  Now  apply  to  the  operations  of  exchange  a  given 
coin,  whose  weight  and  fineness  are  certified  by  public 
authority.  We  cannot  do  this  better  than  by  borrowing 
the  language  of  Frederic  Bastiat,  found  in  his  treatise  en 
titled  <  Maudit  Argent.'  He  says  : 

"  '  You  have  a  crown.  What  does  it  signify  in  your 
hands  ?  It  is  the  testimony  and  the  proof  that  y  ou  have 
at  some  time  performed  a  work  ;  and,  instead  of  profiting 
by  it  yourself,  you  have  allowed  the  community  to  enjoy 
it,  in  the  person  of  your  client.  This  crown  is  the  evi- 


HIS    FINANCJAL    RECORD.  307 

dence  that  you  have  rendered  a  service  to  society ;  and 
it  states  the  value  of  that  service.  Moreover,  it  is  the 
evidence  that  you  have  not  drawn  from  the  community 
the  real  equivalent,  as  was  your  right.  In  order  to  ena 
ble  you  to  exercise  that  right  when  and  as  you  please, 
society,  by  the  hand  of  your  client,  has  given  you  a  recog 
nition,  a  title,  a  bond  of  the  commonwealth,  a  token,  in  short 
a  croivn,  which  differs  from  other  fiduciary  titles  only  in 
this,  that  it  carries  its  value  in  itself;  and  if  you  can  read 
with  the  eyes  of  the  mind  the  inscription  which  it  bears, 
you  will  distinctly  decipher  these  words :  '  Render  to  the 
bearer  a  service  equivalent  to  that  which  he  has  rendered  to 
society  ;  a  value  received,  stated,  proved,  and  measured  ~by 
that  which  is  in  me!  ...  If  you  now  give  that  crown  to 
me  as  the  price  of  a  service,  this  is  the  result :  your  ac 
count  with  society  for  real  services  is  found  regular,  is 
balanced  and  closed,  .  .  .  and  I  am  justly  in  the  position 
where  you  were  before.' 

"  Edmund  Burke  expressed  the  same  opinion  when 
he  said,  *  Gold  and  silver  are  the  two  great,  recognized 
species  that  represent  the  lasting,  conventional  credit  of 
mankind/ 

"  Three  thousand  years  of  experience  have  proved 
that  the  precious  metals  are  the  best  materials  of  which 
to  make  the  standard  of  value,  the  instrument  of  ex 
change.  They  are  themselves  a  store  of  value ;  they  are 
durable,  divisible,  easily  transported,  and  more  constant 
in  value  than  any  other  known  substances.  In  the  form 
of  dust  and  bars,  as  merchandise,  their  value  is  precisely 
equal  to  their  declared  value  as  money,  less  the  very 
small  cost  of  coinage.  Coin  made  of  these  metals  raeaa- 


308  JAtfES    A.  GARFIELD  : 

ures  wealth,  because  it  represents  wealth  in  itself,  just  as 
the  yard-stick  measures  length,  and  the  standard  pound 
measures  weight,  because  each  has,  in  itself,  that  which 
it  represents. 

"Again,  the  precious  metals  are  products  of  labor, 
and  their  value,  like  that  of  all  other  merchandise,  de 
pends  upon  the  cost  of  production.  A  coin  represents 
and  measures  the  labor  required  to  produce  it ;  it  may  be 
called  an  embodiment  of  labor.  Of  course  this  statement 
refers  to  the  average  cost  of  production  throughout  the 
world,  and  that  average  has  varied  but  little  for  many 
centuries.  It  is  a  flat  absurdity  to  assert  that  such  a  re 
ality  as  labor  can  be  measured  and  really  represented  by 
that  which  costs  little  or  no  labor.  For  these  reasons  the 
precious  metals  have  been  adopted  by  the  common  law  of 
the  world  as  the  best  materials  in  which  to  embody  the 
unit  of  money. 

STATUTES  CANNOT  KEPEAL  THE  LAWS  OF  VALUE 

"  The  oldest  and  perhaps  the  most  dangerous  delusion 
in  reference  to  money  is  the  notion  that  it  is  a  creation  of 
law ;  that  its  value  can  be  fixed  and  maintained  by  au 
thority.  Yet  no  error  has  been  more  frequently  refuted 
by  experience.  Every  debasement  of  the  coin,  and  every 
attempt  to  force  its  circulation  at  a  higher  rate  than  the 
market  value  of  the  metal  it  contains,  has  been  punished 
by  the  inevitable  disasters  that  always  follow  the  viola 
tion  of  economic  laws. 

"  The  great  parliamentary  debate  of  1695,  on  the  re- 
coinage  of  English  money,  affords  an  absolute  demonstra 
tion  of  the  truth  that  legislatures  cannot  repeal  the  laws 


HIS   FINANCIAL   RECORD.  309 

of  value.  Mr.  Lowndes,  the  secretary  of  the  treasury, 
though  he  held  that  a  debasement  of  the  coinage  should 
be  rejected  as  c  dangerous  and  dishonorable,'  really  be 
lieved,  as  did  a  large  number  of  members  of  Parliament, 
that  if,  by  law,  they  raised  the  name  of  the  coin,  they 
would  raise  its  value  as  money.  As  Macaulay  puts  it, 
He  was  not  in  the  least  aware  that  a  piece  of  metal  with 
the  king's  head  on  it  was  a  commodity  of  which  the  price 
was  governed  by  the  same  law  which  governs  the  price  of 
a  piece  of  metal  fashioned  into  a  spoon  or  a  buckle  ;  and 
that  it  was  no  more  in  the  power  of  Parliament  to  make 
the  kingdom  richer  by  calling  a  crown  a  pound  than  to 
make  the  kingdom  larger  by  calling  a  furlong  a  mile.  He 
seriously  believed,  incredible  as  it  may  seem,  that  if  the 
ounce  of  silver  were  divided  into  seven  shillings  instead 
of  five,  foreign  nations  would  sell  us  their  wines  and  their 
silks  for  a  smaller  number  of  ounces.  He  had  a  consider 
able  following,  composed  partly  of  dull  men  who  really 
believed  what  he  told  them,  and  partly  of  shrewd  men 
who  were  perfectly  willing  to  be  authorized  by  law  to 
pay  a  hundred  pounds  with  eighty/ — (History  of  Eng 
land,  chapter  xxi.) 

"  It  was  this  debate  that  called  forth  those  masterly 
essays  of  John  Locke  on  the  nature  of  money  and  coin, 
which  still  remain  as  a  monument  to  his  genius  and  an 
unanswerable  demonstration  that  money  obeys  the  laws 
of  value  and  is  not  the  creature  of  arbitrary  edicts.  At 
the  same  time,  Sir  Isaac  Newton  was  called  from  those 
sublime  discoveries  in  science  which  made  his  name  im 
mortal,  to  aid  the  king  and  Parliament  in  ascertaining  the 
true  basis  of  money.  After  the  most  thorough  examina- 


310  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD  : 

tion,  this  great  thinker  reached  the  same    conclusions 
The  genius  of  these  two  men,  aided  by  the  enlightened 
statesmanship  of  Montague  and  Somers,  gave  the  victory 
to  honest  money,  and  preserved  the  commercial  honor  of 
England  for  a  century. 

PAPER  MONEY  AN  INSTRUMENT   OF   CREDIT. 

"  In  discussing  the  use  of  paper  as  a  representative 
of  actual  money,  we  enter  a  new  branch  of  political  sci 
ence,  namely,  the  general  theory  of  credit.  We  shall  go 
astray  at  once  if  we  fail  to  perceive  the  character  of  this 
element.  Credit  is  not  capital.  It  is  the  permission 
given  to  one  man  to  use  the  capital  of  another.  It  is  not 
an  increase  of  capital ;  for  the  same  property  cannot  be 
used  as  capital  by  both  the  owner  and  the  borrower  of  it, 
at  the  same  time.  But  credit  if  not  abused,  is  a  great 
and  beneficent  power.  By  its  use  the  productiveness  of 
capital  is  greatly  increased.  A  large  amount  of  capital 
is  owned  b}'  people  who  do  not  desire  to  employ  it  in  the 
actual  production  of  wealth.  There  are  many  others 
who  are  ready  and  willing  to  engage  in  productive  enter 
prise,  but  have  not  the  necessary  capital.  Now,  if  the 
owners  of  unemployed  capital  have  confidence  in  the  hon 
esty  and  skill  of  the  latter  class,  they  lend  their  capital 
at  a  fair  rate  of  interest,  and  thus  the  production  of 
wealth  will  be  greatly  increased.  Frequently,  however, 
the  capital  loaned  is  not  actually  transferred  to  the  bor 
rower,  but  a  written  evidence  of  his  title  to  it  is  given  in 
stead.  If  this  title  is  transferable  it  may  be  used  as  a, 
substitute  for  money ;  for,  within  certain  limits,  it  has  the 
same  purchasing  power.  When  these  evidences  of  credit 


HIS    FINANCIAL    RECORD.  311 

are  in  the  form  of  checks  and  drafts,  bills  of  exchange 
and  promissory  notes,  they  are  largely  used  as  substitutes 
for  money,  and  very  greatly  facilitate  exchanges.  But 
all  are  based  upon  confidence,  upon  the  belief  that  they 
represent  truly  what  they  profess  to  represent — actual 
capital,  measured  by  real  money,  to  be  delivered  on  de 
mand. 

"  These  evidences  of  credit  have  become  in  modern 
times  the  chief  instruments  of  exchange.  The  bank  has 
become  as  indispensable  to  the  exchange  of  values  as  the 
railroad  is  to  the  transportation  of  merchandise.  It  is 
the  institution  of  credit  by  means  of  which  these  various 
substitutes  for  money  are  made  available.  It  has  been 
shown  that  not  less  than  ninety  per  cent,  of  all  the  ex 
changes  in  the  United  States  are  accomplished  by  means 
of  bank  credits.  The  per  cent,  in  England  is  not  less 
than  ninety-five.  Money  is  now  the  small  change  of 
commerce.  It  is  perhaps  owing  to  this  fact  that  many 
are  so  dazzled  by  the  brilliant  achievements  of  credit  as 
to  forget  that  it  is  the  shadow  of  capital,  not  its  sub 
stance  ;  that  it  is  the  sign,  the  brilliant  sign,  but  not  the 
thing  signified.  Let  it  be  constantly  borne  in  mind  that 
the  check,  the  draft,  the  bill  of  exchange,  the  promissory 
note,  are  all  evidences  of  debt,  of  money  to  be  paid.  If 
not,  they  are  fictitious  and  fraudulent.  If  the  real  capital 
on  which  they  are  based  be  destroyed,  they  fall  with  it, 
and  become  utterly  worthless.  If  confidence  in  their 
prompt  payment  be  impaired,  they  immediately  depre 
ciate  in  proportion  to  the  distrust. 

"  We  have  mentioned  among  these  instruments  of 
credit  the  promissory  note.  Its  character  as  an  evidence 


312  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD  : 

of  debt  is  not  changed  when  it  comes  to  us  illuminated  by 
the  art  and  mystery  of  plate-printing.*   Name  it  national 
bank-note,  greenback,  Bank  of  England  note,  or  what  you 
will ;  let  it  be  signed  by  banker,  president,  or  king,  it  is 
none  the  less  an  evidence  of  debt,  a  promise  to  pay.     It 
is  not  money,  and  no  power  on  earth  can  make  it  money. 
But  it  is  a  title  to  money,  a  deed  for  money,  and  can  be 
made  equal  to  money  only  when  the  debtor  performs  the 
promise — delivers  the  property  which  the  deed  calls  for, 
pays  the  debt.     When  that  is  done,  and  when  the  com 
munity  knows,  by  actual  test,  that  it  will  continue  to  be 
done,  then,  and  not  till  then,  this  credit-currency  will  in 
fact  be  the  honest  equivalent  of  money.     The*i  it  will, 
in  large  measure,  be  used  in  preference  to  coin,  because 
of  its  greater  convenience,  and  because  the  cost  of  is 
suing  new  notes  in  place  of  those  which  are  worn  and 
mutilated  is  much  less  than  the  loss  which  the  community 
suffers  by  abrasion  of  the  coin.     To  the  extent,  therefore, 
that  paper  will  circulate  in  place  of  coin,  as  a  substitute 
and  an  equivalent,  such  circulation  is  safe,  convenient, 
and  economical.     And  what  is  tk-e  limit  of  such  safe  cir 
culation?     Economic  science  has  demonstrated,  and  the 
uniform  experience  of  nations  has  proved,  that  the  term 
which  marks  that  limit,  the  sole  and  supreme  test  of 
safety,  is  the  exchangeability  of  such  paper   for  coin, 
dollar  for  dollar,  at  the  will  of  the  holder.     The  smallest 
increase  in  volume  beyond  that  limit  produces  deprecia 
tion  in  the  value  of  each  paper  dollar.     It  then  requires 
more   of  such    depreciated   dollars  to  purchase  a  given 
quantity  of  gold  or  merchandise  than  it  did  before  depre 
ciation  began.     In  other  words,  prices  -rise  in  comparison 


HIS   FINANCIAL    RECORD.  313 

with  such  currency.  The  fact  that  it  is  made  a  legal 
tender  for  taxes  and  private  debts  does  not  free  it  from 
the  inexorable  law  that  increase  of  volume  decreases  the 
value  of  every  part. 

"  It  is  equally  true  that  an  increase  of  the  precious 
metals,  coined  or  uncoined,  decreases  their  value  in  com 
parison  with  other  commodities ;  but  these  metals  are  of 
such  universal  currency,  on  account  of  their  intrinsic 
value,  that  they  flow  to  all  parts  of  the  civilized  world, 
and  the  increase  is  so  widely  distributed  that  it  produces 
but  a  small  increase  of  prices  in  any  one  country.  Not 
so  with  an  inconvertible  paper  money.  It  is  not  of  uni 
versal  currency.  It  is  national,  not  international.  It  is 
non-exportable.  The  whole  effect  of  its  depreciation  is 
felt  at  home.  The  level  of  Salt  Lake  has  risen  ten  feet 
during  the  last  thirty  years,  because  it  has  no  outlet. 
But  all  the  floods  of  the  world  have  made  no  perceptible 
change  in  the  general  level  of  the  sea. 

"  The  character  of  inconvertible  paper  money,  the  re 
lation  of  its  quantity  to  its  value,  and  its  inevitable  depre 
ciation  by  an  increase  of  volume,  were  demonstrated  in 
the  Bullion  Report  of  1810  by  facts  and  arguments  whose 
force  and  conclusiveness  have  never  been  shaken.  In 
the  great  debate  that  followed,  in  Parliament  and  through 
the  press,  may  be  found  the  counterpart  of  almost  every 
doctrine  and  argument  which  has  been  advanced  in  our 
own  country  since  the  suspension  of  specie  payments. 
Then,  as  now,  there  were  statesmen,  doctrinaires,  and 
business  men  who  insisted  that  the  bank-notes  were  not 
depreciated,  but  that  gold  had  risen  in  value  ;  who  de 
nied  that  gold  coin  was  any  longer  the  standard  of  value, 


314  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD  : 

and  declared  that  a  bank-note  was  '  abstract  currency/ 
Castlereagh  announced  in  the  House  of  Commons  that 
the  money  standard  was  6  a  sense  of  value,  in  reference 
to  currency  as  compared  with  commodities.'  Another  soft 
money  man  of  that  day  said :  <  The  standard  is  neither 
gold  nor  silver,  but  something  set  up  in  the  imagination,  to 
be  regulated  by  public  opinion?  Though  the  doctrines  of 
the  Bullion  Report  were  at  first  voted  down  in  Parlia 
ment,  they  could  not  be  suppressed.  With  the  dogged 
persistency  which  characterizes  our  British  neighbors, 
the  debate  was  kept  up  for  ten  years.  Every  propo 
sition  and  counter  proposition  was  sifted,  the  intelli 
gence  and  conscience  of  the  nation  were  invoked ;  the 
soft  money  men  were  driven  from  every  position  they 
occupied  in  1811,  and  at  last  the  ancient  standard  was 
restored.  When  the  bank  redeemed  its  notes,  the  dif 
ference  between  the  mint  price  and  the  market  price  of 
bullion  disappeared,  and  the  volume  of  paper  money  was 
reduced  in  the  ratio  of  its  former  depreciation.  During 
the  last  half  century  few  Englishmen  have  risked  their 
reputation  for  intelligence  by  denying  the  doctrines  thus 
established. 

"  These  lessons  of  history  cannot  be  wholly  forgotten. 
It  is  too  late  to  set  up  again  the  doctrines  of  Lowndes 
and  Vansittart.  They  may  disturb  and  distract  public 
opinion,  but  can  never  again  triumph  before  an  intelligent 
tribunal.  I  commend  to  the  soft  money  men  of  our  time 
the  study  of  this  great  debate  and  that  of  1695.  When 
they  have  overturned  the  doctrines  of  Locke  and  Newton 
and  of  the  Bullion  Report,  it  will  be  time  for  them  to  in 
vite  us  to  follow  their  new  theories. 


HIS   FINANCIAL   RECORD.  315 

"  But  we  need  not  go  abroad  to  obtain  illustrations  of 
the  truth  that  the  only  cure  for  depreciation  of  the  cur 
rency  is  convertibility  into  coin.  Our  American  colonies, 
our  Continental  Congress,  and  our  State  and  national  gov 
ernments  have  demonstrated  its  truth  by  repeated  and 
calamitous  experiments.  The  fathers  who  drafted  our 
constitution  believed  they  had  '  shut  and  bolted  the  door 
against  irredeemable  paper  money ; '  and,  since  then,  no 
president,  no  secretary  of  the  treasury,  has  proposed  or 
sanctioned  a  paper  currency,  in  time  of  peace,  not  re 
deemable  in  coin  at  the  will  of  the  holder.  Search  our 
records  from  1787  to  1861,  and  select  from  any  decade 
twenty  of  our  most  illustrious  statesmen,  and  it  will  be 
found  that  not  less  than  nineteen  of  them  have  left  on 
record,  in  the  most  energetic  language,  their  solemn  pro 
test  and  warning  against  the  very  doctrines  we  are  op 
posing. 

"  The  limits  of  this  article  will  allow  only  the  briefest 
statement  of  the  evils  that  flow  from  a  depreciated  cur 
rency,  evils  both  to  the  government  and  to  the  people, 
which  overbalance,  a  thousand  to  one,  all  its  real  or  sup 
posed  benefits.  The  word  ' dollar'  is  the  substantive 
word,  the  fundamental  condition  of  every  contract,  of 
every  sale,  of  every  payment,  whether  at  the  treasury  or 
at  the  stand  of  the  apple-woman  in  the  street.  The  dol 
lar  is  the  gauge  that  measure  every  blow  of  the  hammer, 
every  article  of  merchandise,  every  exchange  of  property. 
Forced  by  the  necessities  of  war,  we  substituted  for  the 
this  dollar  the  printed  promise  of  the  Government  to  pay 
a  dollar.  That  promise  we  have  not  kept.  We  have 
suspended  payment,  and  have  compelled  the  citizen  tc 


316  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD  : 

receive  dishonored  paper  in  place  of  money.  The  repre 
sentative  value  of  that  paper  has  passed,  by  thousands  of 
fluctuations,  from  one  hundred  cents  down  to  thirty-eight, 
and  back  again  to  ninety.  At  every  change,  millions  of 
men  have  suffered  lose.  In  the  midst  of  war,  with  rising 
prices  and  enormous  gains,  these  losses  were  tolerable.  But 
now,  when  we  are  slowly  and  painfully  making  our  way 
back  to  the  level  of  peace — now,  when  the  pressure  of  hard 
times  is  upon  us,  and  industry  and  trade  depend  for  their 
gains  upon  small  margins  of  profit,  the  uncertainty  is  an 
intolerable  evil.  That  uncertainty  is  increased  by  doubts 
as  to  what  Congress  will  do.  Men  hesitate  to  invest  their 
capital  in  business,  when  a  vote  in  Congress  may  shrink 
it  by  half  its  value.  Still  more  striking  are  the  evils  of 
such  a  currency  in  its  effects  upon  international  com 
merce.  Our  purchases  from  and  sales  to  foreign  nations 
amount  in  the  aggregate  to  one  billion  two  hundred  mil 
lion  dollars  per  annum,  every  dollar  of  which  is  measured 
in  coin.  Those  who  export  our  products  buy  with  paper 
and  sell  for  gold.  Our  importers  buy  with  gold  and  sell 
for  paper.  Thus  the  aggregate  value  of  our  international 
exchanges  is  measured,  successfully,  by  the  two  stand 
ards.  The  loss  occasioned  by  the  fluctuation  of  these 
currencies  in  reference  to  each  other  falls  wholly  on  us. 
We,  alone,  use  paper  as  a  standard.  And  who,  among  us, 
bears  the  loss  ?  The  importer,  knowing  the  risk  he  runs, 
adds  to  his  prices  a  sufficient  per  cent,  to  insure  himself 
against  loss.  This  addition  is  charged  over  from  importer 
to  jobber,  from  jobber  to  retailer,  until  its  dead  weight 
falls,  at  last,  upon  the  laborer  who  consumes  the  goods. 
In  the  same  way,  the  exporter  insures  himself  against 


HIS    FINANCIAL    RECORD.  317 

loss  by  marking  down  the  prices  he  will  pay  for  products 
to  be  sent  abroad.  In  all  such  transactions  capital  is 
usually  able  to  take  care  of  itself.  The  laborer  has  but 
one  commodity  for  sale,  his  day's  work.  It  is  his  sole 
reliance.  He  must  sell  it  to-day  or  it  is  lost  forever. 
What  he  buys  must  be  bought  to-day.  He  cannot  wait 
till  prices  fall.  He  is  at  the  mercy  of  the  market.  Buy 
ing  or  selling,  the  waves  of  its  fluctuations  beat  against 
him.  Daniel  Webster  never  uttered  a  more  striking 
truth  than  when  he  said  :  '  Of  all  the  contrivances  for 
cheating  the  laboring  classes  of  mankind,  none  has  been 
more  effectual  than  that  which  deludes  them  with  paper 
money.  This  is  the  most  effectual  of  inventions  to  fertil 
ize  the  rich  man's  field  by  the  sweat  of  the  poor  man's 
face.' 

"  But  here  we  are  met  by  the  interconvertible-bond- 
and-currency  men,  who  offer  to  emancipate  us  from  the 
tyranny  of  gold  and  secure  a  more  perfect  standard  than 
coin  has  ever  been.  Let  us  see.  Our  five  per  cent, 
bonds  are  now  on  a  par  with  gold.  Any  actuary  will 
testify  that  in  the  same  market  a  3.65  bond,  payable, 
principal  and  interest,  in  gold,  and  having  the  same  time 
to  run,  is  worth  but  seventy-five  cents  in  gold ;  that  is, 
thirteen  cents  less  than  the  present  greenback.  How 
much  less  the  bond  will  be  worth  if  its  interest  be  made 
payable  in  the  proposed  inconvertible  currency,  no  mortal 
can  calculate.  It  is  proposed,  then,  to  make  the  new 
currency  equivalent  to  a  bond  which,  at  its  birth,  is  thir 
teen  cents  below  the  greenback  of  to-day.  We  are  to 
take  a  long  leap  downward  at  the  first  bound.  But  ( in- 
terconvertibility  '  is  the  charm,  the  '  subtle  principle,'  the 


318  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD  : 

great  c  regulator  of  finance/  which  will  adjust  everything. 
The  alternate  ebb  and  flow  of  bond  into  paper  dollar,  and 
paper  dollar  into  bond,  will  preserve  an  equilibrium,  an 
equipoise ;  and  this  level  of  equipose  is  the  base  line  that 
will  measure  the  new  standard  of  value.  The  lad  who 
sold  his  two-dollar  dog  for  fifty  dollars,  and  took  his  pay 
in  pups  at  ten  dollars  each,  never  doubted  that  he  had 
made  a  profit  of  forty-eight  dollars  until  he  ftund  how 
small  a  sum  the  whole  litter  would  sell  for  in  the  market. 
"  Undoubtedly  the  beam  will  lie  level  that  is  weight 
ed  with  the  bond  at  one  end  and  the  paper  money  at  the 
other.  But  what  will  be  the  relation  of  that  level  to 
the  level  of  real  values  ?  Both  the  bond  and  the  cur 
rency  are  instruments  of  credit,  evidences  of  debt. 
They  cannot  escape  the  dominion  of  those  universal 
laws  that  regulate  prices.  If  made  by  law  the  only  le 
gal  tender,  such  a  currency  would  doubtless  occupy  the 
field.  But  what  would  be  the  result  ?  To  a  certain  ex 
tent  the  bonds  themselves  would  be  used  as  currency. 
The  clearing-house  banks  of  New  York  would  doubtless 
be  glad  to  get  interest-bearing  bonds  instead  of  the 
government  certificates  of  indebtedness,  bearing  no  in 
terest,  which,  for  convenience,  they  now  use  in  the 
settlement  of  their  balances.  The  reserves  of  public 
and  private  banks,  which  now  amount  to  more  than 
two  hundred  million  dollars,  would  largely  be  held  in 
these  interest-bearing  bonds.  Thus  the  first  step  would 
result  in  compelling  the  government  to  pay  interest  on 
a  large  portion  of  the  reserves  of  all  the  banks,  public, 
and  private.  It  will  hardly  be  claimed,  however,  that 
anybody  will  part  with  his  property  for  bonds  of  this 


HIS   FINANCIAL   RECORD.  319 

description,  to  hold  as  a  permanent  investment.  Capi 
tal  in  this  country  is  worth  more  than  3.65  per  cent 
How,  then,  will  the  new  currency  be  set  afloat?  The 
treasury  can  pay  it  out  only  in  exchange  for  the  new 
bonds  or  in  payment  of  public  dues.  Shall  we  violate 
public  faith  by  paying  the  gold  bonds  already  oustand- 
ing  in  this  new  and  greatly  depreciated  paper  ?  Or 
shall  we,  as  some  of  the  soft  money  men  have  proposed, 
enter  upon  a  vast  system  of  public  works  in  order  to 
put  the  new  currency  in  circulation?  No  doubt  means 
would  be  found  to  push  it  into  circulation,  so  long  as 
enterprise  or  speculation  should  offer  a  hope  of  greater 
promts  than  3.65  per  cent.  Once  out,  it  would  inevita 
bly  prove  a  repetition  of  the  old  story:  an  artificial 
stimulation  of  business  and  of  speculation;  large  issues 
of  currency;  inflation  of  prices,  depreciation  of  paper, 
delirium,  prostration ;  '  up  like  a  rocket,  them  down  like 
a  stick.'  They  tell  us  that  this  cannot  happen,  because 
as  the  volume  of  paper  increases,  the  rate  of  interest  will 
fall,  and  when  it  reaches  3.65  per  cent,  the  currency 
will  be  exchanged  for  bonds.  But  all  experience  is 
against  them.  Inflation  has  never  brought  down  the 
rate  of  interest.  In  fact,  the  rate  is  always  highest  in 
countries  afflicted  with  irredeemable  paper  money.  For 
all  practical  purposes,  the  proposed  currency  would  be 
unredeemed  and  irredeemable ;  and  this  is  what  its  ad 
vocates  desire.  General  Butler  sees  '  no  more  reason 
for  redeeming  the  measure  of  value  than  for  redeeming 
the  yardstick  or  the  quart-pot.'  This  shows  the  utmost 
contusion  of  ideas.  We  do  not  redeem  the  yardstick  or 
tha  quart-pot.  They  are,  in  reality,  what  they  profess 


320  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD  : 

to  be.  There  is  nothing  better  for  measuring  yards  than 
a  yardstick.  But,  in  regard  to  the  yardstick,  we  do 
what  is  strictly  analogous  to  redemption  when  applied 
to  currency.  We  preserve  our  yardstick  undiminished 
and  unchanged ;  and,  by  the  solemn  sanction  of  penal 
law,  we  require  that  it  shall  be  applied  to  the  purchase 
and  sale  of  all  commodities  that  can  be  measured  by  the 
standard  of  length.  The  citizen  who  buys  by  a  longer 
yardstick  or  sells  by  a  shorter  one  than  our  standard,  is 
punished  as  a  felon.  Common  honesty  requires  that  we 
restore,  and  with  equal  care  preserve  from  diminution 
or  change,  our  standard  of  value. 

"  It  has  been  already  shown  that  the  soft  money 
men  desire  a  vast  increase  of  currency  above  the  present 
volume.  The  assumed  necessity  for  such  an  increase 
was  a  leading  topic  in  the  debates  that  preceded  the 
late  elections. 

"  The  argument,  often  repeated,  ran  substantially 
thus : 

"  Fellow-citizens !  You  are  in  great  distress.  The 
smoke  of  your  furnaces  no  longer  ascends  to  the  sky; 
the  clang  of  your  mills  and  workshops  is  no  longer  heard. 
Your  workers  in  metal  and  miners  in  coal  are  out  of 
employment.  Stagnation  of  trade,  depression  of  busi 
ness,  and  public  distress  are  seen  on  every  hand.  What 
has  caused  these  disasters  ?  Manifestly,  a  lack  of  money. 
Is  there  any  man  among  you  who  has  money  enough  ? 
If  there  be,  let  him  stand  forth  and  declare  it.  Is  there 
one  who  does  not  need  more  money  to  carry  on  his 
business  ?  [Cries  of  No  !  No  !]  The  hard  money  men 
Viave  brought  you  to  this  distress,  by  contracting  the 


HIS    FINANCIAL    RECORD.  321 

volume  of  the  currency,  by  destroying  the  people's 
money,  your  money.  And  they  propose  to  complete 
your  ruin  by  forcing  the  country  to  resume  specie  pay 
ments.  We  come  to  save  you  from  this  ruin.  We  in 
sist  that  you  shall  have  more  money,  not  less.  We  are 
resolved  to  make  and  keep  the  volume  of  currency 
'  equal  to  the  wants  of  trade.' 

"  These  assumptions  were  answered  by  undeniable 
facts.  It  was  shown  that  our  large  volume  of  paper  cur 
rency  had  helped  to  bring  on  the  crisis  of  1873,  and  had 
greatly  aggravated  its  effects  ;  but  that  the  main  cause 
was  speculation,  over-trading,  and,  in  some  branches  of 
business,  an  over-production  beyond  the  demands  of  the 
market. 

"  A  striking  illustration  of  the  effect  of  over-produc 
tion  was  drawn  from  the  history  of  one  of  the  interior 
counties  of  Northern  Ohio.  In  the  midst  of  a  wilder 
ness,  far  away  from  the  centres  of  trade,  the  pioneers 
commenced  the  settlement  of  the  county  at  the  beginning 
of  the  present  century.  Year  by  year  their  number  was 
augmented.  Each  new  settler  was  compelled  to  buy 
provisions  for  his  family  until  he  could  raise  his  first 
crop.  For  several  years  this  demand  afforded  a  ready 
market,  at  good  prices,  for  all  the  products  of  the  farm. 
But  in  1818,  the  supply  greatly  exceeded  the  demand. 
The  wheat  market  was  so  glutted  that  twenty  bushels 
were  frequently  offered  for  one  pound  of  tea,  and  often 
refused,  because  tea  could  be  bought  only  for  money, 
and  wheat  could  hardly  be  sold  at  all. 

"  If  the  soft  money  men  of  our  time  had  been  among 
those   farmers,    they   would    have    insisted     that   more 


JAMES    A.  GARFIELD  I 

money  would  raise  the  price  of  their  wheat  and  set 
the  ploughboys  at  work.  But  the  pioneers  knew  that 
until  the  stock  on  hand  was  reduced,  the  production  of 
another  bushel  to  be  sold  would  be  labor  wasted.  The 
cry  for  more  currency  shows  that  soft  money  men  have 
confounded  credit  with  capital,  and  vaguely  imagine  that 
if  more  paper  dollars  were  printed  they  could  be  bor 
rowed  without  security. 

"  In  whatever  form  the  new  currency  be  ">posed, 
whether  in  the  so-called  absolute  money  or  e  ( in 

terconvertible  paper  money  tokens/  as  a  relief  from  dis 
tress,  it  is  a  delusion  and  a  snare.  All  these  schemes 
are  reckless  attempts  to  cut  loose  from  real  money — the 
money  known  and  recognized  throughout  the  world — 
and  to  adopt  for  our  standard  that  which  a  great  gold 
gambler  of  Wall  Street  aptly  called  '  phantom  gold.' 
Their  authors  propose  a  radical  and  dangerous  innova 
tion  in  our  political  system.  They  desire  to  make  the 
National  Treasury  a  bank  of  issue,  and  to  place  in  the 
control  of  Congress  the  vast  money  power  of  the  nation, 
to  be  handled  as  the  whim,  the  caprice,  the  necessities 
of  political  parties  may  dictate.  Federalist  as  Hamilton 
was,  he  held  that  such  a  power  was  too  great  to  be  cen 
tralized  in  the  hands  of  one  body.  This  goes  a  hundred 
leagues  beyond  any  measure  of  centralization  that  has 
yet  been  adopted  or  suggested. 

"In  view  of  the  doctrines  herein  advocated,  what 
shall  be  said  of  the  present  condition  of  our  currency  ? 
It  is  depreciated.  Its  purchasing  power  is  less  than  that 
of  real  money,  by  about  fourteen  per  cent.  Our  notes 
are  at  a  discount ;  not  because  the  ability  of  the  nation 


HIS    FINANCIAL    RECORD.  323 

to  redeem  them  is  questioned,  but  partly  because  its 
good  faith  is  doubted,  and  partly  because  the  volume  of 
these  notes  is  too  great  to  circulate  at  par.  What  that 
volume  ought  to  be,  no  man  can  tell.  Convertibility 
into  coin  is  a  perfect  test,  and  is  the  only  test. 


NECESSITY   OF   RESUMPTION. 

"  The  duty  of  the  government  to  make  its  currency 
equal  to  real  money  is  undeniable  and  imperative.  First, 
because  the  public  faith  is  most  solemnly  pledged,  and 
this  alone  is  a  conclusive  and  unanswerable  reason  why 
it  should  be  done.  The  perfidy  of  one  man,  or  of  a 
million  men,  is  as  nothing  compared  with  the  perfidy  of  a 
nation.  The  public  faith  was  the  talisman  that  brought 
to  the  treasury  thirty-five  hundred  million  dollars  in 
loans,  to  save  the  life  of  the  nation,  which  was  not  worth 
saving  if  its  honor  be  not  also  saved.  The  public  faith 
is  our,  only  hope  of  safety  from  the  dangers  that  may 
assail  us  in  the  future.  The  public  faith  was  pledged  to 
redeem  these  notes  in  the  very  act  which  created  them, 
and  the  pledge  was  repeated  when  each  additional  issue  i 
was  ordered.  It  was  again  repeated  in  the  act  of  1869, 
known  as  the  '  act  to  strengthen  the  public  credit,'  and 
yet  again  in  the  act  of  1875,  promising  redemption  in 
1879. 

"  Second.  The  government  should  make  its  currency 
equal  to  gold  because  the  material  prosperity  of  its  peo 
ple  demands  it.  Honest  dealing  between  man  and  man 
requires  it.  Just  and  equal  legislation  for  the  people, 
safety  in  trade,  domestic  and  foreign,  security  in  busi- 


324  JAMES  A,  GARFIELD: 

ness,  just  distribution  of  the  rewards  of  labor — none  of 
these  are  possible  until  the  present  false  and  uncertain 
standard  of  value  has  given  place  to  the  real,  the  certain, 
the  universal  standard.  Its  restoration  will  hasten  the 
revival  of  commercial  confidence,  which  is  the  basis  of  all 
sound  credit. 

"  Third.  Public  morality  demands  the  re-establish 
ment  of  our  ancient  standard.  The  fever  of  speculation 
which  our  fluctuating  currency  has  engendered  cannot  be 
allayed  till  its  cause  is  destroyed.  A  majority  of  all  the 
crimes  relating  to  money,  that  have  been  committed  in 
public  and  private  life  since  the  war,  have  grown  out  of 
the  innumerable  opportunities  for  sudden  and  inordinate 
gains  which  this  fluctuation  has  offered. 

"  The  gold  panic  of  1869,  which  overwhelmed  thou 
sands  of  business  men  in  ruin,  and  the  desperate  gamb 
ling  in  gold  which  is  to-day  absorbing  so  many  millions 
of  capital  that  ought  to  be  employed  in  producing  wealth, 
V76io  mtiutf  possible  v>nly  by  the  difference  between  paper 
and  gold.  Resumption  will  destroy  all  that  at  a  blow. 
It  will  enable  all  men  to  see  the  real  situation  of  their 
:i flairs,  and  will  do  much  toward  dissipating  those  unreal 
and  fascinating  visions  of  wealth  to  be  won  without  in 
dustry,  which  have  broken  the  fortunes  and  ruined  the 
morals  of  so  many  active  and  brilliant  citizens. 

"  My  limits  will  not  allow  a  discussion  of  the  hard 
ship  and  evils  which  it  is  feared  will  accompany  the  res 
toration  of  the  old  standard.  Whatever  they  may  be, 
they  will  be  light  and  transient  in  comparison  with  those 
we  shall  endure  if  the  doctrines  of  soft  money  prevail.  I 
am  not  able  to  see  why  the  approach  to  specie  may  not 


HIS    FINANCIAL   RECORD.  325 

be  made  so  gradual  that  the  fluctuation  in  any  one  month 
will  be  less  than  that  which  we  have  suffered  from  month 
to  month  since  1869.  We  have  travelled  more  than  half 
the  distance  which  then  separated  us  from  the  gold  stand 
ard. 

"  A  scale  of  appreciation  like  that  by  which  England 
resumed  in  1821  would  greatly  mitigate  the  hardships 
arising  from  the  movement.  Those  who  believe  that  the 
volume  of  our  currency  is  but  little  above  its  normal 
level  need  not  fear  that  there  will  be  much  contraction ; 
for,  with  free  banking,  they  may  be  sure  that  all  the 
paper  which  can  be  an  actual  substitute  for  money  will 
remain  in  circulation.  No  other  ought  to  circulate. 

"  The  advocates  of  soft  money  are  loud  in  their  de 
nunciation  of  the  English  resumption  act  of  1819,  and 
parade  the  distorted  views  of  that  small  and  malignant 
minority  of  English  writers  who  have  arraigned  the  act 
as  the  cause  of  the  agricultural  distress  of  1822,  and  the 
financial  crash  which  followed,  in  1825.  The  charge  is 
absolutely  unjust  and  unfounded.  In  1822  a  committee 
of  the  House  of  Commons,  having  investigated  the  causes 
of  the  agricultural  distress  of  that  and  the  preceding  year, 
found  that  it  was  due  to  the  operation  of  the  corn  laws, 
and  to  the  enormous  wheat  crops  of  the  two  preceding 
seasons.  Their  report  makes  no  reference  to  the  resump 
tion  act  as  a  cause  of  the  distress.  In  both  that  and  the 
following  year,  a  few  of  the  old  opponents  of  hard  money 
offered  resolutions  in  the  House  of  Commons,  declaring 
that  the  resumption  act  was  one  of  the  causes  of  the 
public  distress.  The  resolution  of  1822  was  defeated  by 
a  vote  of  one  hundred  and  forty-one  to  twenty-seven,  and 


326  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD  : 

that  of  1823  was  defeated  by  the  still  more  decisive  vote 
of  one  hundred  and  ninety-two  to  thirty.  An  overwhelm 
ing  majority  of  intelligent  Englishmen  look  back  with 
pride  and  satisfaction  upon  the  act  of  resumption  as  a 
just  and  beneficent  measure. 

"  But  methods  and  details  of  management  are  of 
slight  importance  in  comparison  with  the  central  purpose 
so  often  expressed  by  the  nation.  From  that  purpose 
there  should  be  no  retreat.  To  postpone  its  fulfilment 
beyond  the  day  already  fixed  is  both  dangerous  and 
useless.  It  will  make  the  task  harder  than  ever.  Re 
sumption  could  have  been  accomplished  in  180  7  with 
less  difficulty  than  it 'can  be  in  1879.  It  can  be  accom 
plished  more  easily  in  1879  than  at  any  later  date.  It  is 
said  that  we  ought  to  wait  until  the  vast  mass  of  private 
debts  can  be  adjusted.  But  when  will  that  be  done? 
Horace  has  told  us  of  a  rustic  traveller  who  stood  on  the 
bank  of  a  river,  waiting  for  its  waters  to  flow  by,  that  he 
might,  cross  over  in  safety.  <  At  ilk  labitur  et  labetur  in 
omne  volubilis  cevum?  The  succession  of  debts  and  debt 
ors  will  be  as  perpetual  as  the  flow  of  the  river. 

"  We  ought  to  be  inspired  by  the  recent  brilliant  ex 
ample  of  France.  Suffering  unparalleled  disasters,  she 
was  compelled  to  issue  a  vast  volume  of  legal- tender 
notes  in  order  to  meet  her  obligations.  But  so  soon  as 
the  great  indemnity  was  paid,  she  addressed  herself  reso 
lutely  to  the  work  of  bringing  her  currency  up  to  the 
standard  of  gold.  During  the  last  two  years  she  has 
reduced  her  paper  currency  nearly  seven  hundred  and 
fifty  million  francs ;  and  now  it  is  substantially  at  par. 

"  Amidst  all  her  disasters  she  has  kept  her  financial 


HIS    FINANCIAL    RECORb.  327 

credit  untarnished.  And  this  has  been  hei  strength  and 
her  safety.  To  meet  the  great  indemnity,  she  asked  her 
people  for  a  loan  of  three  billion  francs  ;  and  twelve  and 
a  half  times  the  amount  was  subscribed.  In  August, 
1874,  the  American  Minister  at  Paris  said,  in  one  of 
his  despatches,  '  Though  immense  amounts  were  taken 
abroad,  yet  it  seems  they  are  all  coming  back  to  France, 
and  are  now  being  absorbed  in  small  sums  by  the  com 
mon  people.  The  result  will  be,  in  the  end,  that  almost 
the  entire  loan  will  be  held  in  France.  Every  person  in 
the  whole  country  is  wishing  to  invest  a  few  hundred 
francs  in  the  new  loan,  and  it  has  reached  a  premium  oi 
four  and  one  half  to  five  per  cent/ 

"  Our  public  faith  is  the  symbol  of  our  honor  and  the 
pledge  of  our  future  safety.  By  every  consideration  of 
national  honor,  of  public  justice,  and  of  sound  policy,  let 
us  stand  fast  in  the  resolution  to  restore  our  currency  to 
the  standard  of  gold." 

On  the  5th  of  April,  1880,  Mr.  Weaver,  the  leader 
of  the  Greenback  party  in  the  House,  arose  and  addressed 
the  Speaker  as  follows  : 

"  I  move  to  suspend  the  rules  and  adopt  the  resolu 
tions  which  I  send  to  the  desk. 

"  The  Clerk  read  as  follows : 

"  'Resolvecf,  That  it  is  the  sense  of  this  House  tha 
all  currency,  whether  metallic  or  paper,  necessary  for  the 
use  and  convenience  of  the  people  should  be  issued  and 
its  volume  controlled  by  the  Government,  and  not  by  or 
through  the  bank  corporations  of  the  country  ;  and  when 
so  issued  should  be  a  full  legal  tender  in  payment  of  all 
debts,  public  and  private. 


328  JAMES    A.  QARFIELD  : 

" '  2.  Resolved,  That,  in  the  judgment  of  this  House, 
that  portion  of  the  interest-bearing  debt  of  the  United 
States  which  shall  become  redeemable  in  the  year  1881, 
or  prior  thereto,  being  in  amount  $782,000,000,  should  not 
be  refunded  beyond  the  power  of  the  Government  to  call 
in  said  obligations  and  pay  them  at  any  time,  but  should 
be  paid  as  rapidly  as  possible,  and  according  to  contract. 
To  enable  the  Government  to  meet  these  obligations,  the 
mints  of  the  United  States  should  be  operated  to  their 
full  capacity  in  the  coinage  of  standard  silver  dollars,  and 
such  other  coinage  as  the  business  interests  of  the  country 
may  require.' " 

As  soon  as  the  Clerk  had  finished  reading  the  resolu 
tions.  General  Garfield  rose,  and  said  : 

"  Mr.  Speaker. — I  never  heard  the  provisions  of  this 
resolution  until  it  was  read  from  the  desk  a  few  moments 
ago.  It  has,  however,  attained  some  historical  importance 
by  being  talked  about  a  good  deal  in  the  newspapers, 
and  by  blocking  the  other  business  of  the  House  for  some 
weeks.  As  I  listened  to  its  reading  I  noticed  that  it  is 
one  of  those  mixed  propositions  which  has  some  good 
things  in  it  which  everybody  would  probably  like  and  vote 
for  if  they  were  separated ;  but  the  good  things  are  used 
to  sugar  over  what,  in  my  judgment,  is  most  pernicious. 

"  There  are  three  things  in  this  resolution  to  which  I 
wish  to  call  the  attention  of  the  House  before  they  vote. 
The  first  is  a  proposition  of  the  largest  possible  propor 
tion,  that  all  money,  whether  of  coin  or  paper,  that  is  to 
circulate  in  this  country,  ought  to  be  manufactured  and 
issued  directly  by  the  Government.  I  stop  there.  I  want 
to  say  on  that  proposition  to  the  majority  in  this  House, 


HIS    FINANCIAL    RECORD.  329 

who  are  so  strongly  opposed  to  what  they  call  centraliza 
tion,  that  never  was  there  a  measure  offered  to  the  Con 
gress  of  so  vast  and  far-reaching  centralism.  It  would 
convert  the  Treasury  of  the  United  States  into  a  manu 
factory  of  paper  money.  It  makes  the  House  of  Repre 
sentatives  and  Senate,  or  the  caucus  of  the  party  which 
happens  to  be  in  the  majority,  the  absolute  dictator  of 
the  financial  and  business  affairs  of  this  country.  This 
scheme  surpasses  all  the  centralism  and  all  the  Caesarism 
that  were  ever  charged  upon  the  Republican  party  in  the 
wildest  days  of  the  war,  or  in  the  events  growing  out  of 
the  war. 

"  Now,  I  say,  without  fear  of  contradiction,  that  prior 
to  1862  the  wildest  dreamer  in  American  finance  was 
never  wild  enough  to  propose  such  a  measure  of  central 
ization  as  that  single  proposition  implies.  The  Govern 
ment  should  prescribe  general  laws  in  reference  to  the 
quality  and  character  of  our  paper  money,  but  should 
never  become  the  direct  manufacturer  and  issuer  of  it. 

"  The  second  point  involved  in  this  resolution  is  that 
the  Government  of  the  United  States  shall  pay  all  its 
public  debts  in  this  manufactured  money,  manufactured 
to  order  at  the  Treasury  factory.  Notwithstanding  the 
solemn  and  acknowledged  pledge  of  the  Government  to 
pay  the  principal  and  interest  of  its  public  debt  in  coin, 
this  resolution  declares  that  in  this  legal-tender  paper  the 
public  debt  shall  be  payable. 

"  The  third  point  I  wish  to  call  attention  to — 

"  Mr.  Ewing." — Will  my  colleague  allow  me  to  inter 
rupt  him  for  a  moment  ? 

"Mr.  Garfield.— Certainly. 


330  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD  : 

"  Mr.  Ewing. — You  certainly  misunderstand  the  reso 
lution.  It  declares  that  all  public  debts  of  the  United 
States  shall  be  paid  in  the  money  of  the  contract,  and 
not  in  any  coin  or  money  the  Government  may  choose  to 
pay  them  in. 

"  Mr.  Garfield. — Any  money  the  Government  ma^ 
issue  is  by  this  resolution  declared  to  be  lawful  money 
and,  therefore,  is  to  be  made  the  money  of  the  contract 
by  the  legislation  proposed  to-day. 

"  Mr.  Ewing. — That  is  a  mere  quibble  based  on  a 
total  misconstruction  of  the  resolution. 

"  Mr.  Garfield. — Answer  in  your  own  time. 

"  Now,  the  third  point  in  this  resolution  is  that  there 
shall  be  no  refunding  of  the  $782,000,000  to  fall  due 
this  year  and  next,  but  all  that  shall  be  paid.  How  ? 
Out  of  the  resources  of  the  nation  ?  Yes ;  but  the 
money  to  be  manufactured  at  the  Treasury  is  to  be 
called  part  of  these  resources.  Print  it  to  death — that 
is  the  way  to  dispose  of  the  public  debt,  says  this  res 
olution. 

"  I  have  only  to  say  that  these  three  make  the  triple- 
headed  monster  of  centralization,  inflation,  and  repudia 
tion  combined.  This  monster  is  to  be  let  loose  on  the 
country  as  the  last  spawn  of  the  dying  party  that  thought 
it  had  a  little  life  in  it  a  year  ago.  It  is  put  out  at  this 
moment  to  test  the  courage  of  the  two  political  parties ; 
it  is  offered  at  this  point  when  the  roar  of  the  Presiden 
tial  contest  comes  to  us  from  all  quarters  of  the  country. 
In  a  few  moments  we  shall  see  what  the  political  parties 
will  do  with  this  beast.  All  I  have  to  say,  for  one,  is, 
meet  and  throttle  it;  in  the  name  of  honesty,  in  the 


HIS   FINANCIAL    RECORD.  331 

name  of  the  public  peace  and  prosperity,  in  the  name  of 
the  rights  of  individual  citizens  of  this  country  against 
centralism,  worse  than  we  ever  dreamed  of,  meet  it  and 
fight  it  like  men.  Let  both  parties  show  their  courage 
by  meeting  boldly  and  putting  an  end  to  its  powor  for 
mischief.  Let  the  vote  be  taken." 

On  the  10th  of  April,  1880,  the  House  being  in 
Committee  of  the  Whole  on  the  Appropriation  Bill,  the 
following  debate  occurred  between  General  Garfield  and 
Mr.  McMahon,  of  Ohio  : 

"  Mr.  McMahon  (Dem.),  of  Ohio,  submitted  an  amend 
ment  repealing  the  sections  of  the  statutes  providing  for 
the  biennial  examination  6F  pensioners,  but  leaving  with 
the  commissioner  power  to  order  special  examinations 
when  necessary  and  to  increase  or  reduce  pensions  in 
accordance  with  right  and  justice,  but  no  pension  shall 
be  reduced  without  notice  to  the  pensioner.  The  amend 
ment  concludes  as  follows : 

" '  In  order  to  provide  for  the  payment  of  arrears  of 
pensions  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  is  directed  to 
issue  immediately  in  payment  thereof,  as  they  may  be 
adjusted,  the  $10,000,000  in  legal  tender  currency  now 
in  the  United  States  Treasury,  kept  as  a  special  fund  for 
the  redemption  of  fractional  currency.' 

"  Mr.  Garfield,  of  Ohio,  raised  the  point  of  order  that 
the  amendment  was  not  germane  to  the  bill,  changed  ex 
isting  law,  and  did  not  retrench  expenditures.  If  the 
amendment4 could  be  ruled  in  order  a  proposition  to  break 
wholly  through  the  whole  resumption  business  could  be 
also  ruled  in  order." 


332  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD  I 


SPEECH  OF  MR.  McMAHON. 

"  Mr.  McMahon,  of  Ohio,  in  advocacy  of  that  por 
tion  of  the  amendment  providing  for  the  reissue  of  the 
$10,000,000  in  the  Treasury,  said  that  he  had  been  asked 
to  go  farther  in  that  direction  than  he  proposed  ;  but  he 
had  offered  a  proposition  which,  he  thought,  would  be 
entirely  unobjectionable  on  the  Republican  side  of  the 
House.  Why  should  this  $10,000,000  of  idle  money  be 
kept  in  the  Treasury  when  it  was  clear  that  all  of  the 
fractional  currency  (for  the  redemption  of  which  this 
money  was  ostensibly  held)  had  been  redeemed  ?  Why 
should  the  pensioners  be  told  that  there  was  a  defi 
ciency  in  the  Treasury,  and  that,  therefore,  their  arrear 
ages  of  pensions  could  not  be  paid  ?  He  had  been  sur 
prised  to  hear  the  gentleman  from  Ohio  (Mr.  Garfield) 
make  a  point  of  order  against  the  pensioners  of  the  coun 
try,  because  he  had  supposed  that  that  gentleman  owed 
an  allegiance  to  them  which  was  superior  to  that  which 
he  owed  to  Wall  Street.  He  made  use  of  that  language 
advisedly,  because  there  were  no  people  interested  in 
keeping  that  $10,000,000  in  the  Treasury  except  thosej 
who  were  in  favor  of  contracting  the  currency.  The 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury  was  a  good  deal  like  his  col 
league  (Mr.  Garfield),  and  was  always  in  favor  of  ac 
tion  in  the  interest  of  capital.  As  an  illustration  of  Mr. 
Sherman's  financial  policy  he  said,  that  if  that  gentleman 
were  dying  his  last  words  would  be  '  Borrow  money  on 
government  bonds  to  put  up  a  tombstone  over  me.'  The 
Treasury  was  loaded  down  with  a  reserve  of  $330,000,- 
000  in  gold  and  currency,  and  yet  the  Secretary  of  the 


HIS   FINANCIAL    RECORD.  333 

Treasury  told  the  people  that  there  must  be  either  addi 
tional  taxes  or  an  additional  issue  of  bonds.  Here  were 
$10,000,000  now  in  the  Treasury,  a  part  of  the  reserve 
authorized  by  law.  The  purpose  for  which  it  has  been 
placed  there  has  long  since  passed  away,  and  it  should 
now  be  put  out  to  pay  the  arrears  of  pensions  instead  of 
issuing  $10,000,000  of  bonds  of  which  the  interest  would 
amount  to  $400,000  a  year." 

REPLY   OF   MR.    GARFIELD. 

11  Mr.  Garfield,  of  Ohio,  said  that  the  attempt  of  his 
colleague  (Mr.  McMahon)  to  set  himself  up  as  the  cham 
pion  of  the  pensioners,  was  quite  too  thin  a  disguise  to 
deceive  anybody.  The  Republican  side  of  the  House  had 
tried  again  and  again  to  authorize  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  to  extend  the  sales  of  four  per  cent,  bonds  suffi 
ciently  to  cover  the  matter  of  the  payment  of  the  arrears 
of  pensions,  and  the  House,  at  the  last  session  had  been 
brought  to  a  vote  on  that  subject  at  least  twice,  and  but 
for  the  resistance  on  the  Democratic  side  of  the  House 
that  proposition  would  have  prevailed  and  the  pensioners 
would  have  been  paid  their  arrearages.  The  responsi 
bility  for  not  paying  them  rested,  therefore,  on  those  who 
resisted  that  proposition,  not  on  those  who  made  it.  No 
man  could  torture  anything  which  he  had  said  to-day  on 
the  point  of  order  into  an  unwillingness  that  the  pension 
ers  should  have  their  pensions  p;dd  or  that  all  remedial 
legislation  should  be  adopted  to  make  their  payment 
easy.  It  was  quite  too  late  in  the  day  for  his  colleague 
to  intimate  that  there  was  objection  on  his  (Mr.  Gar- 
field's)  part  to  have  the  pensioners  paid.  He  had  made 


334  JAMES    A.   GARFIELD  : 

the  point  of  order  simply  because  he  looked  upon  the 
amendment  as  an  entering  wedge,  the  general  purpose 
of  which  was  to  break  down  the  system  of  reserves,  on 
which  the  maintenance  of  resumption  depended.  His 
colleague,  whose  distinguished  knowledge  as  a  financier 
no  one  would  question,  had  amazed  him  very  much  by 
saying  that  the  subsidiary  currency  played  no  part  in  the 
general  problem  of  resumption.  Did  not  his  colleague 
know  perfectly  well  that  a  subsidiary  currency  went  to 
make  up  the  bulk  of  circulating  medium,  just  as  much  as 
greenbacks  did,  and  just  as  much  as  gold  did  ?  The  re 
lations  between  himself  and  his  colleague  had  never  been 
such  as  to  warrant  either  in  using  an  impolite  or  indecent 
expression  toward  the  other,  and  therefore  his  colleague 
had  no  more  right  to  say,  either  as  a  matter  of  fact  or  as 
a  matter  of  fair  inference,  that  he  (Mr.  Garfield)  owed  his 
allegiance  to  Wall  Street  than  he  would  have  a  right  to 
say  that  his  colleague  owed  his  allegiance  to  the  grog- 
geries  and  whiskey  shops  of  Dayton.  And  as  he  (Mr. 
Garfield)  would  not  say  that,  he  did  not  think  that  his 
colleague  was  entitled  to  say  the  other. 

"  Mr.  McMahon  stated  that  he  was  tolerably  familiar 
with  his  colleague's  public  career,  and  he  asked  his  col 
league  whether  in  all  the  discussions  that  had  taken  place 
in  this  country  on  the  financial  question  his  colleague 
could  show  one  vote  of  his  that  was  not  based  upon  the 
idea  of  speedy  resumption,  no  matter  at  what  cost,  even 
when  his  colleague's  own  party  had  separated  from  him 
on  that  point  in  the  forty-third  Congress  ? 

"  Mr.  Garfield  replied  that,  according  to  his  own 
notions  of  proper  legislative  praise,  his  colleague  could 


HIS    FINANCIAL    RECORD.  335 

not  counterpraise  him  any  more  than  in  stating  that  he 
(Mr.  Gar  field)  had  always  cast  his  vote  in  favor  of  the 
resumption  of  specie  payment.  If  he  ever  had  cast  a 
vote  which  was  not  against  all  schemes  to  delay  that  un 
necessarily,  or  to  prevent  it,  then  he  had  cast  a  vote  of 
which  his  conscience  and  his  judgment  disapproved. 
[Applause  on  the  Republican  side.]  He  had  cast  as 
many  votes  as  any  member  on  the  floor  against  Wall 
Street  and  against  the  business  of  gold  gambling,  which 
had  been  destroyed  by  resumption — gold  gambling  that 
had  locked  up  $10,000,000  from  the  business  capital  of 
the  country  for  fifteen  years,  locked  it  up  away  from  all 
profitable  investment  and  converted  Wall  Street  into  a 
faro  hell.  (Applause.) 

"Mr.  Bright  (Dem.),  of  Tennessee. — Has  not  Wall 
Street  been  simply  transferred  to  the  Treasury  of  the 
United  States. 

"  Mr.  Garfield. — I  hope  that  enough  of  the  gold  and 
silver  of  the  country  that  has  been  hitherto  locked  up  in 
Wall  Street  for  gold  gambling  purposes  has  been  trans 
ferred  to  the  Treasury  of  the  United  States  to  break" 
down  the  bulls  and  bears  of  Wall  Street  permanently  and 
to  maintain  honest  money  in  the  country.  (Applause.) 

"  Mr.  McMahon  inquired  if  it  was  wrong  to  order  the 
$10,000,000  to  be  reissued,  when  under  the  law  they 
should  be  paid  out  in  redemption  of  fractional  currency. 

"  Mr.  Garfield  replied  that  if  his  colleague  would  in 
quire  and  find  out  how  much  of  that  $10,000,000  could 
oe  spared,  leaving  enough  to  meet  all  the  obligations  of 
the  reserve,  he  would  be  willing  to  vote  that  surplus  for 
the  purpose  of  paying  arrears  of  pensions." 


CHAPTER,  IX. 

THE  CREDIT  MOBILIER  AND  DE  GOLYER  CHARGES GENERAL 

GARFIELD'S  TRIUMPHANT   VINDICATION. 

History  of  the  Credit  Mobilier  Scheme — The  Pacific  Railway — Government 
Aid  extended  to  H.  Oakes  Ames'  Connection  with  the  Road — Congress 
Investigates  the  Credit  Mobilier — General  Garfield's  sworn  Testimony 
before  the  Committee — He  denies  all  Improper  Connection  with  the 
Scheme — Publishes  a  Review  of  the  Case — An  Exhaustive  Discussion 
of  the  Case — Testimony  in  the  Matter — General  Garfield's  Response  to 
the  Charges  of  1872 — Mr.  Ames'  Testimony  Analyzed — Mr.  Ames' 
Memoranda — The  Check  on  the  Sergeant-at-Arms — General  Garfield's  In 
terviews  with  Mr.'Ames  during  the  Investigation — Conclusions — Trium 
phant  Vindication  of  General  Garfield — All  the  Charges  against  him — 
Letter  of  Judge  Poland — General  Garfield  Unanimously  Acquitted  of 
Wrong-doing — The  De  Golyer  Pavement  Company — Charges  against 
General  Garfield — His  Triumphant  Vindication  of  his  Course — The 
Truth  established  at  last. 

IT  could  hardly  be  expected  that  one  who  had  taken  such 
an  active  and  prominent  part  in  our  public  affairs  should 
escape  the  attacks  of  slander.  General  Garfield  has  ex 
perienced  the  fate  of  most  public  men.  He  has  been 
misjudged,  and  false  charges  have  been  brought  against 
him.  Inasmuch  as  these  charges  have  been  made,  it 
seems  but  just  that  we  should  reproduce  them  here,  and 
then  present  General  Garfield's  triumphant  and  masterly 
vindication  of  his  course. 

It  was  charged  that  he  was  a  sharer  in  the  unjust 


THOMAS  L.  JAMES,   PEES.   GAKFIELD'S  POSTMASTER-GENEKAL. 


CREDIT    MOBTLIER TRIUMPHANT   VINDICATION.          337 

profits  of  the  Credit  Mobilier  ring  in  Congress.  To  un 
derstand  this  question  thoroughly  it  will  be  necessary  tc 
relnte  the  history  of  that  iniquitous  scheme. 

One  of  the  great  public  works  of  the  Union,  of  which 
the  whole  country  is  justly  proud,  is  the  Pacific  Kail- 
road,  extending  from  the  Missouri  River  to  the  Pacific 
Ocean.  The  early  history  of  the  great  road  is  a  story 
of  constant  struggles  and  disappointments.  It  seemed  to 
the  soundest  capitalists  a  mere  piece  of  fool-hardiness  to 
undertake  to  build  a  railroad  across  the  continent  and 
over  the  Rocky  Mountains,  and,  although  Government 
aid  was  liberally  pledged  to  the  undertaking,  it  did 
not,  for  a  long  time,  attract  to  it  the  capital  it  needed. 
At  length,  after  many  struggles,  the  doubt  which  had 
attended  the  enterprise  was  ended.  Capital  was  found, 
and  with  it  men  ready  to  carry  on  the  work.  In  Sep 
tember,  1864,  a  contract  was  entered  into  between  the 
Union  Pacific  Company  and  H.  W.  Hoxie,  for  the  build 
ing  by  said  Hoxie  of  one  hundred  miles  of  the  road  from 
Omaha  west.  Mr.  Hoxie  at  once  assigned  this  contract 
to  a  company,  as  had  been  the  understanding  from  the 
first.  This  company,  then  comparatively  unknown,  but 
since  very  famous,  was  known  as  the  Credit  Mobilier  of 
America.  The  company  had  bought  up  an  old  charter 
that  had  been  granted  by  the  Legislature  of  Pennsylvania 
to  another  company  in  that  State,  but  which  had  not 
been  used  by  them. 

"  In  1865  or  1866,  Oakes  Ames,  then  a  member  of 
Congress  from  the  State  of  Massachusetts,  and  his 
brother  Oliver  Ames,  became  interested  in  the  Union 

Pacific  Company,  and  also  in  the  Credit  Mobilier  Com- 
22 


338  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD. 

pany,  as  the  agent  for  the  construction  of  the  road.  The 
Messrs.  Ames  were  men  of  very  large  capital,  and  of 
known  character  and  integrity  in  business.  By  their  ex 
ample  and  credit  and  the  personal  efforts  of  Mr.  Oakes 
Ames,  many  men  of  capital  were  induced  to  embark  in 
the  enterprise,  and  to  take  stock  in  the  Union  Pacific 
Company,  and  also  in  the  Credit  Mobilier  Company. 
Among  them  were  the  firm  of  S.  Hooper  &  Co.,  of  Boston, 
the  leading  member  of  which  (Mr.  Samuel  Hooper)  was 
then  and  is-  now  a  member  of  the  House ;  Mr.  John  B. 
Alley,  then  a  member  of  the  House  from  Massachusetts, 
and  Mr.  Grimes,  then  a  senator  from  the  State  of  Iowa. 
Notwithstanding  the  vigorous  efforts  of  Mr.  Ames  and 
others  interested  with  him,  great  difficulty  was  expe 
rienced  in  securing  the  required  capital. 

"In  the  spring  of  1867,  the  Credit  Mobilier  Company 
voted  to  add  fifty  per  cent,  to  their  capital  stock,  which 
was  then  $2,500,000 ;  and  to  cause  it  to  be  readily  taken, 
each  subscriber  to  it  was  entitled  to  receive  as  a  bonus 
an  equal  amount  of  first  mortgage  bonds  of  the  Union 
Pacific  Company.  The  old  stockholders  were  entitled  to 
take  this  increase,  but  even  the  favorable  terms  offered 
did  not  induce  all  the  old  stockholders  to  take  it,  and 
the  stock  of  the  Credit  Mobilier  Company  was  never 
considered  worth  its  par  value  until  after  the  execution 
of  the  Oakes  Ames  contract  hereinafter  mentioned.  On 
the  16th  day  of  August,  1867,  a  contract  was  executed 
between  the  Union  Pacific  Railroad  and  Oakes  Ames, 
by  which  Mr.  Ames  contracted  to  build  667  miles  of 
the  Union  Pacific  Road  at  prices  ranging  from  $42,000 
to  $96,000  per  mile,  amounting  in  the  aggregate  to 


CREDIT    MOBILIER — TRIUMPHANT    VINDICATION.          339 

$47,000,000.  Before  the  contract  was  entered  into,  it 
was  understood  that  Mr.  Ames  was  to  transfer  it  to  seven 
trustees  who  were  to  execute  it,  and  the.  profits  of  the 
contract  were  to  be  divided  among  the  stockholders  in 
the  Credit  Mobilier  Company,  who  should  comply  with 
certain  conditions  set  out  in  the  instrument  transferring 
the  contract  to  the  trustees.  Subsequently,  all  the  stock 
holders  of  the  Credit  Mobilier  Company  complied  with 
the  conditions  named  in  the  transfer,  and  thus  became 
entitled  to  share  in  any  profits  said  trustees  might  make 
in  executing  the  contract.  All  the  large  stockholders  in 
the  Union  Pacific  were  also  stockholders  in  the  Credit 
Mobilier,  and  the  Ames  contract  and  its  transfer  to 
trustees  were  ratified  by  the  Union  Pacific  and  received 
the  assent  of  the  great  body  of  stockholders,  but  not 
of  all.  After  the  Ames  contract  had  been  executed,  it 
was  expected  by  those  interested  that,  by  reason  of  the 
enormous  prices  agreed  to  be  paid  for  the  work,  very 
large  profits  would  be  derived  from  building  the  r^ad, 
and  very  soon  the  stock  of  the  Credit  Mobilier  was  un 
derstood  to  be  worth  much  more  than  its  par  value. 
The  stock  was  not  in  the  market,  and  had  no  fixed 
market  value,  but  the  holders  of  it,  in  December,  1867, 
considered  it  worth  at  least  double  the  par  value,  and  in 
January  or  February,  1868,  three  or  four  times  the  par 
value ;  but  it  does  not  appear  that  these  facts  were 
generally  or  publicly  known,  or  that  the  holders  of  the 
stock  desired  they  should  be." 

As  will  be  seen  from  the  above  statement,  the  stock 
holders  of  the  Credit  Mobilier  were  also  stockholders  in 
the  Union  Pacific  Company. 


340  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD. 

Like  all  great  corporations  of  the  present  day,  the 
Union  Pacific  Road  was  largely  dependent  upon  the  aid 
furnished  by  the  Government  for  its  success.  The  man 
agers  of  the  company,  being  shrewd  men,  succeeded  in 
placing  all  the  burdens  and  risks  of  the  enterprise  upon 
the  General  Government,  while  they  secured  to  them 
selves  all  the  profits  to  be  derived  from  the  undertaking.* 
6  The  Railroad  Company  was  endowed  by  Act  of  Con 
gress  with  twenty  alternate  sections  of  land  per  mile, 
and  had  Government-loans  of  $16,000  per  mile  for  about 
200  miles ;  thence  $32,000  per  mile  through  the  Alkali 
Desert,  about  600  miles,  and  thence  in  the  Rocky  Moun 
tains  $48,000  per  mile.  The  railroad  company  issued 
stock  to  the  extent  of  about  $10,000,000.  This  stock 
was  received  by  stockholders  on  their  payment  of  five 
per  cent,  of  its  face.  When  the  Credit  Mobilier  came  on 
the  scene,  all  the  assets  of  the  Union  Pacific  were  turned 
over  to  the  new  company  in  consideration  of  full  paid 
shares  of  the  new  company's  stock  and  its  agreement  to 
build  the  road.  The  Government,  meanwhile,  had  al 
lowed  its  claim  for  its  loan  of  bonds  to  become  a  second 
instead  of  a  first  mortgage,  and  permitted  the  Union 
Pacific  Road  to  issue  first  mortgage  bonds,  which  took 
precedence  as  a  lien  on  the  road.  The  Government  lien 
thus  became  almost  worthless,  as  the  new  mortgage, 
which  took  precedence,  amounted  to  all  the  value  of  the 
road.  The  proceeds  of  this  extraordinary  transaction 
went  to  swell  the  profits  of  the  Credit  Mobilier,  which 
had  nothing  to  pay  out  except  for  the  mere  cost  of  con 
struction.  This  also  explains  why  some  of  the  dividends' 
of  the  latter  company  were  paid  in  Union  Pacific  bonds 


CREDIT    MOBILIER TRIUMPHANT    VINDICATION.          341 

As  a  result  of  these  processes,  the  bonded  debts  of  the 
railroad  exceeded  its  cost  by  at  least  $40,000,000." 

Mr.  Ames  was  deeply  interested  in  the  scheme,  be 
ing,  indeed,  one  of  its  principal  managers.  Being  a  mem 
ber  of  Congress,  he  was  peculiarly  prepared  to  appre 
ciate  the  value  of  Congressional  assistance  in  behalf  of 
the  Credit  Mobilier.  It  would  seem  that  the  object  of 
the  Credit  Mobilier  was  to  drain  money  from  the  Pacific 
road,  and  consequently  from  the  Government,  as  long  as 
possible.  Any  legislation  on  the  part  of  Congress  de 
signed  to  protect  the  interests  of  the  Government,  would, 
as  a  matter  of  course,  be  unfavorable  to  the  Credit  Mo 
bilier,  and  it  was  the  aim  of  that  corporation  to  prevent 
all  such  legislation.  The  price  agreed  upon  for  building 
the  road  was  so  exorbitant,  and  afforded  such  an  iniqui 
tous  profit  to  the  Credit  Mobilier,  that  it  was  very  cer 
tain  that  some  honest  friend  of  the  people  would  demand 
that  Congress  should  protect  the  Treasury  against  such 
spoliation.  It  was  accordingly  determined  to  interest  in 
the  scheme  enough  members  of  Congress  to  prevent  any 
protection  of  the  national  treasury  at  the  expense  of  the 
unlawful  gains  of  the  Credit  Mobilier.  Mr.  Oakes  Ames, 
being  in  Congress,  undertook  to  secure  the  desired  hold 
upon  his  associates.  The  plan  was  simply  to  secure  them 
by  bribing  them,  and  for  this  purpose  a  certain  portion 
of  the  Credit  Mobilier  stock  was  placed  in  the  hands  of 
Mr.  Ames,  as  trustee,  to  be  used  by  him  as  he  thought 
best  for  the  interests  of  the  company. 

Provided  with  this  stock,  Mr.  Ames  went  to  Wash 
ington,  in  December,  1867,  at  the  opening  of  the  session 
of  Congress.  "  During  that  month,"  say  the  Poland 


,342  JAMES    A.  GARIliCLD. 

Committee  in  their  report,  "  Mr.  Ames  entered  into  con 
tracts  with  a  considerable  number  of  members  of  Con 
gress,  both  senators  and  representatives,  to  let  them 
have  shares  of  stock  in  the  Credit  Mobilier  Company  fft 
par,  with  interest  thereon  from  the  first  day  of  the  pre 
vious  July.  It  does  not  appear  that  in  any  instance  he 
asked  any  of  these  persons  to  pay  a  higher  price  than  the 
par  value  and  interest,  nor  that  Mr.  Ames  used  any  spe 
cial  effort  or  urgency  to  get  these  persons  to  take  it.  In 
all  these  negotiations  Mr.  Ames  did  not  enter  into  any  de 
tails  as  to  the  value  of  the  stock,  or  the  amount  of  divi 
dend  that  might  be  expected  upon  it,  but  stated  generally 
that  it  would  be  good  stock,  and  in  several  instances  said 
he  would  guarantee  that  they  should  get  at  least  ten  per 
cent,  on  their  money.  Some  of  these  gentlemen,  in  their 
conversations  with  Mr.  Ames,  raised  the  question  whether 
becoming  holders  of  this  stock  would  bring  them  into  any 
embarrassment  as  members  of  Congress  in  their  legisla 
tive  action.  Mr.  Ames  quieted  such  suggestions  by  say 
ing  it  could  not,  for  the  Union  Pacific  had  received  from 
Congress  all  the  grants  and  legislation  it  wanted,  and  they 
should  ask  for  nothing  more.  In  some  instances  those 
members  who  contracted  for  stock  paid  to  Mr.  Ames  the 
money  for  the  price  of  the  stock,  par  and  interest;  in 
others,  where  they  had  not  the  money,  Mr.  Ames  agreed 
to  '  carry '  the  stock  for  them  until  they  could  get  the 
money,  or  it  should  be  met  by  the  dividends.  Mr. 
Ames  was  at  this  time  a  large  stockholder  in  the  Credit 
Mobilier,  but  he  did  not  intend  any  of  those  transactions 
to  be  sales  of  his  own  stock,  but  intended  to  fulfil  all 
these  contracts  from  stock  belonging  to  the  company." 


CREDIT    MOBILIER TRIUMPHANT   VINDICATION.          343 

"It  is  very  easy,"  says  the  New  York  Tribune,  "to 
see  that  under  these  circumstances  the  stock  of  the  Credit 
Mobilier  was  a  very  handsome  investment,  provided  it 
could  be  purchased  at  par.  Here  was  wherein  Oakes 
Ames  was  such  a  profitable  friend  to  Congressmen  and 
senators.  He  let  them  in,  as  he  phrases  it,  on  the 
ground  floor.  They  got  their  stock  at  par,  and  the  divi 
dends  which  were  ready  to  be  paid  were  more  than 
enough  to  pay  for  the  stock.  This  is  what  is  called  in 
Wall  Street  parlance  making  one  hand  wash  the  other. 
The  actual  value  of  the  stock  thus  sold  at  $100  a  share 
would  have  been  to  anybody  out  of  the  circle  of  Oakes 
Ames'  friends  not  purchasable  for  less  than  $300  or 
$400.  But  there  was  a  film  of  decency  thrown  over  the 
transactions  by  Mr.  Ames,  in  charging  several  months' 
interest  upon  the  stock  at  the  time  it  was  sold  to  the 
members  of  Congress.  This  interest  had  accrued  while 
he  was  holding  it  to  see  where  it  could  be  placed  to  the 
best  advantage.." 

The  motive  of  Mr.  Ames  in  thus  "  placing,"  as  he 
termed  it,  this  immensely  profitable  stock  among  the 
members  of  Congress,  is  thus  stated  by  the  Poland  Com 
mittee  : 

"  In  relation  to  the  purpose  and  motive  of  Mr.  Ames 
in  contracting  to  let  members  of  Congress  have  Crcditl 
Mobilier  stock  at  par,  which  he  and  all  other  owners 
of  it  considered  worth  at  least  double  that  sum,  the 
committee,  upon  the  evidence  taken  by  them  and  sub 
mitted  to  the  House,  cannot  entertain  a  doubt.  When 
he  said  he  did  not  suppose  the  Union  Pacific  Company 
would  ask  or  need  further  legislation,  he  stated  v.hat 


344  JAMES    A.    GARFIELD. 

he  believed  to  be  true,  but  he  feared  the  interests  of  the 
road  might  suffer  by  adverse  legislation,  and  what  he 
desired  to  accomplish  was  to  enlist  strength  and  friends 
'in  Congress  who  would  resist  any  encroachment  upon 
or  interference  with  the  rights  and  privileges  already 
secured,  and  to  that  end  wished  to  create  in  them  an 
interest  identical  with  his  own.  This  purpose  is  clearly 
avowed  in  his  letters  to  McComb,  copied  in  the  evi 
dence,  where  he  says  he  intends  to  place  the  stock 
<  where  it  will  do  the  most  good  to  us,'  and  again,  '  We 
want  more  friends  in  this  Congress.'  In  his  letter  to 
McCornb,  and  also  in  his  statement  prepared  by  coun 
sel,  he  gives  the  philosophy  of  his  action,  to  wit :  That 
he  has  found  there  is  no  difficulty  in  getting  men  to 
look  after  their  own  property.  The  committee  are  also 
satisfied  that  Mr.  Ames  entertained  a  fear  that  when 
the  true  relations  between  the  Credit  Mobilier  Com 
pany  and  the  Union  Pacific  became  generally  known, 
and  the  means  by  which  the  great  profits  expected  to 
be  made  were  fully  understood,  there  was  danger  that 
Congressional  investigation  and  action  would  be  in 
voked.  The  members  of  Congress  with  whom  he  dealt 
were  generally  those  who  had  been  friendly  and  favor 
able  to  a  Pacific  railroad,  and  Mr.  Ames  did  not  fear  or 
expect  to  find  them  favorable  to  movements  hostile  to 
it,  but  he  desired  to  stimulate  their  activity  and  watch 
fulness  in  opposition  to  any  unfavorable  action,  by  giv 
ing  them  a  personal  interest  in  the  success  of  the  enter 
prise,  especially  so  far  as  it  affected  the  interest  of  the 
Credit  Mobilier  Company. 

"  On   the   9th   day   of  December,  1867,    Mr.  C.    C. 


CREDIT    MOBILIER TRIUMPHANT    VINDICATION.          345 

Washburn,  of  Wisconsin,  introduced  in  the  House  a 
bill  to  regulate  by  law  the  rates  of  transportation  over 
the  Pacific  railroads.  Mr.  Ames,  as  well  as  others 
interested  in  the  Union  Pacific  Road,  were  opposed  to 
this,  and  desired  to  defeat  it.  Other  measures  ap 
parently  hostile  to  that  company  were  subsequently 
introduced  into  the  House,  by  Mr.  Wash  burn,  of  Wis 
consin,  and  Mr.  Washburn,  of  Illinois.  The  committee 
believe  that  Mr.  Ames,  in  his  distribution  of  the  stock 
had  specially  in  mind  the  hostile  efforts  of  the  Messrs. 
Washburn,  and  desired  to  gain  strength  to  secure  their 
defeat.  The  reference  in  one  of  his  letters,  to  Wash- 
burn's  move  makes  this  quite  apparent." 

"  The  more  recent  legislation,"  says  the  New  York 
Tribune,  "  which  Ames'  transactions  with  members  of 
Congress  had  reference  to,  may  be  stated  in  a  few 
words.  Secretary  Boutwell  insisted  that  half  the  earn 
ings  of  the  road  in  carrying  mails  and  troops  for  the 
Government  should  be  applied  to  the  payment  of  in 
terest  on  the  loans  that  the  Government  had  made  to 
the  road.  The  legislation  obtained  overruled  the  Sec 
retary  and  enabled  the  road  to  postpone  payment  of 
interest  until  the  bonds  fell  due  —  some  thirty  years 
hence.  To  sum  up,  it  may  be  briefly  stated  that  the 
Uuion  Pacific  and  Credit  Mobilier  together  got  the  pro 
ceeds  of  liberal  United  States  land  grants,  of  donations 
of  communities  near  the  road,  and  the  entire  subsidy 
of  Government  bonds,  as  a  clear  profit.  The  proceeds 
of  the  mortgage  bonds  which  displaced  the  Government 
lien,  were  sufficient  to  have  built  the  road.  To  the 
original  stockholders  in  the  Union  Pacific,  the  profit 


346  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

was  something  almost  incredible.  A  share  bought  for 
$5  subscription  became  $100  Credit  Mobilier,  which 
paid,  as  we  have  seen  in  the  evidence  concerning  the 
legislators  who  received  it,  dividends  that  amounted 
to  at  least  treble  its  nominal  value.  It  is,  of  course, 
evident  that  all  legislation  which  favored  the  Union 
Pacific  Railroad  swelled  the  profits  of  the  legislators 
who  became  stockholders  in  the  Credit  Mobilier.  The 
awkwardness  of  this  position  was  vastly  increased  by 
the  thin  disguise  of  purchase  being  torn  away,  under 
which  the  profit-bearing  stock  had  been  really  the  gift 
of  Oakes  Ames.  The  denial  of  the  facts  converted  the 
transaction  into  a  criminal  act." 

Reduced  to  plain  English,  the  story  of  the  Credit 
Mobilier  is  simply  this :  The  men  entrusted  with  the 
management  of  the  Pacific  Road  made  a  bargain  with 
themselves  to  build  the  road  for  a  sum  equal  to  about 
twice  its  actual  cost,  and  pocketed  the  profits,  which 
have  been  estimated  at  about  THIRTY  MILLIONS  OF  DOL 
LARS —  this  immense  sum  coming  out  of  the  pockets  of 
the  taxpayers  of  the  United  States.  This  contract  was 
made  in  October,  1867. 

"On  June  17,1868,  the  stockholders  of  the  Credit 
Mobilier  received  60  per  cent,  in  cash,-and  40  per  cent, 
in  stock  of  the  Union  Pacific  Railroad;  on  the  2d  <l 
July,  1868,  80  per  cent,  first  mortgage  bonds  of  the 
Union  Pacific  Railroad,  and  100  per  cent,  stock  ;  July 
3,  1868,  75  per  cent,  stock,  and  75  per  cent,  first  mort 
gage  bonds;  September  3,  1868,  100  per  cent,  stock, 
and  75  per  cent,  first  mortgage  bonds ;  December  19, 
1868,  200  per  cent,  stock  ;  while,  before  this  contract 


CREDIT    MOBILIER TRIUMPHANT   VINDICATION.         347 

was  made,  the  stockholders  had  received,  on  the  26th 
of  April,  1866,  a  dividend  of  100  per  cent,  in  stock 
of  the  Union  Pacific  Railroad ;  on  the  1st  of  April, 
1867,  50  per  cent,  of  first  mortgage  bonds  were  dis 
tributed;  on  the  1st  of  July,  1867,  100  per  cent,  in 
stock  again." 

After  offering  this  statement,  it  is  hardly  necessary 
to  add  that  the  vast  property  of  the  Pacific  Road,  which 
should  have  been  used  to  meet  its  engagements,  was  soon 
swallowed  up  by  the  Credit  Mobilier. 

This  is  the  story  of  the  Credit  Mobilier,  as  far  as  the 
facts  have  been  permitted  to  become  known.  We  shall 
now  see  how  it  came  to  make  such  a  noise  in  the  world. 

Mr.  Ames  was  not  the  only  member  of  the  company 
engaged  in  "  placing "  the  stock  where  it  would  benefit 
the  corporation.  Dr.  Durant,  the  President  of  the  Pacific 
Railway,  was  engaged  in  securing  his  friends  in  the  same 
way,  and  he  received  a  portion  of  the  stock  to  be  used  in 
this  manner.  Mr.  Henry  S.  McComb,  of  Delaware,  who 
was  also  interested  in  the  scheme,  now  put  in  his  claim 
for  a  part  of  the  stock,  which  was  being  used  as  a  cor 
ruption  fund,  "  for  his  friends."  His  claim  involved  him 
in  a  quarrel  with  Oakes  Ames,  and  Colonel  McCornb  had 
the  mortification  of  seeing  the  stock  he  claimed  assigned 
to  Mr.  Ames,  for  the  use  of  his  friends. 

In  the  summer  of  1872,  in  the  midst  of  the  Presiden 
tial  campaign,  the  quarrel  between  Ames  and  McCoinb 
reached  such  a  point,  that  it  was  impossible  to  keep  it 
quiet.  McComb  made  public  the  facts  in  the  case,  and 
published  a  list  of  the  Congressmen  with  whom  Ames 
hud  said  he  had  -'  placed  "  the  stock,  naming  the  number 


348  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

Df  shares  sold  to  each.  These  were  : — Schuyler  Colfax, 
Vice-President  of  the  United  States  ;  Henry  Wilson,  Sen 
ator  from  Massachusetts  ;  James  W.  Patterson,  Senator 
from  New  Hampshire ;  John  A.  Logan,  Senator  from 
Illinois;  James  G.  Elaine,  Member  of  Congress  from 
Maine,  and  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives; 
W.  D.  Kelley,  of  Pennsylvania;  James  A.  Garfield,  of 
Ohio ;  James  Brooks,  of  New  York ;  John  A.  Bingham, 
of  Ohio ;  Henry  L.  Dawes,  of  Massachusetts  ;  Glenni  W. 
Scofield,  of  Pennsylvania,  and  one  or  two  others,  who 
were  not  at  the  time  of  the  exposure  members  of  Con 
gress. 

As  may  be  supposed,  the  publication  of  the  charges, 
and  the  list  of  names,  created  a  storm  of  excitement 
throughout  the  country.  The  members  implicated,  as  a 
rule,  indignantly  denied  the  charge  of  having  purchased 
or  owned  Credit  Mobilier  stock.  They  declared  them 
selves  incapable  of  holding  such  stock,  as  it  would  have 
been,  they  said,  a  high  crime  against  morality  and  de 
cency  to  be  connected  in  any  way  with  the  Credit  Mo 
bilier.  These  denials  were  generally  accepted.  The  per 
sons  making  them  had  always  borne  high  characters  for 
veracity  and  integrity.  Partisan  orators  and  newspapers 
made  the  most  of  the  charges,  and  made  them  so  odtous 
that  the  persons  implicated  repeated  their  denials  with 
more  earnestness. 

When  Congress  assembled,  in  December,  1872,  Mr. 
Blaine,  the  Speaker  of  the  House,  wishing  to  vindicate 
his  character,  which  he  declared  had  been  unjustly  as 
sailed,  asked  the  House  of  Representatives  to  appoint  a 
committee  to  inquire  into  the  charges  of  Ames  and 


CREDIT    MOBILIER TRIUMPHANT    VINDICATION.          349 

McComb,  and  to  report  the  result  of  their  investigations. 
The  committee  was  appointed,  with  Mr.  Poland,  of  Ver 
mont,  as  its  chairman.  An  effort  was  made  to  conduct 
the  investigation  in  secret;  but  the  indignant  public  de 
manded  and  obtained  an  open  trial.  On  the  18th  of 
February,  1873,  the  committee  reported  to  the  House 
the  result  of  its  investigation.  » 

General  Garfield  was  one  of  those  charged  with  par 
ticipating  in  the  corrupt  profits  of  the  Credit  Mobilier. 
He  made  public  an  emphatic  denial  of  the  charge,  and 
cordially  aided  in  the  effort  to  have  the  charges  investi 
gated  and  the  truth  brought  to  light.  Feeling  that  he 
had  nothing  to  conceal,  he  was  anxious  that  the  most 
searching  inquiry  should  be  made  into  the  matter.  On 
the  14th  of  January,  1873,  he  appeared  before  the  in 
vestigating  committee,  and  testified  as  follows,  under 
oath  : 

"  The  first  I  ever  heard  of  the  Credit  Mobilier  was 
sometime  in  1866  or  1867 — I  cannot  fix  the  date — when 
George  Francis  Train  called  on  me  and  said  he  was  or 
ganizing  a  company  to  be  known  as  the  Credit  Mobilier 
of  America,  to  be  formed  on  the  model  of  the  Credit 
Mobilier  of  France ;  that  the  object  of  the  company  was 
to  purchase  lands  and  build  houses  along  the  line  of  the 
Pacific  Railroad  at  points  where  cities  and  villages  were 
likely  to  spring  up ;  that  he  had  no  doubt  that  money 
thus  invested  would  double  or  treble  itself  each  year ; 
that  subscriptions  were  limited  to  $1,000  each,  and  he 
wished  me  to  subscribe.  He  showed  me  a  long  list  of 
subscribers,  among  them  Mr.  Oakes  Ames,  to  whom  he 
referred  me  for  further  information  concerning  the  enter- 


350  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

prise.  I  answered  that  I  had  not  the  money  to  spare, 
and  if  I  had  I  would  not  subscribe  without  knowing  more 
about  the  proposed  crganization.  Mr.  Train  left  me, 
saying  he  would  hoiu  a  place  open  for  me,  and  hoped  I 
would  conclude  to  subscribe.  The  same  day  I  asked  Mr, 
Ames  what  he  thought  of  the  enterprise.  He  expressed 
the  opinion  that  the  investment  would  be  safe  and  profit 
able. 

"  I  heard  nothing  further  on  the  subject  for  a  year  or 
more,  and  it  was  almost  forgotten,  when  sometime,  I 
should  say  during  the  long  session  of  1868,  Mr.  Ames 
spoke  of  it  again,  said  the  company  had  organized,  was 
doing  well,  and,  he  thought,  would  soon  pay  large  divi 
dends.  He  said  that  some  of  the  stock  was  left,  or  was 
to  be  left,  in  his  hands  to  sell,  and  I  could  take  the 
amount  which  Mr.  Train  had  offered  me  by  paying  the 
$1,000  and  accrued  interest.  He  said  if  I  was  not  able 
to  pay  for  it  he  would  hold  it  for  me  until  I  could  pay  or 
until  some  of  the  dividends  were  payable.  I  told  him  1 
would  consider  the  matter,  but  would  not  agree  to  take 
any  stock  until  I  knew,  from  an  examination  of  the  char 
ter  and  the  conditions  of  the  subscription,  the  extent  to 
which  I  would  become  pecuniarily  liable.  He  said  he  was 
not  sure,  but  thought  a  stockholder  would  only  be  liable 
for  the  par  value  of  his  stock ;  that  he  had  not  the  stock 
and  papers  with  him,,  but  would  have  them  after  awhile. 
From  the  case  as  presented  I  should  probably  have  taken 
the  stock  if  I  had  been  satisfied  in  regard  to  the  extent 
of  pecuniary  liability.  Thus  the  matter  rested,  I  think, 
until  the  following  year.  During  that  interval  I  under 
stood  that  there  were  dividends  due  amounting  to  nearly 


CREDIT    MOBILIER— TRIUMPHANT    VINDICATION.          351 

three  times  the  par  value  of  the  stock.  But  in  the  mean 
time  I  had  heard  that  the  company  was  involved  in  some 
controversy  with  the  Pacific  Railroad  and  that  Mr.  Ames' 
right  to  sell  the  stock  was  denied.  When  I  next  saw 
Mr.  Ames  I  told  him  I  had  concluded  not  to  take  the 
stock.  There  the  matter  ended,  so  far  as  I  was  con 
cerned,  and  I  had  no  further  knowledge  of  the  company's 
operations  until  the  subject  began  to  be  discussed  in  the 
newspapers  last  fall  (1872).  Nothing  was  ever  said  to 
me  by  Mr.  Train  or  Mr.  Ames  to  indicate  or  imply  that 
the  Credit  Mobilier  was  or  could  be  in  any  way  con 
nected  with  the  legislation  of  Congress  for  the  Pacific 
liailroad  or  any  other  purpose.  Mr.  Ames  never  gave 
nor  offered  to  give  me  any  stock  or  other  valuable  thing 
as  a  gift.  I  once  asked  and  obtained  from  him,  and 
afterwards  repaid  to  him,  a  loan  of  $300 ;  that  amount  is 
the  only  valuable  thing  I  ever  received  from  or  delivered 
to  him.  I  never  owned,  received,  or  agreed  to  receive 
any  stock  of  the  Credit  Mobilier  or  of  the  Union  Pacific 
Railroad,  nor  any  dividends  or  profits  arising  from  either 
of  them/' 

Not  content  with  denying  the  charges  against  him 
under  oath,  General  Gar  field,  on  the  3d  of  March,  1873; 
gave  notice  in  the  House  that  he  should  publish  a  review 
of  the  matter,  and  a  full  vindication  of  his  course. 

In  May,  1873,  he  published  the  following  review. 
We  reproduce  it  entire,  notwithstanding  its  length,  as  it 
is  of  the  greatest  importance  to  those  who  would  know 
the  true  history  of  the  case.  The  old  charges  will  be 
revived  and  used  during  the  Presidential  campaign  by 
partisan  enemies  of  the  Republican  candidate,  and  it  is 


352  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD. 

only  right  that  every  friend  of  General  Gar  field  should 

have  his  masterly  and  unanswerable  vindication  at  hand. 

The  review  was  prefaced  with  the  following  note  : 

"  Since  this  review  was  written,  the  telegraph  has 
announced  the  death  of  Mr.  Ames.  This  circumstance 
may  raise  a  question  as  to  the  propriety  of  publishing 
this  paper ;  but  I  gave  notice  in  the  House  of  Repre 
sentatives,  on  the  3d  of  March  last,  that  I  should  pub 
lish  such  a  review,  and  I  then  indicated  its  scope  and 
character.  Furthermore,  justice  to  the  living  cannot 
wrong  the  memory  of  the  dead. 

"  In  revising  these  pages,  as  they.are  passing  through 
the  press,  I  am  glad  to  find  no  expressions,  prompted  by 
a  spirit  of  bitterness,  which  the  presence  of  death  re 
quires  me  to  erase. 

"  J.  A.  GARFIELD." 
"Washington,  D.  C.,  May  8,  1873." 


REVIEW   OF   THE   TRANSACTIONS    OF   THE 
CREDIT   MOBILIER   COMPANY, 

And  an  Examination  of  that  Portion  of  the  Testimony 
taken  by  the  Committee  of  Investigation  and  reported  to 
the  House  of  Representatives  at  the  last  session  of  the 
forty-second  Congress,  which  relates  to  Mr.  GARFIELD. 

The  events  of  the  late  winter  recall  forcibly  a  decla 
ration  made  more  than  twenty-two  centuries  ago,  by  a 
man  who  possessed  a  profound  knowledge  of  human  na 
ture  and  society.  In  answering  a  grave  charge  made 


CREDIT    MOBILIER TRIUMPHANT    VINDICATION.         353 

against  his  public  conduct,  he  said  he  did  not  stand  on 
equal  ground  with  his  accusers,  for  the  reason  that 
people  listen  to  accusation  more  readily  than  to  defence. 
This  remark  has  sometimes  been  thought  cynical  and 
unjust ;  but  there  is  much  in  our  recent  history  that 
gives  it  force. 

In  no  period  of  the  political  life  of  this  country  has 
the  appetite  for  scandal  been  keener,  or  its  exercise  less 
restrained,  than  during  the  last  year.  One  of  our  most 
brilliant  and  influential  journalists,  in  an  address  deliv 
ered  a  few  days  since  to  a  convention  of  his  professional 
brethren  in  Indiana,  while  speaking  of  the  present  tone 
of  the  press,  used  this  emphatic  language  : 

The  law  presumes  a  man  to  be  innocent  until  he  is  proved 
guilty. 

The  press,  not  merely  usurping  thp  functions  of  the  law  in  ar 
raigning  a  man  whom  the  constable  has  no  warrant  to  arrest,  goes 
still  farther,  and  assumes  him,  prima  facie,  to  be  guilty.  After 
many  weeks,  if  the  case  of  the  accused  comes  to  trial,  he  is  ac 
quitted  ;  the  law  makes  him  an  honest  man  ;  but  there  is  the 
newspaper  which  has  condemned  him,  and  cannot,  with  a  dozen 
retractions,  erase  the  impression  left  and  the  damage  done  by  a 
single  paragraph. 

It  might  not  be  becoming  in  a  layman,  who  feels  in 
his  own  case  the  force  of  this  paragraph,  to  volunteer 
such  a  declaration  ;"  but  it  is  quite  proper  for  him  to  tes 
tify  to  its  truth  when  thus  forcibly  stated. 

This  paragraph  from  the  address  of  the  journalist 
finds  a  striking  illustration  in  the  history  of  the  subject 
now  under  review. 

In  the  autumn  of  1872,  during  the  excitement  of 
the  Presidential  campaign,  charges  of  the  most  serious 

23 


354:  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

character  were  made  against  ten  or  twelve  persons  who 
were  then,  or  had  recently  been,  senators  and  represen 
tatives  in  Congress,  to  the  effect  that,  five  years  ago, 
they  had  sold  themselves  for  sundry  amounts  of  stock 
of  the  Credit  Mobilier  Company  and  bonds  of  the  Pacific 
Railroad  Company.  The  price  at  which  different  mem 
bers  were  alleged  to  have  bartered  away  their  personal 
honor  and  their  official  influence  was  definitely  set  down 
in  the  newspapers ;  their  guilt  was  assumed,  and  the 
public  vengeance  was  invoked  not  only  upon  them,  but 
also  upon  the  party  to  which  most  of  them  belonged, 

CREDIT  MOBILIER  INVESTIGATION. 

By  a  resolution  of  the  House,  introduced  by  one  of 
the  accused  members,  and  adopted  on  the  first  day  of  the 
late  session,  an  investigation  of  these  charges  was  or 
dered.  The  parties  themselves  and  many  other  wit 
nesses  were  examined ;  the  records  of  the  Credit  Mobi 
lier  Company  and  of  the  Pacific  Railroad  Company  were 
produced ;  and  the  results  of  the  investigation  were 
reported  to  the  House  on  the  18th  of  February.  The 
report,  with  the  accompanying  testimony,  was  brought 
up  in  the  House  for  consideration  on  the  25th  of  Feb 
ruary,  and  the  discussion  was  continued  until  the  sub 
ject  was  finally  disposed  of,  three  days  before  the  close 
of  the  session.  The  investigation  was  scarcely  begun 
before  it  was  manifest  that  the  original  charge,  that  stock 
was  given  to  members  as  a  consideration  for  their  votes, 
was  wholly  abandoned,  there  being  no  proof  whatever  to 
support  it. 

But  the  charge  assumed  a  new  form,  namely  :  That 


CREDIT   MOBILIER — TRIUMPHANT    VINDICATION.          355 

the  stock  bad  been  sold  to  members,  at  a  price  known  to 
be  greatly  below  its  actual  value,  for  the  purpose  of  se 
curing  their  legislative  influence  in  favor  of  those  who 
were  managing  and  manipulating  the  Pacific  Railroad 
for  their  own  private  advantage  and  to  the  injury  both 
of  the  trust  and  of  the  United  States.  Eight  of  those 
against  whom  charges  had  been  made  in  the  public 
press,  myself  among  the  number,  were  still  members  of 
the  House  of  Representatives,  and  were  specially  men 
tioned  in  the  report.  The  committee  recommended  tho 
adoption  of  resolutions  for  the  expulsion  of  Messrs. 
Ames  and  Brooks,  the  latter  on  charges  in  no  way  con 
nected  with  Mr.  Ames  or  the  other  members  mentioned. 
They  recommended  the  expulsion  of  Mr.  Ames  for  an 
attempt  to  influence  the  votes  and  decisions  of  mem 
bers  of  Congress  by  interesting  them  in  the  stock  of 
the  Credit  Mobilier,  and  through  it  in  the  stock  of  the 
Union  Pacific  Railroad.  They  found  that  though  Mr. 
Ames  in  no  case  disclosed  his  purpose  to  these  mem 
bers,  yet  he  hoped  so  to  enlist  their  interest  that  they 
would  be  inclined  to  favor  any  legislation  in  aid  of  the 
Pacific  Railroad  and  its  interests,  and  that  he  declared 
to  the  managers  of  the  Credit  Mobilier  Company  at  the 
time  that  he  was  thus  using  the  stock  which  had  been 
placed  in  his  hands  by  the  company. 

Concerning  the  members  to  whom  he  had  sold,  or 
offered  to  sell,  the  stock,  the  committee  say  that  they 
"  do  not  find  that  Mr.  Ames,  in  his  negotiations  with 
the  persons  above  named,  entered  into  any  detail  of  the 
relations  between  the  Credit  Mobilier  Company  and  the 
Union  Pacific  Company,  or  gave  them  any  specific  in- 


356  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD. 

formation  as  to  the  amount  of  dividends  they  would  be 
likely  to  receive  farther  than  has  been  already  stated, 
[viz.,  that  in  some  cases  he  had  guaranteed  a  profit  of 
ten  per  cent.]  .  .  .  They  do  not  find  as  to  the  members 
of  the  present  House  above  named,  that  they  were  aware 
of  the  object  of  Mr.  Ames,  or  that  they  had  any  other 
purpose  in  taking  this  stock  than  to  make  a  profitable 
investment.  .  .  .  They  have  not  been  able  to  find  that 
any  of  these  members  of  Congress  have  been  affected  in 
their  official  action  in  consequence  of  interest  in  the 
Credit  Mobilier  stock.  .  .  .  They  do  not  find  that  either 
of  the  above-named  gentlemen  in  contracting  with  Mr. 
Ames  had  any  corrupt  motive  or  purpose  himself  or  was 
aware  Mr.  Ames  had  any.  Nor  did  either  of  them 
suppose  he  was  guilty  of  any  impropriety  or  even  in 
delicacy  in  becoming  a  purchaser  of  this  stock."  And 
finally,  that  "the  committee  find  nothing  in  the  con 
duct  or  motives  of  either  of  these  members  in  taking 
this  stock,  that  calls  for  any  recommendation  by  tho 
committee  of  the  House."  (See  pp.  viii.  ix.  x.) 

In  the  case  of  each  of  the  six  members  just  referred 
to,  the  committee  sum  up  the  results  of  the  testimony, 
and  from  that  summary  the  conclusions  above  quoted 
are  drawn.  In  regard  to  me,  the  committee  find  :  That, 
in  December,  1867,  or  January,  1868,  I  agreed  to  pur 
chase  ten  shares  of  Credit  Mobilier  stock  of  Mr.  Ames, 
for  $1,000,  and  the  accrued  interest  from  the  previous 
July;  that  in  June,  1868,  Mr.  Ames  paid  me  a  check 
on  the  Sergeant-at-Arms  of  the  House  for  $329,  as  a 
balance  of  dividends  on  the  stock,  above  the  purchase- 
price  and  accrued  interest;  and  that  thereafter,  there 


CREDIT    MOBILIER TRIUMPHANT   VINDICATION.          357 

were  no  payments  or  other  transactions  between  us,  or 
any  communication  on  the  subject  until  the  investigation 
began  in  December  last.  (See  Report,  p.  vii.) 

I  took  the  first  opportunity  offered  by  the  completion 
of  public  business  to  call  the  attention  of  the  House  to 
the  above  summary  of  the  testimony  in  reference  to  me. 
On  the  3d  of  March  I  made  the  following  remarks,  in 
the  House  of  Representatives,  as  recorded  in  the  Con 
gressional  Globe  for  that  day : 

Mr.  Garfield,  of  Ohio. — I  rise  to  a  personal  explanation.  Dur 
ing  the  late  investigation  by  the  committee  of  which  the  gentle 
man  from  Vermont  (Mr.  Poland)  was  the  chairman,  I  pursued 
what  seemed  to  be  the  plain  path  of  duty,  to  keep  silence  except 
when  I  was  called  upon  to  testify  before  the  committee.  When 
testimony  was  given  which  appeared  to  be  in  conflict  with  mine,  I 
waited,  expecting  to  be  called  again  if  anything  was  needed  from 
me  in  reference  to  these  discrepancies.  I  was  not  recalled  ;  and 
when  the  committee  submitted  their  report  to  the  House,  a  con 
siderable  portion  of  the  testimony  relating  to  me  had  not  been 
printed. 

In  the  discussion  which  followed  here  I  was  prepared  to  sub 
mit  some  additional  facts  and  considerations  in  case  my  own  con 
duct  came  up  for  consideration  in  the  House  ;  but  the  whole  sub 
ject  was  concluded  without  any  direct  reference  to  myself,  and 
since  then  the  whole  time  of  the  House  has  been  occupied  with 
the  public  business.  I  now  desire  to  make  a  single  remark  on 
this  subject  in  the  hearing  of  the  House.  Though  the  committee 
acquitted  me  of  all  charges  of  corruption  in  action  or  intent,  yet 
there  is  in  the  report  a  summing  up  of  the  facts  in  relation  to  me 
which  I  respectfully  protest  is  not  warranted  by  the  testimony.  I 
Bay  this  with  the  utmost  respect  for  the  committee,  and  without 
'intending  any  reflection  upon  them. 

I  cannot  now  enter  upon  the  discussion  ;  but  I  propose,  before 
long,  to  make  a  statement  to  the  public,  setting  forth  more  fully 
the  grounds  of  my  dissent  from  the  summing  up  to  which  I  have 


358  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD. 

referred.  I  will  only  say  now  that  the  testimony  which  I  gave 
before  the  committee  is  a  statement  of  the  facts  in  the  case  as  I 
have  understood  them  from  the  beginning.  More  than  three 
years  ago,  on  at  least  two  occasions,  I  stated  the  case  to  two  per 
sonal  friends  substantially  as  I  stated  it  before  the  committee,  and 
I  here  add  that  nothing  in  my  conduct  or  conversation  has  at  any 
time  been  in  conflict  with  my  testimony.  For  the  present  I  de 
sire  only  to  place  on  record  this  declaration  and  notice. 

In  pursuance  of  this  notice,  I  shall  consider  so  much 
of  the  history  of  the  Credit  Mobilier  Company  as  has 
any  relation  to  myself.  To  render  the  discussion  intel 
ligible,  I  will  first  state  briefly  the  offences  which  that 
corporation  committed,  as  found  by  the  committees  of  the 
House. 

HISTORY  OF  THE  CREDIT  MOBILIER  COMPANY. 

The  Credit  Mobilier  Company  is  a  corporation  organ 
ized  under  the  laws  of  the  State  of  Pennsylvania,  and 
authorized  by  its  charter  to  purchase  and  sell  various 
kinds  of  securities  and  to  make  advances  of  money  and 
credit  to  railroad  and  other  improvement  companies.  Its 
charter  describes  a  class  of  business  which,  if  honestly 
conducted,  any  citizen  may  properly  engage  in. 

On  the  16th  of  August,  1867,  Mr.  Oakes  Amos 
made  a  contract  with  the  Union  Pacific  Railroad  Com 
pany  to  build  six  hundred  and  sixty-seven  miles  of  road, 
from  the  one  hundredth  meridian  westward,  at  rates  rang 
ing  from  $42,000  to  $96,000  per  mile.  For  executing  this 
contract  he  was  to  receive  in  the  aggregate  $47,925,000, 
in  cash  or  in  the  securities  of  the  company. 

On  the  15th  of  October,  a  triple  contract  was  made 
between  Mr.  Ames  of  the  first  part,  seven  persons  aa 


CREDIT    MOBILIER — TRIUMPHANT    VINDICATION.         359 

trustees  of  the  second  part,  and  the  Credit  Mobilier  Com 
pany  of  the  third  party  by  the  terms  of  which  the  Credit 
Mobilier  Company  was  to  advance  money  to  build  the 
road,  and  to  receive  thereon  seven  per  cent,  interest  and 
two  and  a  half  per  cent,  commission  ;  the  seven  trustees 
were  to  execute  the  Ames  contract,  and  the  profits  there 
on  were  to  be  divided  among  them,  and  such  other  stock 
holders  of  the  Credit  Mobilier  Company  as  should  deliver 
to  them  an  irrevocable  proxy  to  vote  the  stock  of  the 
Union  Pacific  held  by  them.  The  principal  stockholders 
of  the  Credit  Mobilier  Company  were  also  holders  of  a 
majority  of  the  stock  of  the  Union  Pacific  Railroad. 

.  On  the  face  of  this  agreement,  the  part  to  be  per 
formed  by  the  Credit  Mobilier  Company  as  a  corporation 
was  simple  and  unobjectionable.  It  was  to  advance 
money  to  the  contractors  and  to  receive  therefor  about 
ten  per  cent,  as  interest  and  commission.  This  explains 
how  it  was  that  in  a  suit  in  the  courts  of  Pennsylvania 
in  1870,  to  collect  the  State  tax  on  the  profits  of  the 
company,  its  managers  swore  that  the  company  had  never 
declared  dividends  to  an  aggregate  of  more  than  twelve 
present.  The  company  proper  did  not  receive  the  profits 
of  the  Oakes  Ames  contract.  The  profits  were  paid  only 
to  the  seven  trustees  and  to  such  stockholders  of  the 
Credit  Mobilier  as  had  delivered  to  them  the  proxies  on 
their  Pacific  Railroad  stock.  In  other  words,  a  ring  in 
side  the  Credit  Mobilier  obtained  the  control  both  of  that 
corporation  and  of  the  profits  of  the  Ames  contract. 

By  a  private  agreement  made  in  writing  October  16, 
1867,  the  day  after  the  triple  contract  was  signed,  the 
seven  trustees  pledged  themselves  to  each  other  so  to 


3GO  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

vole  all  the  Pacific  Railroad  stock  "which  they  held  in 
their  own  right  or  by  proxy,  as  to  keep  in  power  all  the 
members  of  the  then  existing  board  of  directors  of  the 
railroad  company  not  appointed  by  the  President  of  the 
United  States,  or  such  other  persons  as  said  board  should 
nominate.  By  this  agreement,  the  election  of  a  majority 
of  the  directors  was  wholly  within  the  power  of  the  seven 
trustees.  From  all  this  it  resulted  that  the  Ames  con 
tract  and  the  triple  agreement  made  in  October  amounted 
in  fact  to  a  contract  made  by  seven  leading  stockholders 
of  the  Pacific  Railroad  Company  with  themselves ;  so 
that  the  men  who. fixed  the  price  at  which  the  road  was 
to  be  built  were  the  same  men  who  would  receive  the 
profits  of  the  contract. 

The  wrong  in  this  transaction  consisted,  first  in  the 
fact  that  the  stockholding  directors  of  the  Pacific  Rail 
road,  being  the  guardians  of  a  great  public  trust,  con 
tracted  with  themselves ;  and,  second,  that  they  paid 
themselves  an  exorbitant  price  for  the  work  to  be  done,  a 
price  which  virtually  brought  into  their  own  possession, 
as  private  individuals,  almost  all  the  property  of  the  rail 
road  company.  The  six  hundred  and  sixty-seven  miles 
covered  by  the  contract  included  one  hundred  and  thirty- 
eight  miles  already  completed,  the  profits  on  which  inured 
to  the  benefit  of  the  contractors.  (See  Report  of  Credit 
Mobilier  Committee,  No.  2,  p.  xiii.) 

The  Credit  Mobilier  Company  had  already  been  en 
gaged  in  various  enterprises  before  the  connection  with 
the  Ames  contract.  George  Francis  Train  had  once  been 
the  principal  owner  of  its  franchises,  and  it  had  owned 
some  western  lands  (Wilson's  Report,  pp.  497,  8)  ;  but 


CREDIT    MOBILIER TRIUMPHANT    VINDICATION.          3G1 

its  enterprises  had  not  been  very  remunerative,  and  its 
stock  had  not  been  worth  par.  The  triple  contract  of 
October,  1867,  gave  it  at  once  considerable  additional 
value.  It  should  be  borne  in  mind,  however,  that  the 
relations  of  the  Credit  Mobilier  Company  to  the  seven 
trustees,  to  the  Oakes  Ames  contract,  and  to  the  Pacific 
Railroad  Company,  were  known  to  but  few  persons  until 
long  afterward,  and  that  it  was  for  the  interest  of  the 
parties  to  keep  them  secret.  Indeed,  nothing  was  known 
of  it  to  the  general  public  until  the  facts  were  brought 
out  in  the  recent  investigations. 

In  view  of  the  facts  above  stated,  it  is  evident  that  a 
purchaser  of  such  shares  of  Credit  Mobilier  stock  as  were 
brought  under  the  operation  of  the  triple  contract  would 
be  a  sharer  in  the  profits  derived  by  that  arrangement 
from  the  assets  of  the  Pacific  Railroad,  a  large  part  of 
which  consisted  of  bonds  and  lands  granted  to  the  road 
by  the  United  States.  The  holding  of  such  stock  by  a 
member  of  Congress  would  depend  for  its  moral  qualities 
wholly  upon  the  fact  whether  he  did  or  did  not  know 
of  the  arrangement  out  of  which  the  profits  would  come. 
If  he  knew  of  the  fraudulent  arrangement  by  which  the 
bonds  and  lands  of  the  United  States  delivered  to  the 
Union  Pacific  Railroad  Company  for  the  purpose  of  con 
structing  its  road  were  to  be  paid  out  at  enormously 
extravagant  rates,  and  the  proceeds  to  be  paid  out  as 
dividends  to  a  ring  of  stockholders  made  the  Credit  Mo 
bilier  Company,  he  could  not  with  any  propriety  hold 
such  stock,  or  agree  to  hold  it,  or  any  of  its  proceeds. 
And  for  a  member  of  Congress,  knowing  the  facts,  to  hold 
ander  adnsemeut  a  proposition  to  buy  this  stock  would 


362  JAMES   A.  QARFIELD. 

be  morally  as  wrong  as  to  hold  it  and  receive  the  profits 
upon  it  If  it  was  morally  wrong  to  purchase  it,  it  was 
morally  wrong  to  hesitate  whether  to  purchase  it  or  not. 

I  put  the  case  on  the  highest  ethical  ground,  and  ask 
that  this  rule  be  applied  in  all  its  severity  in  judging  ol 
my  relations  on  this  subject. 

i 
PROPOSITIONS  TO   BE   DISCUSSED. 

The  committee  found,  as  already  stated,  that  none  oi 
the  six  members  to  whom  Mr.  Ames  sold,  or  proposed  to 
sell,  the  stock,  knew  of  this  arrangement.  I  shall,  how 
ever,  discuss  the  subject  only  in  so  far  as  relates  to  me, 
and  shall  undertake  to  establish  three  propositions  : 

First.  That  I  never  purchased  nor  agreed  to  pur 
chase  the  stock,  nor  received  any  of  its  dividends. 

Second.  That  though  an  offer  was  made,  which  I 
had  some  time  under  advisement,  to  sell  me  $1,000  worth 
of  the  stock,  I  did  not  then  know,  nor  had  I  the  means  of 
knowing,  the  real  conditions  with  which  the  stock  was 
connected,  or  the  method  by  which  its  profits  were  to  be 
made. 

Third.  That  my  testimony  before  the  committee  is  a 
statement  of  the  facts  as  I  have  always  understood  them ; 
and  that  neither  before  the  committee  nor  elsewhere  has 
there  been,  on  my  part,  any  prevarication  or  evasion  on 
the  subject. 

MR.    GARFIELD'S  TESTIMONY 

My  testimony  was  delifered  before  the  investigating 
committee  on  the  14th  of  January.  That  portion  which 
precedes  the  cross-examination,  I  had  written  out  soon 


CREDIT    MOBILIER TRIUMPHANT    VINDICATION.  363 

after  the  committee  was  appointed.  I  quote  from  it, 
with  the  cross-examination,  in  full,  as  found  recorded  on 
pp.  128  to  131 : 

WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  January  14,  1875. 

J.  A.  Garfield,  a  member  of  the  United  States  House  of  Repre 
sentatives,  from  the  State  of  Ohio,  having  been  duly  sworn,  made 
the  following  statement : 

The  first  I  ever  heard  of  the  Credit  Mobilier  was  sometime  in 
1806  or  1867 — I  cannot  fix  the  date — when  George  Francis  Train 
called  on  me  and  said  he  was  organizing  a  company  to  be  known 
as  the  Credit  Mobilier  of  America,  to  be  formed  on  the  model  of 
the  Credit  Mobilier  of  France  ;  that  the  object  of  the  company 
was  to  purchase  land  and  build  houses  along  the  line  of  the  Pa 
cific  Railroad  at  points  where  cities  and  villages  were  likely  to 
spring  up  ;  that  he  had  no  doubt  that  money  thus  invested  would 
double  or  treble  itself  each  year ;  that  subscriptions  were  limited 
to  $1,000  each,  and  he  wished  me  to  subscribe.  He  showed  me  a 
long  list  of  subscribers,  among  them  Mr.  Oakes  Ames,  to  whom 
he  referred  me  for  further  information  concerning  the  enterprise. 
I  answered  that  I  had  not  the  money  to  spare,  and  if  I  had  I 
would  not  subscribe  without  knowing  more  about  the  proposed 
organization.  Mr.  Train  left  me,  saying  he  would  hold  a  place 
open  for  me,  and  hoped  I  would  yet  conclude  to  subscribe.  The 
same  day  I  asked  Mr.  Ames  what  he  thought  of  the  enterprise. 
He  expressed  the  opinion  that  the  investment  would  be  safe  and 
profitable. 

I  heard  nothing  further  on  the  subject  for  a  year  or  more,  and 
it  was  almost  forgotten,  when  sometime,  I  should  say,  during  the 
long  session  of  1868,  Mr.  Ames  spoke  of  it  again  ;  said  the  com 
pany  had  organized,  was  doing  well,  and  he  thought  would  soon 
pay  large  dividends.  He  said  that  some  of  the  stock  had  been 
left  or  was  to  be  left  in  his  hands  to  sell,  and  I  could  take  the 
amount  which  Mr.  Train  had  off'ived  me,  by  paying  the  $1,000 
and  the  accrued  interest.  He  said  if  I  was  not  able  to  pay  for  it 
tthen,  he  would  hold  it  for  me  till  I  could  pay,  or  until  some  of 
the  dividends  were  payable.  I  told  him  I  would  consider  the 


364  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD. 

matter ;  but  would  not  agree  to  take  any  stock  until  I  knew,  from 
an  examination  of  the  character  and  the  conditions  of  the  sub 
scription,  the  extent  to  which  I  should  become  pecuniarily  liable. 
He  said  he  was  not  sure,  but  thought  a  stockholder  would  be  liable 
only  for  the  par  value  of  his  stock ;  that  he  had  not  the  stock  and 
papers  with  him,  but  would  have  them  after  a  while. 

From  the  case,  as  presented,  I  should  probably  have  taken  the 
stock  if  I  had  been  satisfied  in  regard  to  the  extent  of  pecuniary 
liability.  Thus  the  matter  rested  for  some  time,  I  think  until  the 
following  year.  During  that  interval  I  understood  that  there 
were  dividends  due  amounting  to  nearly  three  times  the  par  value 
of  the  stock.  But  in  the  meantime  I  had  heard  that  the  com 
pany  was  involved  in  some  controversy  with  the  Pacific  Railroad, 
and  that  Mr.  Ames's  right  to  sell  the  stock  was  denied.  When  I 
next  saw  Mr.  Ames  I  told  him  I  had  concluded  not  to  take  the 
stock.  There  the  matter  ended,  so  far  as  I  was  concerned,  and  I 
had  no  further  knowledge  of  the  company's  operations  until  the 
subject  began  to  be  discussed  in  the  newspapers  last  fall. 

Nothing  was  ever  said  to  me  by  Mr.  Train  or  Mr.  Ames  to  in 
dicate  or  imply  that  the  Credit  Mobilier  was  or  could  be  in  any 
way  connected  with  the  legislation  of  Congress  for  the  Pacific 
Railroad  or  for  any  other  purpose.  Mr.  Ames  never  gave,  nor 
offered  to  give,  me  any  stock  or  other  valuable  thing  as  a  gift.  I 
once  asked  and  obtained  from  him,  and  afterwards  repaid  to  him, 
a  loan  of  $300  ;  that  amount  is  the  only  valuable  thing  I  ever  re 
ceived  from  or  delivered  to  him. 

I  never  owned,  received,  or  agreed  to  receive  any  stock  of  the 
Credit  Mobilier  or  of  the  Union  Pacific  Railroad,  nor  any  divi 
dends  or  profits  arising  from  either  of  them. 

By  the  Chairman : 

Question.  Had  this  loan  you  speak  of  any  connection  in  any 
way  with  your  conversation  in  regard  to  the  Credit  Mobilier  stock  ? 
Answer.  No  connection  in  any  way  except  in  regard  to  the  time 
of  payment.  Mr.  Ames  stated  to  me  that  if  I  concluded  to  sub 
scribe  for  the  Credit  Mobilier  stock,  I  could  allow  the  loan  to  re- 


CREDIT    MOBILIER — TRIUMPHANT   VINDICATION.          365 

main  until  the  payment  on  that  was  adjusted.  I  never  regarded 
it  as  connected  in  any  other  way  with  the  stock  enterprise. 

Q.  Do  you  remember  the  time  of  that  transaction  ?  A.  I  do 
not  remember  it  precisely.  I  should  think  it  was  in  the  session  of 
1868.  I  had  been  to  Europe  the  fall  before  and  was  in  debt,  and 
borrowed  several  sums  of  money  at  different  times  and  from  dif 
ferent  persons.  This  loan  from  Mr.  Ames  was  not  at  his  instance. 
I  made  the  request  myself.  I  think  I  had  asked  one  or  two  per 
sons  before  him  for  the  loan. 

Q.  Have  you  any  knowledge  in  reference  to  any  dealings  of 
Mr.  Ames  with  any  gentlemen  in  Congress  in  reference  to  the 
stock  of  the  Credit  Mobilier  ?  A.  No,  sir  ;  I  have  not.  I  had 
no  knowledge  that  Mr.  Ames  had  ever  talked  with  anybody  but 
myself.  It  was  a  subject  I  gave  but  little  attention  to  ;  in  fact, 
many  of  the  details  had  almost  passed  out  of  my  mind  until  they 
were  called  up  in  the  late  campaign. 

By  Mr.  Black: 

Q.  Did  you  say  you  refused  to  take  the  stock  simply  because 
there  was  a  lawsuit  about  it  ?  A.  No ;  not  exactly  that.  I  do 
not  remember  any  other  reason  which  I  gave  to  Mr.  Ames  than 
that  I  did  not  wish  to  take  stock  in  anything  that  would  involve 
controversy.  I  think  I  gave  him  no  other  reason  than  that. 

Q.  When  you  ascertained  the  relation  that  this  company  had 
with  the  Union  Pacific  Railroad  Company,  and  whence  its  profits 
were  to  be  derived,  would  you  have  considered  that  a  sufficient 
reason  for  declining  it  irrespective  of  other  considerations  ?  A.  It 
would  have  been  as  the  case  was  afterwards  stated. 

Q.  At  the  time  you  talked  with  Mr.  Ames,  before  you  rejected 
the  proposition,  you  did  not  know  whence  the  profits  of  the  com 
pany  were  to  be  derived  ?  A.  I  did  not.  I  do  not  know  that 
Mr.  Ames  withheld,  intentionally,  from  me  any  information.  I 
had  derived  my  original  knowledge  of  the  organization  of  the 
company  from  Mr.  Train.  He  made  quite  an  elaborate  statement 
of  its  purposes,  and  I  proceeded  in  subsequent  conversations  upon 
the  supposition  that  the  organization  was  unchanged.  I  ought  to 
*ay  for  myself,  as  well  as  for  Mr.  Ames,  that  he  never  said  any 


366  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

word  to  me  that  indicated  the  least  desire  to  influence  my  legif»- 
lative  action  in  any  way.  If  he  had  any  such  purpose,  he  cer 
tainly  never  said  anything  to  me  which  would  indicate  it. 

Q.  You  know  now,  and  have  known  for  a  long  time,  that  Mr. 
Ames  was  deeply  interested  in  the  legislation  on  this  subject  > 
A.  I  supposed  that  he  was  largely  interested  in  the  Union  Pacific 
Railroad.  I  have  heard  various  statements  to  that  effect.  I  can 
not  say  I  had  any  such  information  of  my  own  knowledge. 

Q.  You  mean  that  he  did  not  electioneer  with  you  or  solicit 
your  vote  ?  A.  Certainly  not.  None  of  the  conversations  I  ever 
had  with  him  had  any  reference  to  such  legislation. 

By  Mr.  Merrick  : 

Q.  Have  you  any  knowledge  of  any  other  member  of  Congress 
being  concerned  in  the  Credit  Mobilier  stock  ?  A.  No,  sir  ;  I 
have  not. 

Q.  Or  any  stock  in  the  Union  Pacific  Railroad  ?  A.  I  have 
not.  I  can  say  to  the  committee  that  I  never  saw,  I  believe,  in  my 
life,  a  certificate  of  stock  of  the  Union  Pacific  Railroad  Company, 
and  I  never  saw  any  certificate  of  stock  of  the  Credit  Mobilier, 
until  Mr.  Brooks  exhibited  one,  a  few  days  ago,  in  the  House  of 
Representatives. 

Q.  Were  any  dividends  ever  tendered  to  you  on  the  stock  of 
the  Credit  Mobilier  upon  the  supposition  that  you  were  to  be  a 
subscriber  ?  A.  No,  sir. 

Q.  This  loan  of  $300  you  have  repaid,  if  I  understand  you 
correctly  ?  A.  Yes,  sir. 

By  Mr.  McCrary  : 

Q.  You  never  examined  the  charter  of  the  Credit  Mobilier  to 
eee  what  were  its  objects  ?  A.  No,  sir  ;  I  never  saw  it. 

Q.  If  I  understood  you,  you  did  not  know  that  the  Credit  Mo* 
bilier  had  any  connection  with  the  Union  Pacific  Railroad  Com 
pany  ?  A.  I  understood  from  the  statement  of  Mr.  Train  that  its 
objects  were  connected  with  the  lands  of  the  Union  Pacific  Rail 
road  Company  and  the  development  and  settlements  along  that 
road  ;  but  that  it  had  any  relation  to  the  Union  Pacific  Railroad 


CREDIT    MOBILIER — TRIUMPHANT   VINDICATION.          367 

other  than  that,  I  did  not  know.  I  think  I  did  hear  also  that 
the  company  was  investing  some  of  its  earnings  in  the  bonds  of 
the  road. 

Q.  He  stated  it  was  for  the  purpose  of  purchasing  land  and 
ouilding  houses  ?  A.  That  was  the  statement  of  Mr.  Train.  I 
think  he  said  in  that  connection  that  he  had  already  been  doing 
something  of  that  kind  at  Omaha,  or  was  going  to  do  it. 

Q.  You  did  not  know  that  the  object  was  to  build  the  Union 
Pacific  Railroad  ?  A.  No,  sir ;  I  did  not. 

This  is  the  case  as  I  understand  it,  and  as  I  have 
always  understood  it.  In  reviewing  it,  after  all  that  has 
been  said  and  written  during  the  past  winter,  there  are 
no  substantial  changes  which  I  could  now  make,  except 
to  render  a  few  points  more  definite.  Few  men  can  be 
certain  that  they  give  with  absolute  correctness  the  de 
tails  of  conversations  and  transactions  after  a  lapse  of 
five  years.  Subject  to  this  limitation  I  have  no  doubt 
of  the  accuracy  of  my  remembrance  concerning  this 
transaction. 

From  this  testimony  it  will  be  seen  that  when  Mr. 
Ames  offered  to  sell  me  the  stock  in  1867— '68,  my  only 
knowledge  of  the  character  and  objects  of  the  Credit  Mo- 
bilier  Company  was  obtained  from  Mr.  Train,  at  least  as 
early  as  the  winter  of  1S66-'G7,  long  before  the  company 
had  become  a  party  to  the  construction  contract.  It  has 
been  said  that  I  am  mistaken  in  thinking  it  was  the 
Credit  Mobilier  that  Mr.  Train  offered  me  in  1866-67. 
I  think  I  am  not.  Mr.  Durant,  in  explaining  his  con 
nection  with  the  Credit  Mobilier  Company,  says  (pp. 
169,170): 

I  sent  Mr.  Train  to  Philadelphia.  We  wanted  it  (the  Credit 
Mobilier)  for  a  stock  operation,  but  we  could  not  agree  what  was 


368  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

to  be  done  with  it.  Mr.  Train  proposed  to  go  on  an  expanded 
scale,  but  I  abandoned  it.  I  think  Mr.  Train  got  some  subscrip 
tions  ;  what  they  were  I  do  not  know. 

It  has  been  said  that  it  is  absurd  to  suppose  that  in 
telligent  men,  familiar  with  public  affairs,  did  not  under 
stand  all  about  the  relation  of  the  Credit  Mobilier  Com 
pany  to  the  Pacific  Railroad  Company.  It  is  a  sufficient 
answer  to  say  that,  until  the  present  winter,  a  few  men 
either  in  or  out  of  Congress  ever  understood  it,  and  it 
was  for  the  interest  of  those  in  the  management  of  that 
arrangement  to  prevent  these  facts  from  being  known. 
This  will  appear  from  the  testimony  of  the  Hon.  J.  F. 
Wilson,  who  purchased  ten  shares  of  the  stock  in  1868. 
In  the  spring  of  1869  he  was  called  upon  professionally 
to  give  an  opinion  as  to  the  right  of  holders  of  Pacific 
Railroad  stock  to  vote  their  own  shares,  notwithstand 
ing  the  proxy  they  had  given  to  the  seven  trustees. 
To  enable  him  to  understand  the  case,  a  copy  of  the 
triple  contract  was  placed  in  his  hands.  He  says 
(page  213;  : 

Down  to  the  time  these  papers  were  placed  in  my  hands,  1 
knew  almost  nothing  of  the  organization  and  details  of  the  Credit 
Mobilier,  or  the  value  of  its  stock,  but  then  saw  that  here  was 
abundant  ground  for  future  trouble  and  litigation,  and,  as  one  of 
the  results,  sold  out  my  interest. 

And  again  (p.  216)  : 

Q.  Do  you,  or  did  you  know,  at  the  time  yon  had  this  nego 
tiation  with  Mr.  Ames,  the  value  of  the  Credit  Mobilier  stock  ? 
A.  I  did  not ;  and  I  wish  to  state  here,  in  regard  to  that,  that  it 
was  a  very  difficult  thing  to  ascertain  what  was  the  value  of  the 
stock.  Those  who,  as  I  say  in  my  statement,  possessed  the  secrets 


CREDIT    MOBILIER TRIUMPHANT    VINDICATION.          3G9 

of  the  Credit  Mobilier,  kept  them  to  themselves  ;  and  I  never 
was  able  to  get  any  definite  information  as  to  what  the  value  of 
the  stock  was. 

When,  in  the  winter  of  1867-'68,  Mr.  Ames  proposed 
to  sell  me  some  of  the  stock,  I  regarded  it  as  a  mere  repe 
tition  of  the  offer  made  by  Mr.  Train  more  than  a  year 
before.  The  company  was  the  same,  and  the  amount 
offered  me  was  the  same.  Mr.  Ames  knew  it  had  for 
merly  been  offered  me,  for  I  had  then  asked  him  his 
opinion  of  such  an  investment;  and  having  understood 
the  objects  of  the  company,  as  stated  by  Mr.  Train,  I  did 
not  inquire  further  on  that  point. 

There  could  not  be  the  slightest  impropriety  in  taking 
the  stock,  had  the  objects  of  the  company  been  such  MS 
Mr.  Train  represented  them  to  me.  The  only  question 
on  which  I  then  hesitated  was  that  of  the  personal  pe 
cuniary  liability  attaching  to  a  subscription ;  and,  to 
settle  that  question,  I  asked  to  see  the  charter,  and  the 
conditions  on  which  the  stock  were  based.  I  have  no 
doubt  Mr.  Ames  expected  I  would  subscribe.  But  more 
than  a  year  passed  without  further  discussion  of  the  sub 
ject.  The  papers  were  not  brought,  and  the  purchase 
never  was  made. 

In  the  winter  of  1869-'70,  I  received  the  first  intima 
tion  I  ever  had  of  the  real  nature  of  the  connection  be 
tween  the  Credit  Mobilier  Company  and  the  Pacific  Rail 
road  Company,  in  a  private  conversation  with  the  Hon.  J. 
S.  Black,  of  Pennsylvania.  Finding  in  the  course  of  that 
conversation  that  he  was  familiar  with  the  history  of  the 
enterprise,  I  told  him  all  .1  knew  about  the  matter,  and 
informed  him  of  the  offer  that  had  been  made  me  lie 

24 


370  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

expressed  the  opinion  that  the  managers  of  the  Credit 
Mobilier  were  attempting  to  defraud  the  Pacific  Railroad 
Company,  and  informed  me  that  Mr.  Ames  was  pretend 
ing  to  have  sold  stock  to  members  of  Congress,  for  the 
purpose  of  influencing  their  action  in  any  legislation  that 
might  arise  on  the  subject. 

Though  I  had  neither  done  nor  said  anything  which 
placed  me  under  any  obligation  to  take  the  stock,  I  at 
once  informed  Mr.  Ames  that  if  he  was  still  holding  the 
offer  open  to  me  he  need  do  so  no  longer,  for  I  would  not 
take  the  stock.  This  I  did  immediately  after  the  con 
versation  with  Judge  Black,  which  according  to  his  own 
recollection  as  well  as  mine,  was  early  in  the  winter  of 
1869-70. 

One  circumstance  has  given  rise  to  a  painful  conflict 
of  testimony  between  Mr.  Ames  and  myself.  I  refer  to 
the  loan  of  $300.  Among  the  various  criticisms  that 
nave  been  made  on  this  subject,  it  is  said  to  be  a  suspi 
cious  circumstance  that  I  should  have  borrowed  so  small 
a  sum  of  money  from  Mr.  Ames  about  this  time.  As 
stated  in  my  testimony,  I  had  just  returned  from  Europe, 
only  a  few  days  before  the  session  began,  and  the  ex 
penses  of  the  trip  had  brought  me  short  of  funds.  I 
might  have  alluded  in  the  same  connection  to  the  fact, 
that  before  going  abroad  I  had  obtained  money  from  a 
banker  in  New  York,  turning  over  to  him  advanced  drafts 
for  several  months  of  my  Congressional  salary  when  it 
should  be  due.  And  needing  a  small  sum,  early  in  the 
session,  for  current  expenses,  I  asked  it  of  Mr.  Ames,  for 
the  reason  that  he  had  volunteered  to  put  me  in  the  way 
of  making  what  he  thought  would  be  a  profitable  invest- 


CREDIT    MOBILIER TRIUMPHANT   VINDICATION.          371 

ment.  He  gave  me  the  money,  asking  for  no  receipt,  but 
saying  at  the  time  that  if  I  concluded  to  take  the  stock 
we  would  settle  both  matters  together.  I  am  not  able  to 
fix  the  exact  date  of  the  loan,  but  it  was  probably  in 
January,  1868. 

Mr.  Ames  seemed  to  have  forgotten  this  circum 
stance  until  I  mentioned  it  to  him  after  the  investigation 
began ;  for  he  said  in  his  first  testimony  (p.  28)  that  he 
had  forgotten  that  he  had  let  me  have  any  money.  I 
neglected  to  pay  him  this  money  until  after  the  conver 
sation  with  Judge  Black,  partly  because  of  my  pecu 
niary  embarrassments,  and  partly  because  no  conclusion 
had  been  reached  in  regard  to  the  purchase  of  the  stock. 
When  I  repaid  him  I  took  no  receipt,  as  I  had  given  none 
at  the  first. 

Mr.  Ames  said  once  or  twice,  in  the  course  of  his 
testimony,  that  I  did  not  repay  it,  although  he  says  in 
regard  to  it,  on  page  358,  that  he  does  not  know  and 
cannot  remember. 

ADDITIONAL  TESTIMONY. 

On  these  differences  of  recollection  between  Mr. 
Ames  and  myself,  it  is  not  so  important  to  show  that 
my  statement  is  the  correct  one,  as  to  show  that  I  have 
made  it  strictly  in  accordance  with  my  understanding  of 
the  facts.  And  this  I  am  able  to  show  by  proof  entirely 
independent  of  my  own  testimony. 

In  the  spring  of  1868,  the  Hon.  J.  P.  Robison,  of 
Cleveland,  Ohio,  was  my  guest  here  in  Washington,  and 
spent  nearly  two  weeks  with  me  during  the  trial  of  tho 
impeachment  of  Andrew  Johnson.  There  has  existed 


372  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

between  us  an  intimate  acquaintance  of  long  standing, 
and  I  have  often  consulted  him  on  business  affairs.  On 
meeting  him  since  the  adjournment  of  Congress,  he  in 
forms  me  that  while  he  was  visiting  me  on  the  occasion 
referred  to,  I  stated  to  him  the  offer  of  Mr.  Ames,  and 
asked  him  his  opinion  of  it.  The  following  letter,  just 
received  from  him,  states  the  conversation  as  he  remem 
bers  it : 

CLEVELAND,  Ohio,  May  1, 1873. 

DEAR  GENERAL  : — I  send  you  the  facts  concerning  a  conversa 
tion  which  I  had  with  you  (I  think  in  the  spring  of  1868),  when. 
I  was  stopping  in  Washington  for  some  days,  as  your  guest,  during 
the  trial  of  the  impeachment  of  President  Johnson.  While  there, 
you  told  me  that  Mr.  Ames  had  offered  you  a  chance  to  invest  a 
small  amount  in  a  company  that  was  to  operate  in  lands  and 
buildings  along  the  Pacific  Railroad,  which  he  (Ames)  said  would 
be  a  good  thing.  You  asked  me  what  I  thought  of  it  as  a  busi 
ness  proposition;  that  you  had  not  determined  what  you  would  do 
about  it,  and  suggested  to  me  to  talk  with  Ames,  and  form  my 
own  judgment;  and  if  I  thought  well  enough  of  it  to  advance  the 
money  and  buy  the  stock  on  joint  account  with  you,  and  let  you 
pay  me  interest  on  the  one-half,  I  could  do  so.  But  I  did  not 
think  well  of  the  proposition  as  a  business  enterprise,  and  did  not 
talk  with  Mr.  Ames  on  the  subject. 

After  this  talk,  having  at  first  told  you  I  would  give  the  sub 
ject  thought,  and  perhaps  talk  with  Ames,  I  told  you  one  evening 
that  I  did  not  think  well  of  the  proposition,  and  had  not  spoken 
to  Ames  on  the  subject.  Yours,  truly, 

J.  P.  ROBISON. 
Hon.  J.  A.  GARFIELD. 

I  subjoin  two  other  letters,  which  were  written  about 
the  time  the  report  of  the  committee  was  made,  and  to 
which  I  refer  in  my  remarks  made  on  the  3d  of  March 
in  the  House  of  Representatives.  The  first  is  from  a 


CREDIT    MOBILIER TRIUMPHANT    VINDICATION.          373 

citizen  of  the  town  where  I  reside ;  and  the  time  of  the 
conversation  to  which  it  alludes  was,  as  near  as  I  can 
remember,  in  the  fall  of  1868,  during  the  recess  of  Con 
gress  : 

HIRAM,  Ohio,  February  18,  1873. 

DEAR  SIR  : — It  may  be  relevant  to  the  question  at  issue  be 
tween  yourself  and  Mr.  Oakes  Ames,  in  the  Credit  Mobilier  inves 
tigation,  for  me  to  state  that  three  or  four  years  ago,  in  a  private 
conversation,  you  made  a  statement  to  me  involving  the  substance 
of  your  testimony  before  the  Poland  Committee,  as  published  in 
the  newspapers.  The  material  points  of  your  statement  were 
these  : 

That  you  had  been  spoken  to  by  George  Francis  Train,  who 
offered  you  some  shares  of  the  Credit  Mobilier  stock  ;  that  you 
told  him  that  you  had  no  money  to  invest  in  stocks  ;  that  subse 
quently  you  had  a  conversation  in  relation  to  the  matter  with  Mr. 
Ames  ;  that  Ames  offered  to  carry  the  stock  for  you  until  you 
could  pay  for  it,  if  you  cared  to  buy  it ;  and  that  you  had  told 
him  in  that  case  perhaps  you  would  take  it,  but  would  not  agree 
to  do  so  until  you  had  inquired  more  fully  into  the  matter.  Such 
an  arrangement  as  this  was  made,  Ames  agreeing  to  carry  the 
stock  until  you  should  decide.  In  this  way  the  matter  stood,  as  I 
understood  it,  at  the  time  of  our  conversation.  My  understand 
ing  was  distinct  that  you  had  not  accepted  Mr.  Ames's  proposi 
tion,  but  that  the  shares  were  still  held  at  your  option. 

You  stated  further,  that  the  company  was  to  operate  in  real 
property  along  the  line  of  the  Pacific  road.  Perhaps  I  should  add 
that  this  conversation,  which  I  have  always  remembered  very  dis 
tinctly,  took  place  here  in  Hiram.  I  have  remembered  the  con 
versation  the  more  distinctly  from  the  circumstances  that  gave  rise 
to  it.  Having  been  intimately  acquainted  with  you  for  twelve  or 
fifteen  years,  and  having  had  a  considerable  knowledge  of  your 
pecuniary  affairs.  I  asked  you  how  you  were  getting  on,  and 
especially  whether  you  were  managing  to  reduce  your  debts.  In 
reply  you  gave  me  a  detailed  statement  of  your  affairs,  and  con 
cluded  by  saying  you  had  had  some  stock  offered  you,  which,  if 


374  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD. 

yon  bought  it,  would  probably  make  you  some  money.    You  then 
proceeded  to  state  the  case,  as  I  have  stated  it  above. 

I  cannot  fix  the  time  of  this  conversation  more  definitely  than 
to  say  it  was  certainly  three,  and  probably  four,  years  ago. 
Very  truly,  yours, 

B.  A.  HINSDALE, 

President  of  Hiram  College. 
Hon.  J.  A.  GARFIELD, 

Washington,  D.  0. 

The  other  letter  was  addressed  to  the  Speaker  of  the 
House,  and  is  as  follows  : 

PHILADELPHIA,  February  15,  1873. 

MY  DEAR  SIR  : — From  the  beginning  of  the  investigation  con 
cerning  Mr.  Ames's  use  of  the  Credit  Mobilier,  I  believed  that 
General  Garfield  was  free  from  all  guilty  connection  with  that 
business.  This  opinion  was  founded  not  merely  on  my  confidence 
in  his  integrity,  but  on  some  special  knowledge  of  his  case.  I 
may  have  told  you  all  about  it  in  conversation,  but  I  desire  now 
to  repeat  it  by  way  of  reminder. 

I  assert  unhesitatingly  that,  whatever  General  Garfield  may 
have  done  or  forborne  to  do,  he  acted  in  profound  ignorance  of 
the  nature  and  character  of  the  thing  which  Mr.  Ames  was  pro 
posing  to  sell.  He  had  not  the  slightest  suspicion  that  he  was  to 
be  taken  into  a  ring  organized  for  the  purpose  of  defrauding  the 
public  ;  nor  did  he  know  that  the  stock  was  in  any  manner  con 
nected  with  anything  which  came,  or  could  come,  with  the  legis 
lative  jurisdiction  of  Congress.  The  case  against  him  lacks  the 
sdenter  which  alone  constitutes  guilt. 

In  the  winter  of  1869-70,  I  told  General  Garfield  of  the  fact 
that  his  name  was  on  Ames's  list ;  that  Ames  charged  him  with 
being  one  of  his  distributees  ;  explained  to  him  the  character, 
origin,  and  objects  of  the  Credit  Mobilier  ;  pointed  out  the  con 
nection  it  had  with  Congressional  legislation,  and  showed  him  how 
impossible  it  was  for  a  member  of  Congress  to  hold  stock  in  it 
without  bringing  his  private  interests  in  conflict  with  his  public 
duty  That  all  this  was  to  him  a  perfectly  new  revelation  I  am 


CREDIT    MOBILIER TRIUMPHANT   VINDICATION.          375 

as  sure  as  I  can  be  of  such  a  fact,  or  of  any  fact  which  is  capable 
of  being  proved  only  by  moral  circumstances.  He  told  me,  then, 
the  whole  story  of  Train's  offer  to  him  and  Ames's  subsequent  so 
licitation,  and  his  own  action  in  the  premises,  much  as  he  details 
it  to  the  committee.  I  do  not  undertake  to  reproduce  the  conver 
sation,  but  the  effect  of  it  all  was  to  convince  me  thoroughly  that 
when  he  listened  to  Ames  he  was  perfectly  unconscious  of  any 
thing  evil.  I  watched  carefully  every  word  that  fell  from  him  on 
this  point,  and  did  not  regard  his  narrative  of  the  transaction  in 
other  respects  with  much  interest,  because  in  my  view  everything 
else  was  insignificant.  I  did  not  care  whether  he  had  made  a  bar 
gain  technically  binding  or  not ;  his  integrity  depended  upon  the 
question  whether  he  acted  with  his  eyes  open.  If  he  had  known 
the  true  character  of  the  proposition  made  to  him  he  would  not 
have  endured  it,  much  less  embraced  it. 

Now,  couple  this  with  Mr.  Ames's  admission  that  he  gave  no 
explanation  whatever  of  the  matter  to  General  Garfield  ;  then  re 
flect  that  not  a  particle  of  proof  exists  to  show  that  he  learned 
anything  about  it  previous  to  his  conversation  with  me,  and  I 
think  you  will  say  that  it  is  altogether  unjust  to  put  him  on  the 
list  of  those  who,  knowingly  and  wilfully,  joined  the  fraudulent 
association  in  question. 

J.  S.  BLACK. 
Hon.  J.  G.  BLAIXE, 

Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives. 

To  these  may  be  added  the  fact,  recently  published 
by  Colonel  Donn  Piatt,  of  this  city,  that  in  the  winter  of 
1869— '70  he  had  occasion  to  look  into  the  history  of  the 
Credit  Mobilier  Company,  and  found  the  same  state  of 
facts  concerning  my  connection  with  it  as  are  set  forth  in 
the  letters  quoted  above. 

Whether  my  understanding  of  the  facts  is  correct  or 
not,  it  is  manifest  from  the  testimony  given  above  that  iu 
the  spring  of  1868,  and  in  the  autumn  of  that  year,  and 
again  in  the  winter  of  1869,  when  I  could  have  uo  motive 


376  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

to  misrepresent  the  facts,  I  stated  the  case  to  these  gen 
tlemen,  substantially  as  it  is  stated  in  my  testimony  be 
fore  the  committee. 

RESPONSE   TO    THE   CHARGE   IN   SEPTEMBER,    1872. 

But  it  has  been  charged  in  the  newspapers  that  dur 
ing  the  Presidential  campaign,  I  denied  any  knowledge 
of  the  subject,  or  at  least  that  I  allowed  the  impression 
to  be  made  upon  the  public  mind  that  I  knew  nothing  of 
it.  To  this  I  answer,  I  wrote  no  letter  on  the  subject  and 
made  no  statement  in  any  public  address,  except  to  deny 
in  the  broadest  terms,  the  only  charge  then  made,  that  I 
had  been  bribed  by  Oakes  Ames. 

When  the  charges  first  appeared  in  the  newspapers, 
I  was  in  Montana  Territory,  and  heard  nothing  of  them 
until  my  return  on  the  13th  or  14th  of  September.  On 
the  following  day  I  met  General  Boy n ton,  correspon 
dent  of  the  Cincinnati  Gazette,  and  related  to  him  briefly 
what  I  remembered  about  the  offer  to  sell  the  stock.  I 
told  him  I  should  write  no  letter  on  the  subject,  but  if 
he  thought  best  to  publish  the  substance  of  what  I  had 
stated  to  him  he  could  do  so.  The  same  day  he  wrote 
and  telegraphed  from  Washington  to  the  Cincinnati  Ga 
zette,  under  date  of  September  15,  1872,  the  following, 
which  is  a  brief  but  correct  report  of  my  statement  to 
him : 

General  Garfield,  who  has  just  arrived  here  from  the  Indian 
country,  has  to-day  had  the  first  opportunity  of  seeing  the  charges 
connecting  his  name  with  receiving  shares  of  the  Credit  Mobilier 
from  Oakes  Ames.  He  authorizes  the  statement  that  he  never 
subscribed  for  a  single  share  of  the  stock,  and  that  he  never  re- 


CREDIT    MOBILIER — TRIUMPHANT    VINDICATION.          377 

ceived  or  saw  a  share  of  it.  When  the  company  was  first  formed, 
Geonre  Francis  Train,  then  active  in  it,  came  to  Washington  and 
exhibited  a  list  of  subscribers,  of  leading  capitalists  and  some 
members  of  Congress,  to  the  stock  of  the  company.  The  sub 
scription  was  described  as  a  popular  one  of  $1,000  cash.  Train 
urged  General  Garfield  to  subscribe  on  two  occasions,  and  each 
time  he  declined.  Subsequently  he  was  again  informed  that  the 
list  was  nearly  completed,  but  that  a  chance  remained  for  him  to 
subscribe,  when  he  again  declined,  and  to  this  day  has  not  sub 
scribed  for  or  received  any  share  of  stock  or  bond  of  the  company. 

This  dispatch  was  widely  copied  in  the  newspapers  at 
the  time,  and  was  the  only  statement  I  made  or  author 
ized.  One  thing  in  connection  with  the  case  I  withheld 
from  the  public.  When  I  saw  the  letters  of  Oakes  Ames 
to  Mr.  MeComb,  I  was  convinced,  from  what  Judge  Black 
had  told  me  in  1869,  that  they  were  genuine,  and  that 
Ames  had  pretended  to  MeComb  that  he  had  sold  the 
Credit  Mobilier  stock  for  the  purpose  of  securing  the 
influence  of  members  of  Congress  in  any  legislation  that 
might  arise  touching  his  interests.  I 'might  have  pub 
lished  the  fact  that  I  had  heard  this,  and  now  believed 
Ames  had  so  represented  it ;  though  at  the  time  Judge 
Black  gave  me  the  information  I  thought  quite  likely  he 
was  mistaken.  I  did  not  know  to  what  extent  any  other 
member  of  Congress  had  had  negotiations  with  Mr.  Ames  ; 
but  knowing  the  members  whose  names  were  published 
in  connection  with  the  charges,  and  believing  them  to  be 
men  of  the  highest  integrity,  I  did  not  think  it  just  either 
to  them  or  to  the  party  witb  which  we  acted,  to  express 
my  opinion  of  the  genuineness  of  Ames's  letters  at  a  time 
when  a  false  construction  would  doubtless  have  been 
placed  upon  it. 


378  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD. 

Here  I  might  rest  the  case,  but  for  some  of  the  testi« 
rnony  given  by  Mr.  Ames  in  reference  to  myself.  I  shall 
consider  it  carefully,  and  shall  make  quotations  of  his 
language,  or  refer  to  it  by  pages  as  printed  in  the  report, 
so  that  the  correctness  of  my  citations  may,  in  every 
case,  be  verified 

POINTS    OF     AGREEMENT    AND     DIFFERENCE     BE 
TWEEN    MR.   AMES  AND   MYSELF. 

To  bring  the  discussion  into  as  narrow  a  compass  as 
possible,  the  points  of  agreement  and  difference  between 
Mr.  Ames  and  myself  may  thus  be  stated : 

We  agree  that,  soon  after  the  beginning  of  the  session 
of  1867-'68,  Mr.  Ames  offered  to  sell  me  ten  shares  of 
the  Credit  Mobilier  stock,  at  par  and  the  accrued  in 
terest  ;  that  I  never  paid  him  any  money  on  that  offer ; 
that  I  never  received  a  certificate  of  stock ;  that  after 
the  month  of  June,  1868,  I  never  received,  demanded,  or 
was  offered  any  dividend,  in  any  form,  on  that  stock. 
We  also  agree  that  I  once  received  from  Mr.  Ames  a 
small  sum  of  money.  On  the  following  points  we  dis 
agree  :  He  claims  that  I  agreed  to  take  the  stock.  I 
deny  it.  He  claims  that  I  received  from  him  $329, 
and  no  more,  as  a  balance  of  dividends  on  the  stock. 
This  I  deny;  and  assert  that  I  borrowed  from  him  $300, 
and  no  more,  and  afterwards  returned  it;  and  that 
I  never  received  anything  from  him  on  account  of  the 
stock. 

In  discussing  the  testimony  relating  to  myself,  it  be 
comes  necessary,  for  a  full  exhibition  of  the  argument,  to 
refer  to  that  concerning  others. 


CREDIT    MOBILIER TRIUMPHANT    VINDICATION.          370 

MR.  AMES'S  FIRST  TESTIMONY. 

It  has  been  said  that  in  Mr.  Ames's  first  testi 
mony,  he  withheld  or  concealed  the  facts  generally ;  and 
hence,  that  what  he  said  at  that  time  concerning  any 
one  person  is  of  but  little  consequence.  The  weight 
and  value  of  his  first  testimony  concerning  any  one 
person  can  be  ascertained  only  by  comparing  it  with 
his  testimony  given  at  the  same  examination  concerning 
others. 

In  that  first  examination  of  December  17,  as  recorded 
on  pp.  15-58,  Mr.  Ames  , mentions  by  name  (pp.  19-21) 
sixteen  members  of  Congress  who  were  said  to  have  had 
dealings  with  him  in  reference  to  Credit  Mobilier  stock. 
Eleven  of  these,  he  says  in  that  testimony,  bought  the 
stock  ;  but  he  there  sets  me  down  among  the  five  who  did 
not  buy  it.  He  says  (p.  21),  "  He  [Garfield]  did  not 
pay  for  it  or  receive  it." 

He  was,  at  the  same  time,  cross-examined  in  regard 
to  the  dividends  he  paid  to  different  persons ;  and  ho 
testified  (pp.  23-41)  that  he  paid  one  or  more  dividends 
to  eight  different  members  of  Congress,  and  that  three 
others,  being  original  subscribers,  drew  their  dividends, 
not  from  him,  but  directly  from  the  company.  To  sev 
eral  of  the  eight  he  says  he  paid  all  the  dividends  that 
accrued. 

But  in  the  same  cross-examination  he  testified  that 
he  did  not  remember  to  have  paid  me  any  dividends,  nor 
that  he  had  let  me  have  any  money.  The  following 
is  the  whole  of  his  testimony  concerning  me,  on  cross- 
examination  : 


380  JAMES    A.    GARFIELD. 

Q.  In  reference  to  Mr.  Garfield,  you  say  that  you  agreed  to 
get  ten  shares  for  him  and  to  hold  them  till  he  could  pay  for  them, 
and  that  he  never  did  pay  for  them  nor  receive  them  ?  A.  Yes,  sir. 

Q.  He  never  paid  any  money  on  that  stock  nor  received  any 
money  from  it  ?  A.  "Not  on  account  of  it. 

Q.  He  received  no  dividends  ?  A.  No,  sir ;  I  think  not.  He 
says  he  did  not.  My  own  recollection  is  not  very  clear. 

Q.  So  that,  as  you  understand,  Mr.  Garfield  never  parted  with 
any  money,  nor  received  any  money  on  that  transaction  ?  A.  No, 
sir  ;  he  had  some  money  from  me  once,  some  three  or  four  hun 
dred  dollars,  and  called  it  a  loan.  He  says  that  is  all  he  ever  re 
ceived  from  me,  and  that  he  considered  it  a  loan.  He  never  took 
his  stock,  and  never  paid  for  it. 

Q.  Did  you  understand  it  so  ?  A.  Yes  ;  I  am  willing  to  so 
understand  it.  I  do  not  recollect  paying  him  any  dividend,  and 
have  forgotten  that  I  paid  him  any  money. — (P.  28). 

******* 

Q.  Who  received  the  dividends  ?  A.  Mr.  Patterson,  Mr. 
Bingham,  James  F.  Wilson  did,  and  I  think  Mr.  Coif  ax  received 
a  part  of  them.  I  do  not  know  whether  he  received  them  all  or 
not.  I  think  Mr.  Scofield  received  a  part  of  them.  Messrs.  Kel- 
ley  and  Garfield  never  paid  for  their  stock,  and  never  received 
their  dividends. — (P.  40). 

Certainly,  it  cannot  be  said  that  Mr.  Ames  has  evinced 
any  partiality  for  me ;  and  if  he  was  attempting  to  shield 
any  of  those  concerned,  it  will  not  be  claimed  that  I  was 
one  of  his  favorites. 

In  his  first  testimony,  he  claims  to  have  spoken  from 
memory,  and  without  the  aid  of  his  documents.  But 
he  did  then  distinctly  testify  that  he  sold  the  stock  to 
eleven  members,  and  paid  dividends  to  eight  of  them. 
He  not  only  did  not  put  me  in  either  of  those  lists,  but 
distinctly  testified  that  I  never  took  the  stock  nor  re 
ceived  the  dividends  arising  from  it. 


CREDIT    MOBILISE TRIUMPHANT    VINDICATION.          381 

MR.   AMES'S   SUBSEQUENT  TESTIMONY. 

His  second  testimony  was  given  on  the  22d  January, 
five  weeks  after  his  first.  In  assigning  to  this  and  all 
his  subsequent  testimony  its  just  weight,  it  ought  to  be 
said  that  before  he  gave  it,  an  event  occurred  which 
made  it  strongly  for  his  interest  to  prove  a  sale  of  the 
stock  which  he  held  as  trustee.  Besides  the  fact  that 
McComb  had  already  an  equity  suit  pending  in  Phila 
delphia,  to  compel  Mr.  Ames  to  account  to  him  for  this 
same  stock,  another  suit  was  threatened,  after  he  had 
given  his  first  testimony,  to  make  him  account  to  the 
company  for  all  the  stock  he  had  not  sold  as  trustee. 
His  first  testimony  was  given  on  the  17th  December, 
and  was  made  public  on  the  6th  of  January.  On  the 
15th  of  January,  T.  C.  Durant,  one  of  the  heaviest  stock 
holders  of  the  Credit  Mobilier  Company,  and  for  a  long 
time  its  president,  was  examined  as  a  witness,  and  said, 
(p.  173)  :  "The  stock  that  stands  in  the  name  of  Mr. 
Ames,  as  trustee,  I  claim  belongs  to  the  company  yet ; 
and  I  have  a  summons  in  suit  in  my  pocket  waiting 
to  catch  him  in  New  York  to  serve  the  papers."  Ot 
course,  if  as  a  trustee  he  had  made  sale  of  any  por 
tion  of  this  stock,  and  afterward  as  an  individual  had 
bought  it  back,  he  could  not  be  compelled  to  return  it 
to  the  company. 

Nowhere  in  Mr.  Ames's  subsequent  testimony  does  he 
claim  to  remember  the  transaction  between  himself  and 
me  any  differently  from  what  he  first  stated  it  to  be. 
But  from  the  memoranda  found  or  made  after  his  first 
examination,  he  infers  and  declares  that  there  was  a  sale 


382  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD. 

of  the  stock  to  me,  and  a  payment  to  me  of  $329  oh 
account  of  dividends. 

Here,  again,  his  testimony  concerning  me  should  bo 
compared  with  his  testimony  given  at  the  same  time  con 
cerning  others. 

The  memoranda  out  of  which  his  additional  testimony 
grew,  consisting  of  certificates  of  stock,  receipts,  checks 
on  the  Sergeant-at-Arms,  and  entries  in  his  diary.  I 
will  consider  these  in  the  order  stated. 

To  two  members  of  Congress  he  delivered  certificates 
of  Credit  Mobilier  stock,  which  as  trustee  he  had  sold  to 
them  (see  pp.  267  and  290)  ;  and  in  a  third  case  he 
delivered  a  certificate  of  stock  to  the  person  to  whom  a 
member  had  sold  it.  But  Mr.  Ames  testified  that  he 
never  gave  me  a  certificate  of  stock ;  that  I  never  de 
manded  one ;  and  that  no  certificate  was  ever  spoken  of 
between  us.  (See  pp.  295,  296.) 

In  the  case  of  five  members,  he  gave  to  them,  or 
received  from  them,  regular  receipts  of  payment  on  ac 
count  of  stock  and  dividends.  (See  pp.  21,  113,  191, 
204,  337,  456,  and  458.)  But  nowhere  is  it  claimed  or 
pretended  that  any  receipt  was  ever  given  by  me,  or  to 
me,  on  account  of  this  stock,  or  on  account  of  any  divi 
dends  arising  from  it. 

Again,  to  five  of  the  members,  Mr.  Ames  gave  checks 
on  the  Sergeant-at-Arms,  payable  to  them  by  name ; 
and  these  checks  were  produced  in  evidence.  (See  pp. 
333,  334,  and  449.)  In  the  case  of  three  others,  he 
produced  checks  bearing  on  their  face  the  initials  of  the 
persons  to  whom  he  claimed  they  were  paid.  But  he 
nowhere  pretended  to  have  or  ever  to  have  had  any  check 


CREDIT    MOBILIER TRIUMPHANT   VINDICATION.          383 

bearing  either  my  name  or  my  initials,  or  any  mark  or 
indorsement  connecting  it  with  me. 

In  regard  to  dividends  claimed  in  his  subsequent  tes 
timony  to  have  been  paid  to  different  members,  in  two 
cases  he  says  he  paid  all  the  dividends  that  accrued  on 
the  stock  from  December,  1867,  to  May  6,  1871.  (See 
pp.  191  and  337.)  In  a  third  case,  all  the  accretions 
of  the  stock  were  received  by  the  person  to  whom  he 
sold  it,  as  the  result  of  a  resale.  (See  p.  217.)  In  a 
fourth  case  he  claims  to  have  paid  money  on  the  22d 
September,  1868,  on  account  of  dividends  (see  p.  461) ; 
and  in  a  fifth  case  he  claims  to  have  paid  a  dividend 
in  full,  January  22,  1869.  (See  p.  454.)  One  pur 
chaser  sold  his  ten  shares  in  the  winter  of  1868-'69,  and 
received  thereon  a  net  profit  of  at  least  $3,000.  Yet 
Mr.  Ames  repeatedly  swears  that  he  never  paid  me 
but  $329  ;  that  after  June,  1868,  he  never  tendered  to 
me  nor  did  I  ever  demand  from  him  any  dividend ;  and 
that  there  was  never  any  conversation  between  us  relat 
ing  to  dividends.  (See  pp.  40,  296,  and  356.) 

As  an  example  of  his  testimony  on  this  point,  I 
quote  from  page  296.  After  Mr.  Ames  had  stated  that 
he  remembered  no  conversation  between  us  in  regard 
to  the  adjustment  of  these  accounts,  the  committee 
asked  : 

Q.  Was  this  the  only  dealing  you  had  with  him  in  reference 
to  any  stock  ?  A.  I  think  so. 

Q.  Was  it  the  only  transaction  of  any  kind  ?  A.  The  only 
transaction. 

Q.  Has  that  $329  ever  been  paid  to  you  ?  A.  I  have  no  recol 
lection  of  it. 

Q.  Have  you  any  belief  that  it  ever  has  ?     A.  No,  sir. 


384  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

Q.  Did  you  ever  loan  General  Garfield  $300  ?  A.  Not  to  my 
knowledge  :  except  that  he  calls  this  a  loan. 

Q.  There  were  dividends  of  Union  Pacific  Railroad  stock  on 
these  ten  shares  ?  A.  Yes.  sir. 

Q.  Did  General  Garfield  ever  receive  these  ?  A.  No,  sir.  He 
never  has  received  but  $329.  .  .  . 

Q.  Has  there  been  any  conversation  between  you  and  him 
in  reference  to  the  Pacific  stock  he  was  entitled  to  ?  A.  No, 
sir. 

Q.  Has  he  ever  called  for  it  ?     A.  No,  sir. 

Q.  Have  you  ever  offered  it  to  him  ?    A.  No,  sir. 

Q.  Has  there  been  any  conversation  in  relation  to  it  ?  A.  No, 
sir. 

The  assertion  that  he  withheld  the  payment  of  divi 
dends  because  of  the  McComb  suit  brought  in  Novem 
ber,  1868,  is  wholly  broken  down  by  the  fact  that  he 
did  pay  the  dividend  to  several  persons  during  a  period 
of  two  years  after  the  suit  was  commenced. 

The  only  other  memoranda  offered  as  evidence  are 
the  entries  in  Mr.  Ames's  diary  for  1868.  That  book 
contains  a  separate  statement  of  an  account  with  eleven 
members  of  Congress,  showing  the  number  of  shares  of 
stock  sold  or  intended  to  be  sold  to  each,  with  the  in 
terest  and  dividends  thereon.  (See  pp.  450  to  461.) 
Across  the  face  of  nine  of  these  accounts,  long  lines  are 
drawn,  crossing  each  other,  showing,  as  Mr.  Ames  snys, 
that  in  each  such  case  the  account  was  adjusted  and 
closed.  Three  of  these  entries  of  accounts  are  not  thus 
crossed  off  (see  pp.  451,  458,  and  459,)  and  the  three 
members  referred  to  therein  testify  that  they  never 
bought  the  stock.  The  account  entered  under  my  name 
is  one  of  three  that  are  not  crossed  off.  Here  is  the 
entry  in  full.  (Sec  p.  450  :) 


CREDIT    MOBILIER— TRIUMPHANT    VINDICATION.          385 

GARFIELD. 

10  shares  Credit  M $1.000  00 

7  nios,  10  days 43  36 


1,043  3G 
80  per  ct.  bd.  div.,  at  07 776  00 


267  3G 
Int't  to  June  20. .  3  64 


271  00 

1,000  C.  M. 
1,000  U.  P. 

This  entry  is  a  mere  undated  memorandum,  and  indi 
cates  neither  payment,  settlement,  or  sale.  In  reference 
to  it,  the  following  testimony  was  given  by  Mr.  Ames 
on  cross-examination  (see  p.  460)  : 

Q.  This  statement  of  Mr.  Garfield's  account  is  not  crossed  off, 
which  indicates,  does  it,  that  the  matter  has  never  been  settled  or 
adjusted  ?  A.  No,  sir  ;  it  never  has. 

Q.  Can  you  state  whether  you  have  any  other  entry  in  relation 
to  Mr.  Gurfield  ?  A.  No,  sir. 

Comparing  Mr.  Ames's  testimony  in  reference  to  me, 
with  that  in  reference  to  others,  it  appears  that  when 
he  testified  from  his  memory  alone,  he  distinctly  and 
affirmatively  excepted  me  from  the  list  of  those  who 
bought  the  stock  or  received  the  dividends ;  and  that 
subsequently,  in  $very  case  save  my  own,  he  produced 
some  one  or  more  of  the  following  documents  as  evi 
dence,  viz.,  certificates  of  stock  ;  receipts  of  money  or 
dividends ;  checks  bearing  either  the  full  names  or  the 
initials  of  the  persons  to  whom  they  purported  to  have 
been  paid  ;  or  entries,  in  his  diary,  of  accounts  marked 

25 


386  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD. 

"adjusted  and  closed."  But  no  one  of  the  classes  of 
memoranda  here  described  was  produced  in  reference 
to  me ;  nor  was  it  pretended  that  any  one  such,  refer 
ring  to  me  ever  existed. 

In  this  review,  I  neither  assert  nor  intimate  that 
sales  of  stock  are  proved  in  the  other  cases  referred  to. 
In  several  cases  such  proof  was  not  made.  But  I  do 
assert  that  none  of  the  evidences  mentioned  above  exist 
in  reference  to  me. 

MR.   AMES'S   MEMORANDA. 

Having  thus  stated  the  difference  between  the  testi 
mony  relating  to  other  persons,  and  that  relating  to  me, 
I  now  notice  the  testimony  on  which  it  is  attempted  to 
reach  the  conclusion  that  I  did  agree  to  take  the  stock, 
and  did  receive  $329  on  account  of  it. 

On  the  22d  of  January,  Mr.  Ames  presented  to  the 
committee  a  statement  of  an  alleged  account  with  me, 
which  I  quote  from  page  397  : 

J.  A.  G.  Dr. 

1868.        To  10  shares  stock  Credit  Mobilier  of  A $1,000  00 

Interest , 47  00 

June  19.  To  cash 329  00 

$1,376  00 

Or. 
1868.         By  dividend  bonds,  Union  Pacific  Railroad, 

11,000,  at  80  per  cent ,  less  3  per  cent  .       $776  00 
June  17.  By  dividend  collected  for  your  account 600  00 

1,376  00 


CREDIT    MOBILIER TRIUMPHANT   VINDICATION.          387 

This  account,  and  other  similar  ones  presented  at 
the  same  time,  concerning  other  members,  he  claimed  to 
have  copied  from  his  memorandum-book.  But  when  the 
memorandum-book  was  subsequently  presented,  it  was 
found  that  the  account  here  quoted  was  not  copied  from 
it,  but  was  made  up  partly  from  memory  and  partly  from 
such  memoranda  as  Mr.  Ames  had  discovered  after  his 
first  examination. 

By  comparing  this  account  with  the  entry  made  in 
his  diary,  and  already  quoted,  it  will  be  seen  that  they 
are  not  duplicates,  either  in  substance  or  form ;  and  that 
in  this  account  a  new  element  is  added,  namely,  an  al 
leged  payment  of  $329  in  cash  on  June  19.  This  is  the 
very  element  in  dispute. 

THE   CHECK   OX  THE    SERGEANT-AT-ARMS. 

The  pretended  proof  that  this  sum  was  paid  me  is 
found  in  the  production  of  a  check  drawn  by  Mr.  Ames 
on  the  Sergeant-at-Arms.  The  following  is  the  language 
of  the  check,  as  reported  on  page  353  of  the  testimony  : 

June  22, 1868. 

Pay  0.  A.  or  bearer  three  hundred  and  twenty-nine  dollars, 
and  charge  to  my  account. 

OAKES  AMES. 

This  check  bears  no  indorsement  or  other  mark, 
than  the  words  and  figures  given  above.  It  was  drawn 
on  the  22d  day  of  June,  and,  as  shown  by  the  books  of 
the  Sergeant-at-Arms,  was  paid  the  same  day  by  the 
paying-teller.  But  if  this  check  was  paid  to  me  on  the 
account  just  quoted,  it  must  have  been  delivered  to  me  three 


388  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD. 

days  before  it  was  draivn ;  for  the  account  says  that  I 
received  the  payment  on  the  19th  of  June. 

There  is  nothing  but  the  testimony  of  Mr.  Ames  that 
in  any  way  connects  this  check  with  me.  And,  as  the 
committee  find  that  the  check  was  paid  to  me,  I  call 
special  attention  to  all  the  testimony  that  bears  upon  the 
question. 

When  Mr.  Ames  testified  that  he  paid  me  $329  as  a 
dividend  on  account  of  the  stock  the  following  question 
was  asked  him  (p.  295)  : 

Q.   How  was  that  paid  ?    A.  Paid  in  money,  I  believe. 
At  a  later  period  in  the  examination  (p.  297)  : 

Q.  You  say  that  $329  was  paid  to  him.  How  was  that  paid  ? 
A.  I  presume  by  a  check  on  the  Sergeant-at-Arms.  I  find  there 
checks  filed,  without  indicating  who  they  were  for. 

One  week  later,  the  check  referred  to  above  was 
produced,  and  the  following  examination  was  had  (p. 
353): 

Q.  This  check  seems  to  have  been  paid  to  somebody,  and 
taken  up  by  the  Sergeant-at-Arms.  Those  initials  are  your  own  ? 
A.  Yes,  sir. 

Q.  Do  you  know  who  had  the  benefit  of  this  check  ?  A.  I 
cannot  tell  you. 

Q.  Do  you  think  you  received  the  money  on  it  yourself  ?  A. 
I  have  no  idea.  I  may  have  drawn  the  money  and  handed  it  tc 
another  person.  It  was  paid  in  that  transaction.  It  may  have 
been  paid  to  Mr.  Garfield.  There  were  several  sums  of  that 
amount. 

Q.  Have  you  any  memory  in  reference  to  this  check  ?  A.  I 
have  no  memory  as  to  that  particular  check. 

Still  later  in  the  examination  occurs  the  following 
(p.  354)  : 


CREDIT   MOBILIER TRIUMPHANT   VINDICATION.          389 

Q.  In  regard  to  Mr.  Garfield,  do  you  know  whether  you  gave 
him  a  check,  or  paid  him  the  money  ?  A.  I  think  I  did  not  pay 
him  the  money.  He  got  it  from  the  Sergeant-at-Arms. 

Still  later,  in  the  same  examination,  occurs  the  fol 
lowing  (p.  355)  : 

Q.  You  think  the  check  on  which  you  wrote  nothing  to  in 
dicate  the  payee  must  have  been  Mr.  Garfield's  ?  A.  Yes,  sir. 
That  is  my  judgment. 

On  the  1 1th  of  February,  twelve  days  later  still,  the 
subject  came  up  again,  and  Mr.  Ames  said  (p.  471)  : 

A.  I  am  not  sure  how  I  paid  Mr.  Garfield. 

Still  later,  in  a  cross-examination  in  reference  to  Mr. 
Col  fax,  the  following  occurs  (p  471)  : 

Q.  In  testifying  in  Mr.  Garfield's  case,  you  say  you  may  have 
drawn  the  money  on  the  check  and  paid  him.  Is  not  your  an 
swer  equally  applicable  in  the  case  of  Mr.  Colfax  ?  A.  No,  sir. 

Q.  Why  not  ?  A.  I  put  Mr.  Colfax's  initials  on  the  check, 
while  I  put  no  initials  on  Mr.  Garfield's,  and  I  may  have  drawn 
the  money  myself. 

Q.  Did  not  Mr.  Garfield's  check  belong  to  him  ?  A.  Mr. 
Garfield  had  not  paid  for  his  stock.  He  was  entitled  to  $329 
balance.  But  Mr.  Colfax  paid  for  his,  and  I  had  no  business  with 
his  $1,200. 

Q.  Is  your  recollection  in  regard  to  this  payment  to  Mr.  Col 
fax  any  more  clear  than  your  recollection  as  to  the  payment  to 
Mr.  Garfield  ?  A.  Yes,  sir  ;  I  think  it  is. 

And  finally,  in  the  examination  of  Mr.  Dillon,  cashier 
of  the  Sergeant-at-Arms,  the  following  is  recorded  (p. 
179): 

Q.  There  is  a  check  payable  to  Oakes  Ames  or  bearer.  Have 
you  any  recollection  of  that  ?  A.  That  was  paid  to  himself.  I 
have  no  doubt  myself  that  I  paid  that  to  Mr.  Ames. 


3'90  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD. 

Reviewing  the  testimony  on  this  point  (and  I  have 
quoted  it  all),  it  will  be  seen  that  Mr.  Ames  several 
times  asserts  that  he  does  not  know  whether  he  paid  me 
the  check  or  not.  He  states  positively  that  he  has  no 
special  recollection  of  the  check.  His  testimony  is  wholly 
inferential.  In  one  of  the  seven  paragraphs  quoted,  he 
says  he  paid  me  the  money ;  in  another  he  says  he  may 
have  paid  me  the  money  ;  in  three  of  them  he  thinks,  or 
presumes,  that  he  paid  me  the  check ;  and  in  the  other 
two  he  says  he  does  not  know. 

The  cashier  of  the  Sergeant-at-Arms  has  no  douht 
that  Mr.  Ames  himself  drew  the  money  on  the  check. 
And  yet,  upon  this  vague  and  wholly  inconclusive  testi 
mony,  and  almost  alone  upon  it,  is  hased  the  assumption 
that  I  received  from  Mr.  Ames  $329,  as  a  dividend  on 
the  stock.  I  affirm,  with  perfect  distinction  of  recollec 
tion,  that  I  received  no  check  from  Mr.  Ames.  The  only 
money  I  ever  received  from  him  was  in  currency. 

The  only  other  evidence  in  support  of  the  assumption 
that  he  paid  me  $329,  as  a  balance  on  the  stock,  is  found 
in  the  entries  in  his  diary  for  1868.  The  value  of  this* 
class  of  memoranda  depends  altogether  upon  their  charac 
ter  and  upon  the  business  habits  of  the  man  who  makes 
them.  On  this  latter  point  the  following  testimony  of 
Mr.  Ames,  on  page  34,  is  important : 

Q.  Is  it  your  habit,  as  a  matter  of  business,  in  conducting  va 
rious  transactions  with  different  persons,  to  do  it  without  making 
any  memoranda  ?  A.  This  was  my  habit.  Until  within  a  year 
or  two  I  have  had  no  bookkeeper,  and  I  used  to  keep  all  my  own 
matters  in  my  own  way,  and  very  carelessly,  I  admit. 

The  memorandum-book  in  which  these  entries  were 


CREDIT    MOBILIER — TRIUMPHANT    VINDICATION.         39] 

made  was  not  presented  to  the  committee  until  the  llth 
of  February,  one  week  before  they  made  their  report. 
This  book  does  not  contain  continuous  entries  of  current 
transactions,  with  consecutive  dates.  It  is  in  no  sense  a 
day-book,  but  contains  a  loose,  irregular  mass  of  memo 
randa,  which  may  have  been  made  at  the  time  of  the 
transactions,  or  long  afterward.  Mr.  Ames  says  of  it  in 
his  testimony  (p.  281)  : 

Q.  What  was  the  character  of  the  book  in  which  the  memo 
randa  were  made  ?  A.  It  was  in  a  small  pocket  memorandum, 
and  some  of  it  on  slips  of  paper. 

It  is  not  pretended  that  this  book  contains  a  complete 
record  of  payments  and  receipts.  And  yet,  besides  the 
check  already  referred  to,  this  book,  so  made  up,  contains 
the  only  evidence,  or  pretended  evidence,  on  which  it  is 
claimed  that  I  agreed  to  take  the  stock.  It  should  be 
remembered  that  every  portion  of  this  evidence,  both 
check  and  book,  is  of  Mr.  Ames's  own  making.  I  have 
already  referred  to  the  undated  memorandum  of  an  ac 
count  in  this  book,  under  my  name,  and  have  shown  that 
it  neither  proved  a  sale  of  stock,  or  any  payment  on  ac 
count  of  it. 

There  are  but  two  other  entries  in  the  book  relating 
to  me,  and  they  are  two  lists  of  names,  substantially 
duplicates  of  each  other,  with  various  amounts  set  oppo 
site  each.  They  are  found  on  pages  450  and  453  of  the 
testimony.  The  word  "  paid  "  is  marked  before  the  first 
name  on  one  of  these  lists,  and  ditto  marks  placed  un 
der  the  word  "  paid  "  and  opposite  the  remaining  names. 
But  the  value  of  this  entry  as  proof  of  payment  will  be 


392  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

seen  from  the  cross-examination  of  Mr.  Ames,  which  im 
mediately  follows  the  list  (p.  453)  : 

Q.  This  entry,  "  Paid  S.  Colfax  $1.200,"  is  the  amount  which 
you  paid  by  this  check  on  the  Sergeant-at-Arms  ?  A.  Yes,  sir. 

Q.  Was  this  entry  upon  this  page  of  these  various  names  in 
tended  to  show  the  amount  you  were  to  pay,  or  that  you  had 
paid  ;  was  that  made  at  this  date  ?  A.  I  do  not  know  ;  it  was 
made  about  that  time.  I  would  not  have  written  it  on  Sunday  ; 
it  is  not  very  likely.  It  was  made  on  a  blank  page.  It  is  simply 
a  list  of  names. 

Q.  Were  these  names  put  down  after  you  had  made  the  pay 
ments,  or  before,  do  you  think  ?  A.  Before,  I  think. 

Q.  You  think  you  made  this  list  before  the  parties  referred  to 
had  actually  received  their  checks,  or  received  the  money  ?  A. 
Yes,  sir ;  that  was  to  show  whom  I  had  to  pay,  and  who  were 
entitled  to  receive  the  60  per  cent,  dividend.  It  shows  whom  I 
had  to  pay  here  in  Washington. 

Q.  It  says  "paid  ?"     A.   Yes,  sir  ;  well,  I  did  pay  it. 

Q.  What  I  want  to  know  is,  whether  the  list  was  made  out 
before  or  after  payment  ?  A.  About  the  same  time,  I  suppose  ; 
probably  before. 

The  other  list,  bearing  the  same  names  and  amounts, 
shows  no  other  evidence  that  the  several  sums  were  paid 
than  a  cross  marked  opposite  each  amount.  But  con 
cerning  this,  Mr.  Ames  testifies  that  it  was  a  list  of  what 
was  to  be  paid,  and  that  the  cross  was  subsequently 
added  to  show  that  the  amount  had  been  paid. 

Neither  of  these  lists  shows  anything  as  to  the  time 
or  mode  of  payment,  and  would  nowhere  be  accepted  a? 
proof  of  payment.  By  Mr.  Ames's  own  showing,  they  are 
lists  of  persons  to  whom  he  expected  to  pay  the  amounts 
set  opposite  their  names.  They  may  exhibit  his  expec 
tations,  but  they  do  not  prove  the  alleged  payments.  If 


CREDIT    MOBILIER — TRIUMPHANT   VINDICATION.          393 

the  exact  sum  of  $329  was  received  by  me  at  the  time 
and  under  the  circumstances  alleged  by  Mr.  Ames,  it  im 
plies  an  agreement  to  take  the  stock.  It  implies,  fur 
thermore,  that  Mr.  Ames  had  sold  Pacific  Railroad  bonds 
for  me ;  that  he  had  received  also  a  cash  dividend  for  me, 
and  had  accounted  to  me  as  trustee  for  these  receipts, 
and  the  balance  of  the  proceeds. 

Now,  I  affirm,  with  the  firmest  conviction  of  the  cor 
rectness  of  my  statement,  that  I  never  heard  until  this 
investigation  began,  that  Mr.  Ames  ever  sold  any  bonds, 
or  performed  any  other  stock  transactions  on  my  behalf; 
and  no  act  of  mine  was  ever  based  on  such  a  supposition. 


INTERVIEWS  WITH  MR.  AMES  DURING  THE  INVES 
TIGATION. 

The  only  remaining  testimony  bearing  upon  me,  is  that 
in  which  Mr.  Ames  refers  to  conversations  between  him 
self  and  me,  after  the  investigation  began.  The  first  of 
these  was  of  his  own  seeking,  and  occurred  before  he  or  I 
had  testified.  Soon  after  the  investigation  began,  Mr. 
Ames  asked  me  what  I  remembered  of  our  talk  in  1867- 
'68  in  reference  to  the  Crt-dit  Mobilier  Company.  I  told 
him  I  could  best  answer  his  question  by  reading  to  him 
the  statement  I  had  already  prepared  to  lay  before  the 
committee  when  I  should  be  called.  Accordingly,  on  the 
roll  owing  day,  I  took  my  written  statement  to  the1  Capi 
tol,  and  read  it  to  him  carefully,  sentence  by  sentence, 
and  aaked  him  to  point  out  anything  which  he  might 
think  incorrect.  He  made  but  two  criticisms  ;  one  in  re 
gard  to  a  date,  and  the  other,  that  he  thought  it  was  the 


394  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

Credit  Foncier  and  not  the  Civdit  Mobilier  that  Mr.  Train 
asked  me  to  subscribe  to  in  1866-'67.  When  I  read  the 
paragraph  in  which  I  stated  that  I  had  once  borrowed 
$300  of  him,  he  remarked,  "  I  believe  I  did  let  you  have 
some  money,  but  I  had  forgotten  it."  He  said  nothing  to 
indicate  that  he  regarded  me  as  having  purchased  the 
stock ;  and  from  that  conversation  I  did  not  doubt  that 
he  regarded  my  statement  substantially  correct.  His 
first  testimony,  given  a  few  days  afterward,  confirmed 
me  in  this  opinion. 

I  had  another  interview  with  Mr.  Ames,  of  my  own 
seeking,  to  which  he  alludes  on  pages  357  and  359;  and 
for  a  full  understanding  of  it,  a  statement  of  some  pre 
vious  facts  is  necessary.  I  gave  my  testimony  before  the 
committee,  and  in  Mr.  Ames's  hearing,  on  the  morning  of 
January  14.  It  consisted  of  the  statement  I  had  already 
read  to  Mr.  Ames,  and  of  the  cross-examination  which 
followed  my  reading  of  the  statement,  all  of  which  has 
been  quoted  above. 

During  that  afternoon,  while  I  was  engaged  in  the 
management  of  an  appropriation  bill  in  the  House,  word 
was  brought  to  me  that  Mr.  Ames,  on  coming  out  of  the 
committee-room,  had  declared  in  the  hearing  of  several 
reporters  that  "  Garfield  was  in  league  with  Judge  Black 
to  break  him  down ;  that  it  was  $400,  not  $300,  that  he 
had  let  Garfield  have,  who  had  not  only  never  repaid  it, 
but  had  refused  to  repay  it."  Though  this  report  of  Mr. 
Ames's  alleged  declaration  was  subsequently  found  to  be 
false,  and  was  doubtless  fabricated  for  the  purpose  of 
creating  difficulty,  yet  there  were  circumstances  which, 
at  the  time,  led  me  to  suppose  that  the  report  was  correct* 


CREDIT    MOBILIER TRIUMPHANT    VINDICATION.         395 

One  was  that  Judge  Black  (who  was  McComb's  counsel 
in  the  suit  against  Ames)  was  present  at  my  examination, 
and  had  drawn  out  on  cross-examination  nay  opinion  of 
the  nature  of  Mr.  Ames's  relation  to  the  Credit  Mobilier 
Company  and  the  Union  Pacific  Company ;  and  the  other 
was,  that  in  Mr.  Ames's  testimony  of  December  17,  he 
had  said  (p.  28),  "  He  [Mr.  Garfield]  had  some  money 
from  me  once,  some  three  or  four  hundred  dollars,  and 
called  it  a  loan."  The  sum  of  four  hundred  dollars  had 
thus  been  mentioned  in  his  testimony,  and  it  gave  plausi 
bility  to  the  story  that  he  was  now  claiming  that  as  the 
amount  he  had  loaned  me. 

Supposing  that  Mr.  Ames  had  said  what  was  report 
ed,  I  was  deeply  indignant;  and,  with  a  view  of  drawing 
from  him.  a  denial  or  retraction  of  the  statement,  or,  if  he 
persisted  in  it,  to  pay  him  twice  over,  so  that  he  could  no 
longer  say  or  pretend  that  there  existed  between  us  any 
unsettled  transaction,  I  drew  some  money  from  the  office 
of  Sergeant-at-Arms,  and,  going  to  my  committee-room, 
addressed  him  the  following  note : 

HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES, 

January  14,  1873. 

SIR  : — I  have  just  been  informed,  to  my  utter  amazement,  that 
after  coming  out  of  the  committee-room  this  morning,  you  said,  in 
the  presence  of  several  reporters,  that  you  had  loaned  me  four  in 
stead  of  three  hundred  dollars,  and  that  I  had  not  only  refused  to 
pay  you,  but  was  aiding  your  accusers  to  injure  you  in  the  inves 
tigation.  I  shall  call  the  attention  of  the  committee  to  it,  unless 
1  find  I  am  misinformed.  To  bring  the  loan  question  to  an  im 
mediate  issue  between  us,  I  inclose  herewith  $400.  If  you  wish 
to  do  justice  to  the  truth  and  to  me,  you  will  return  it  and  cor 
rect  the  alleged  statement  if  you  made  it.  If  not,  you  will  keep 


396  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD. 

the  money  and  thus  be  paid  twice  and  more.     Silence  on  your 
part  will  be  a  confession  that  you  have  deeply  wronged  me. 

J.  A.  GARFIELD. 

Hon.  OAKES  AMES. 

After  the  House  had  adjourned  for  the  day,  I  found, 
on  returning  to  my  committee-room,  that  I  had  omitted  to 
inclose  the  note  with  the  money,  which  had  been  sent  to 
the  House  post-office.  I  immediately  sought  Mr.  Ames 
to  deliver  the  note,  but  failed  to  find  him  at  his  hotel  or 
elsewhere  that  evening.  Early  the  next  morning,  Janu 
ary  15,  I  found  him,  and  delivered  the  note.  He  denied 
having  said  or  claimed  any  of  the  things  therein  set  forth, 
and  wrote  on  the  back  of  my  letter  the  following : 

WASHINGTON,  January  15,  1873. 

DEAR  SIR  : — I  return  you  your  letter  with  inclosures,  and  I  ut 
terly  deny  ever  having  said  that  you  refused  to  pay  me,  or  that  it 
was  four  instead  of  three  hundred  dollars,  or  that  you  was  aiding 
my  accusers.  I  also  wish  to  say  that  there  has  never  been  any  but 
the  most  friendly  feelings  between  us,  and  no  transaction  in  the 
least  degree  that  can  be  censured  by  any  fair-minded  person.  I 
herewith  return  you  the  four  hundred  dollars  as  not  belonging  to 
me.  Yours,  truly, 

OAKES  AMES. 
Hon.  J.  A.  GAREIELD. 

From  inquiry  of  the  reporters  to  whom  the  remarks 
were  alleged  to  have  been  made,  I  had  become  satisfied 
that  the  story  was  wholly  false,  and  when  Mr.  Ames  add 
ed  his  denial,  I  expressed  to  him  my  regret  that  I  had 
written  this  note  in  anger  and  upon  false  information.  I 
furthermore  said  to  Mr.  Ames  that,  if  he  had  any  doubt 
in  reference  to  the  repayment  of  the  loan,  I  wished  him 
to  keep  the  money.  He  refused  to  keep  any  part  of  it, 


CREDIT    MOBILIER TRIUMPHANT   VINDICATION.          397 

and  his  conversation  indicated  that  he  regarded  all  trans 
actions  between  us  settled. 

Before  I  left  his  room,  however,  he  said  he  had  some 
memoranda  which  seemed  to  indicate  that  the  money  I 
had  of  him  was  on  account  of  stock ;  and  asked  me  if  he 
did  not,  some  time  in  1868,  deliver  to  me  a  statement  to 
that  effect.  I  told  him  if  he  had  any  account  of  that  sort, 
I  was  neither  aware  of  it,  nor  responsible  for  it;  and 
thereupon  I  made  substantially  the  following  statement: 

Mr.  Ames,  the  only  memorandum  you  ever  showed  me  was  in 
1867-'68,  when  speaking  to  me  of  this  proposed  sale  of  stock,  you 
figured  out  on  a  little  piece  of  paper,  what  you  supposed  would  be 
realized  from  an  investment  of  $1,000  ;  and,  as  I  remember,  you 
wrote  down  these  figures  : 

1,000 

1,000 

400 

2,400 
as  the  amounts  you  expected  to  realize. 

While  saying  this  to  Mr.  Ames,  I  wrote  the  figures 
as  above,  on  a  piece  of  paper  lying  on  his  table,  to  show 
him  what  the  only  statement  was  he  had  made  to  me. 
It  is  totally  false  that  these  figures  had  any  other  mean 
ing  than  that  I  have  here  given;  nor  did  I  say  anything 
out  of  which  could  be  fabricated  such  a  statement  as  ap 
pears  on  pages  358,  359. 

In  his  testimony  of  January  29,  Mr.  Ames  gives  a 
most  remarkable  account  of  this  interview.  Remember 
ing  the  fact,  by  him  undisputed,  that  there  had  been  no 
communication  between  us  on  this  subject  for  more  than 
four  years  before  this  investigation  began,  notice  the  fol 
lowing  (p.  358)  : 


398  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD. 

Q.  Did  you  have  any  conversation  in  reference  to  the  influence 
this  transaction  would  have  on  the  election  last  fall  ?  A.  Yes,  he 
said  it  would  be  very  injurious  to  him. 

Q.  What  else  in  reference  to  that  ?  A.  I  am  a  very  bad  man 
to  repeat  conversations  ;  I  cannot  remember. 

That  is,  he  makes  me,  on  the  15th  of  January,  1873, 
express  the  fear  that  this  transaction  will  injure  me  in 
the  election  of  October,  1872! 

Again,  pages  357,  358 : 

Q.  You  may  state  whether  in  conversation  with  you,  Mr.  Gar- 
field  claims,  as  he  claims  before  us,  that  the  only  transaction  be 
tween  you  was  borrowing  $300.  A.  No,  sir,  he  did  not  claim  that 
with  me. 

Q.  State  how  he  did  claim  it  with  you  ;  what  was  said  ?  A.  I 
cannot  remember  half  of  it.  ...  He  [Mr.  Garfield]  stated  that 
when  he  came  back  from  Europe,  being  in  want  of  funds,  he 
called  on  me  to  loan  him  a  sum  of  money.  He  thought  he  had 
repaid  it.  I  do  not  know  ;  I  do  not  remember.  .  .  . 

Q.  How  long  after  that  transaction  [the  offer  to  sell  Credit 
Mobilier  stock]  did  he  go  to  Europe  ?  A.  1  believe  it  was  a  year 
or  two.  .  .  . 

Q.  Do  you  not  know  that  he  did  not  go  to  Europe  for  nearly 
two  years  afterward  ?  A.  No,  I  do  not.  It  is  my  impression  it 
was  two  years  afterward,  but  I  cannot  remember  dates. 

I  should  think  not,  if  this  testimony  is  an  example 
of  his  memory ! 

It  is  known  to  thousands  of  people  that  I  went  to 
Europe  in  the  summer  of  1867,  and  at  no  other  time.  1 
3ailed  from  New  York  on  the  13th  of  July,  1867,  spent 
several  days  of  August  in  Scotland,  with  Speaker  Elaine 
and  Senator  Morrill,  of  Vermont,  and  returned  to  New 
York  on  the  9th  of  the  following  November — three  weeks 
before  the  beginning  of  the  session  of  Congress. 


CREDIT    MOBILIER — TRIUMPHANT   VINDICATION.          399 

The  books  of  the  Sergeant-at-Arms  of  the  House  show 
that,  before  going,  I  had  assigned  several  months'  pay  in 
advance  to  a  banker,  who  had  advanced  me  money  for 
the  expenses  of  the  trip.  To  break  the  weight  of  this 
fact,  which  showed  why  I  came  to  need  a  small  loan,  Mr. 
Ames  says  I  did  not  go  to  Europe  till  nearly  two  years 
afterward . 

If  a  reason  be  sought  why  he  gave  such  testimony  it 
may  perhaps  be  found  on  the  same  page  from  which  the 
last  quotation  is  made  (page  359)  : 

Q.  How  did  you  happen  to  retain  that  little  stray  memoran 
dum  ?  A.  I  do  not  know.  I  found  it  in  my  table  two  or  three 
days  afterward.  I  did  not  pay  any  attention  to  it  at  the  time, 
until  I  found  there  was  to  be  a  conflict  of  testimony,  and  I  thought 
that  might  be  something  worth  preserving. 

How  did  he  find  out  after  that  lime  that  "  there  was 
to  be  a  conflict  of  testimony  ?"  The  figures  were  made 
on  that  piece  of  paper  January  15,  the  day  after  I  had 
given  my  testimony,  and  four  weeks  after  he  had  given 
his  first  testimony.  There  was  no  conflict  except  what 
he  himself  made ;  and  that  conflict  was  as  marked  be 
tween  his  first  statement  and  his  subsequent  ones,  as  be 
tween  the  latter  and  mine. 

There  runs  through  all  this  testimony  now  under  con 
sideration  an  intimation  that  I  was  in  a  state  of  alarm, 
was  beseeching  Mr.  Ames  "  to  let  me  off  easily,"  "  to 
say  as  little  about  it  as  possible,"  "  to  let  it  go  as  a 
loan,"  "  to  save  my  reputation,"  that  I  "  felt  very  bad," 
was  "  in  great  distress,"  "  hardly  knew  what  I  said/'  and 
other  such  expressions. 

I  should  have  been  wholly  devoid  of  sensibility  if  I 


400  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD. 

had  not  felt  keenly  the  suspicions,  the  false  accusations, 
the  reckless  calumnies  with  which  the  public  mind  was 
filled,  while  the  investigation  was  in  progress.  But  there 
is  not  the  smallest  fragment  of  truth  in  the  statement,  or 
rather  the  insinuation,  that  I  ever  asked  or  wanted  any 
thing  from  Mr.  Ames  on  this  subject  but  simple  justice 
and  the  truth. 

The  spirit  in  which  a  portion  of  the  public  treated  the 
men  whose  conduct  was  being  investigated,  may  be  un 
derstood  from  the  following  question,  put  to  Mr.  Ames 
(page  361)  in  the  midst  of  an  examination,  not  at  all  re 
lating  to  me  : 

Q.  In  that  conversation  with  Mr.  Garfield,  was  anything  said 
by  him  about  your  being  an  old  man,  near  the  end  of  your  career, 
and  his  being  comparatively  a  young  man  ?  A.  No,  sir ;  nothing 
of  that  sort. 

It  is  manifest  that  this  question  was  suggested  by 
some  of  the  inventive  bystanders,  in  hopes  of  making  an 
item  for  a  new  sensation. 

The  most  absurd  and  exaggerated  statements  were 
constantly  finding  their  way  into  the  public  press,  in 
reference  to  every  subject  and  person  connected  with  the 
investigation,  and  this  question  is  an  illustration. 

In  no  communication  writh  Mr.  Ames  did  I  ever  say 
anything  inconsistent  with  my  testimony  before  the  com 
mittee. 

Conscious  that  I  had  done  no  wrong  from  the  begin 
ning  to  the  end  of  this  affair,  I  had  nothing  to  conceal 
and  no  favors  to  ask,  except  that  the  whole  truth  should 
be  known.  I  was  in  the  committee-room  but  once  during 


CREDIT    MOBiLIER-  —TRIUMPHANT   VINDICATION.          401 

the  investigation,  and  I  went  there  then  only  when  sum 
moned  to  give  my  testimony. 

CONCLUSIONS. 

From  a  review  of  the  whole  subject,  the  following  con 
clusions  are  fairly  and  clearly  established  : — 

I.  That  the  Credit   Mobilier  Company  was  a  State 
corporation   regularly   organized ;    and    that   neither   its 
charter  nor  the   terms   of  the   contract,  of  October   15, 
1867,  disclosed  anything  which  indicated  that  the  com 
pany  was  engaged  in  any  fraudulent  or  improper  enter 
prise. 

II.  That  a  ring  of  seven   persons  inside  the  Credit 
Mobilier  Company,  calling  themselves  trustees,  obtained 
the  control  of  the  franchises,  and  of  a  majority  of  the 
stock  of  both  the  Credit  Mobilier  and  of  the  Union  Pa 
cific  Railroad  Company  ;  and  while  holding  such  double 
control,  they  made  a  contract  with  themselves  by  which, 
they  received  for  building  the  road  an  extravagant  sum> 
greatly  beyond  the  real  cost  of  construction ;  and,  in  ad 
justing  the  payments,  they  received  stock  and  bonds  o£ 
the  railroad  company,  at  a  heavy  discount,  and  by  these 
means  virtually  robbed  and   plundered   the  road,  which 
was  in  great  part  built  by  the  aid  of  the  United  States. 

That  these  exorbitant  profits  were  distributed, .not  to 
the  stockholders  of  the  Credit  Mobilier  proper,  but  to  the 
ring  of  seven  trustees  and  their  proxies — holders  of  this 
ring  stock — and  that  this  arrangement  was  kept  a  close 
secret  by  its  managers. 

III.  That  in  1867-68,  Mr.  Ames  offered  to. sell  small 
amounts  of  this  stock  to  several  leading  members  of  Con- 

26 


402  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD. 


5,  representing  it  as  an  ordinary  investment  promis 
ing  fair  profits ;  but  in  every  such  offer  he  concealed 
from  such  members  the  real  nature  of  the  arrangement 
by  which  the  profits  were  to  be  made,  as  well  as  the 
amount  of  dividends  likely  to  be  realized.  While  thus 
offering  this  stock,  he  was  writing  to  one  of  his  ring 
associates  that  he  was  disposing  of  the  stock  "where  it 
would  do  most  good,"  intimating  that  he  was  thereby 
gaining  influence  in  Congress,  to  prevent  investigation 
into  the  affairs  of  the  road.  His  letters  and  the  list  of 
names  which  he  gave  to  McComb  represent  many  per 
sons  as  having  bought  the  stock  who  never  did  buy  or 
agree  to  buy  it,  and  also  represent  a  much  larger  amount 
sold  than  he  did  actually  sell.  Mr.  Ames's  letters  and 
testimony  abound  in  contradictions,  not  only  of  his  own 
statements,  but  also  of  the  statements  of  most  of  the 
other  witnesses ;  and  it  is  fair,  in  judging  of  its  credi 
bility,  to  take  into  account  his  interests  involved  in  the 
controversy. 

IV.  That  in  reference  to  myself  the  following  points 
are  clearly  established  by  the  evidence  : 

1.  That  I  neither  purchased  nor  agreed  to  purchase 
the  Credit  Mobilier  stock  which  Mr.  Ames  offered  to  sell 
me  ;  nor  did  I  receive  any  dividend  arising  from  it.  This 
appears  from  my  own  testimony ;  and  from  the  first  tes 
timony  given  by  Mr.  Ames,  which  is  not  overthrown  by 
his  .subsequent  statements ;  and  is  strongly  confirmed  by 
the  fact  that  in  the  case  of  each  of  those  who  did  pur 
chase  the  stock,  there  was  produced  as  evidence  of  the 
sale,  either  a  certificate  of  stock,  receipt  of  payment,  a 
check  drawn  in  the  name  of  the  payee,  or  entries  in  Mr. 


CREDIT   MOBILIER — TRIUMPHANT   VINDICATION.         403 

Ames's  diary  of  a  stock  account  marked  "  adjusted  and 
closed ;"  but  that  no  one  of  these  evidences  exists  in 
reference  to  me.  This  position  is  further  confirmed  by 
the  subsequent  testimony  of  Mr.  Ames,  who,  though  he 
claims  that  I  did  receive  $329  from  him  on  account  of 
stock,  yet  he  rcjpeatedly  testifies  that  beyond  that  amount 
I  never  received  or  demanded  any  dividend,  that  he  did 
not  offer  me  any,  nor  was  the  subject  alluded  to  in  con 
versation  between  us. 

Mr.  Ames  admits,  on  page  40  of  the  testimony,  that 
after  December,  1867,  the  various  stock  and  bond  divi 
dends,  on  the  stock  he  had  sold,  amounted  to  an  aggre 
gate  of  more  than  800  per  cent. ;  and  that  between  Jan 
uary,  1868,  and  May,  1871,  all  these  dividends  were  paid 
to  several  of  those  who  purchased  the  stock.  My  con 
duct  was  wholly  inconsistent  with  the  supposition  of 
such  ownership ;  for,  during  the  year  1869,  I  was  bor 
rowing  money  to  build  a  house  here  in  Washington,  and 
was  securing  my  creditors  by  giving  mortgages  on  my 
property  ;  and  all  this  time  it  is  admitted  that  I  received 
no  dividends  and  claimed  none. 

The  attempt  to  prove  a  sale  of  the  stock  to  me  is 
wholly  inconclusive ;  for  it  rests,  first,  on  a  check  paya 
ble  to  Mr.  Ames  himself,  concerning  which  he  several 
times  says  he  does  not  know  to  whom  it  was  paid ;  and 
second,  upon  loose  undated  entries  in  his  diary,  which 
neither  prove  a  sale  of  the  stock  nor  any  payment  on 
account  of  it 

The  only  fact  from  which  it  is  possible  for  Mr.  Ames 
to  have  inferred  an  agreement  to  buy  the  stock  was  the 
loan  to  me  of  $300.  But  that  loan  was  made  months  be- 


404  JAMES   A.  GA1.FIELD. 

fore  the  check  of  June  22,  1868,  and  was  repaid  in  the 
winter  of  1869  ;  and  after  that  date  there  were  no  trans 
actions  of  any  sort  between  us. 

And  finally,  before  the  investigation  was  ended,  Mr 
Ames  admitted  that  on  the  chief  point  of  difference  be* 
tween  us  he  might  be  mistaken. 

On  page  356  he  said  he  "considered  me  the  pur 
chaser  of  the  stock,  unless  it  was  borrowed  money  I  had 
of  him ;"  and  on  page  461,  at  the  conclusion  of  his  last 
testimony,  he  said  : 

Mr.  Garfield  understands  this  matter  as  a  loan  ;  he  says  I  did 
not  explain  it  to  him. 

Q.  You  need  not  say  what  Mr.  Garfield  says.  Tell  us  what 
you  think. 

A.  Mr.  Garfield  might  have  misunderstood  me.  ...  I 
supposed  it  was  like  all  the  rest,  but  when  Mr.  Garfield  says  he 
mistook  it  for  a  loan  ;  that  he  always  understood  it  to  be  a  loan  ; 
that  I  did  not  make  any  explanation  to  him,  and  did  not  make 
any  statement  to  him ;  I  may  be  mistaken.  1  am  a  man  of  few 
words,  and  I  may  not  have  made  myself  understood  to  him. 

2.  That  the  offer  which  Mr.  Ames  made  to  me,  as  I 
understood  it,  was  one  which  involved  no  wrong  or  im 
propriety.  I  had  no  means  of  knowing  and  had  no  rea 
son  for  supposing  that  behind  this  offer  to  sell  me  a  small 
amount  of  stock,  lay  hidden  a  scheme  to  defraud  the 
Pacific  Railroad  and  imperil  the  interests  of  the  United 
States.  I  was  not  invited  to  become  a  party  to  any 
scheme  of  spoliation,  much  less  was  I  aware  of  any  at 
tempt  to  influence  my  legislative  action,  on  any  subject 
connected  therewith.  And  on  the  first  intimation  of  the 
real  nature  of  the  case,  I  declined  any  further  considera 
tion  of  the  subject. 


CREDIT   MOBILIER TRIUMPHANT   VINDICATION.          405 

3.  That  whatever  may  have  been  the  facts  in  the 
case,  I  stated  them  in  my  testimony  as  I  have  always 
understood  them;  and  there  has  been  no  contradiction, 
prevarication,  or  evasion  on  my  part. 

This  is  demonstrated  by  the  fact  that  I  stated  the 
case  to  Mr.  Robison,  in  the  spring  of  1868,  and  to  Mr. 
Hinsdale  in  the  autumn  of  that  year,  and  to  Judge  Black 
in  the  winter  of  1869-'70,  substantially  as  it  is  stated  in 
my  testimony  before  the  committee. 

I  have  shown  that  during  the  Presidential  campaign  I 
did  not  deny  having  known  anything  about  the  Credit 
Mobilier  Company ;  that  the  statement  published  in  the 
Cincinnati  Gazette,  September  15,  is  substantially  in  ac 
cord  with  my  testimony  before  the  committee ;  and  fi 
nally  that  during  the  progress  of  the  investigation  there 
was  nothing  in  my  conversation  or  correspondence  with 
Mr.  Ames  in  any  way  inconsistent  with  the  facts  as  given 
in  my  testimony.  To  sum  it  up  in  a  word :  out  of  an  un 
important  business  transaction,  the  loan  of  a  trifling  sum 
of  money,  as  a  matter  of  personal  accommodation,  and  out 
of  an  offer  never  accepted,  lias  arisen  this  enormous  fabric 
of  accusation  and  suspicion. 

If  there  be  a  citizen  of  the  United  States  who  is  wil 
ling  to  believe  that  for  $329  I  have  bartered  awajr  my 
good  name,  and  to  falsehood  have  added  perjury,  these 
pages  are  not  addressed  to  him.  If  there  be  one  who 
thinks  that  any  part  of  my  public  life  has  been  gauged  on 
BO  low  a  level  as  these  charges  would  place  it,  I  do  not 
address  him.  I  address  those  who  are  willing  to  believe 
that  it  is  possible  for  a  man  to  serve  the,  public  without 
personal  dishonor.  I  have  endeavored  in  this  review,  to 


406  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD. 

point  out  the  means  by  which  the  managers  of  a  corpora 
tion,  wearing  the  garh  of  honorable  industry,  have  robbed 
and  defrauded  a  great  national  enterprise,  and  attempted, 
by  cunning  and  deception,  for  selfish  ends,  to  enlist  in  its 
interest  those  who  would  have  been  the  first  to  crush  the 
attempt  had  their  objects  been  known. 

If  any  of  the  scheming  corporations  or  corrupt  rings 
that  have  done  so  much  to  disgrace  the  country  by  their 
attempts  to  control  its  legislation,  have  ever  found  in  mo 
a  conscious  supporter  or  ally  in  any  dishonorable  scheme, 
they  are  at  full  liberty  to  disclose  it.  In  the  discussion 
of  the  many  grave  and  difficult  questions  of  public  policy 
which  have  occupied  the  thoughts  of  the  nation  during 
the  last  twelve  years,  I  have  borne  some  part ;  and  I 
confidently  appeal  to  the  public  records  for  a  vindication 
of  my  conduct. 

JAMES  A.  GARFIELD. 

If  anythiuc  were  needed  to  add  weight  to  the  above 
masterly  defence  it  would  be  found  in  the  following 
letter  from  Judge  Poland,  of  Vermont,  to  ex-Governor 
Ryland  Fletcher,  of  the  same  State.  Judge  Poland,  it 
will  be  remembered,  was  the  chairman  of  the  Credit 
Mobilier  Investigating  Committee : 

"  ST.  JOHNSBURY,  VT.,  July  2, 1880. 
"I  have  mislaid  or  lost  my  copy  of  the  evidence 
taken  by  the  Credit  Mobilier  Investigating  Committee 
and  their  report,  and  although  I  have  a  very  clear  recol 
lection  of  the  general  features  of  the  whole  matter,  I 
should  not  attempt  to  say  anything  in  regard  to  details 
without  a  re-perusal  of  the  volume.  But  if  I  had  it 


CREDIT    MOBILIER TRIUMPHANT   VINDICATION.          407 

before  me,  it  does  not  seem  to  me  that  there  is  occasion 
or  need  that  I  should  review  it  for  the  purpose  of  reply 
ing  to  such  attacks  on  General  Garfield  as  you  have 
copied  from  the  New  York  Express,  or  similar  ones 
which  may  be  found  in  many  other  Democratic  papers 
The  transactions  of  Mr.  Ames  in  Credit  Mobiker  stock 
were  more  than  a  dozen  years  ago ;  the  full  investigation 
of  the  matter  by  the  committee  of  which  I  was  chairman 
was  over  eight  years  ago.  At  the  time  of  the  investiga 
tion  the  public  mind  was  greatly  excited  on  the  subject, 
and  it  involved  the  character  and  reputation  of  so  many 
prominent  men  that  probably  no  mere  personal  matter 
ever  was  so  thoroughly  canvassed  and  discussed  by  the 
reading  and  intelligent  people  of  the  country.  After  the 
most  exhaustive  discussion  and  reQection,  the  judgment 
of  the  people  of  this  country  was  made  up  as  to  each 
man  who  was  named  as  connected  with  it.  Saying 
nothing  in  regard  to  any  other  man,  I  think  I  may  most 
truthfully  say  that  this  public  and  popular  judgment 
fully  and  absolutely  acquitted  General  Garfield  of  all 
wrong,  either  in  act  or  intent,  in  relation  to  the  matter. 
No  man  could  have  been  continued  in  public  life,  and 
constantly  risen  in  public  standing  and  in  the  public 
estimation,  by  the  consent  and  approval  of  the  best 
men  of  both  parties,  as  General  Garfield  has,  if  there 
existed  a  suspicion  of  wrong-doing  against  him.  I  re 
gard  this  popular  and  continued  verdict  of  the  people 
as  conclusive.  Every  effort  to  reopen  and  unsettle  it 
will,  in  my  judgment,  only  recoil  upon  those  who  at 
tempt  it.  In  my  judgment,  the  Republican  press  and 
Republican  speakers  who  may  spend  their  time  in  re« 


£08  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD. 

•arguing  a  matter  so  many  years  ago  passed  into  final 
judgment  will  only  waste  their  breath.  The  great  is 
sues  between  the  parties,  which  so  largely  affect  the 
welfare  of  the  people  and  the  country,  are  the  topics 
to  be  discussed  and  decided  in  the  coming  campaign. 
These  are  what  the  people  desire  to  be  enlightened 
upon;  they  are  already  satisfied  that  the  $329  case 
was  finally  and  properly  decided  many  years  ago.  I 
presume  you  have  seen  a  short  note  I  sent  to  the  State 
Convention.  In  that  I  said  all  I  wished  to  say. 

"  LUKE  P.  POLAND." 

Another  charge  brought  against  General  Gar  field 
was  that  in  1872  he  received  a  fee  of  five  thousand  dol 
lars  for  securing  an  appropriation  in  favor  of  a  certain 
contract  for  paving  certain  streets  of  Washington  City. 
This  contract  was  in  favor  of  what  is  known  as  the  De 
Golyer  pavement.  At  this  time  General  Garfield  was 
chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Appropriations,  and  it  was 
charged  that  he  was  paid  this  sum  to  secure  his  influence 
for  the  De  Golyer  Company.  The  truth  was  that  the 
fee  was  paid  him  for  services  rendered  as  a  lawyer,  after 
the  adjournment  of  Congress,  and  had  no  connection 
whatever  with  the  appropriation  granted  by  Congress. 
Grave  charges  having  been  brought  against  the  De  Gol 
yer  company,  the  House  of  Representatives  appointed  n 
committee  to  investigate  the  matter.  Before  this  com 
mittee  General  Garfield  appeared  in  February,  1879,  and 
made  the  following  statement  which  explains  his  true 
connection  with  the  matter,  and  places  the  facts  in  the 
case  so  fairly  and  plainly  before  the  public  that  the  most 


CREDIT    MOBILIER — TRIUMPHANT    VINDICATION.          409 

inveterate  enemy  must,  if  honest,  acknowledge  the  suc 
cess  of  his  vindication,  and  acquit  him  of  either  intentional 
or  actual  wrong-doing. 

"  Mr.  Garfield. — Mr.  Chairman,  I  never  saw  this  con 
tract  before,  but  I  want  to  say  a  word  in  regard  to  the 
word  '  appropriation'  used  in  it.  It  has  no  more  refer 
ence  to  Congress  than  it  has  to  Great  Britain.  The 
Board  of  Public  Works,  under  the  general  law  and  the 
legislation  of  the  District  government,  made  the  appro 
priations  themselves,  and  taxed  the  people  of  the  Dis 
trict  along  the  streets  where  these  improvements  were 
made,  by  the  front  foot;  and  I  in  common  with  other 
property-holders  of  the  District,  paid  my  assessment 
levied  by  the  Board  of  Public  Works  for  the  improve 
ments  made  in  front  of  my  property  ;  and  the  appropria 
tion  here  referred  to  is  the  appropriation  by  the  District 
government,  either  out  of  the  funds  that  it  had  raised  by 
bonds  issued  on  the  credit  of  the  District  or  by  assess 
ments  by  the  District  authorities  upon  the  people  whose 
property  was  improved.  The  only  connection  that  the 
United  States  had  with  it  in  reference  to  appropriations 
vas  this : — Whenever  the  Board  of  Public  Works  laid 
a  pavement  on  a  street  upon  which  any  United  States 
building  or  ground  was  situated,  Congress,  as  a  matter  of 
course,  as  it  does  in  every  other  city  of  the  Union,  paid  its 
quota  of  the  assessment  per  front  foot.  That  is  the  only 
relation  that  Congress  had  to  any  of  these  improvements, 
except  in  so  far  as  we  have  been  compelled  subsequently 
to  advance  money  to  pay  the  interest  on  their  bonds 
which  of  course  was  a  matter  that  nobody  could  have 
foreseen. 


410  JAME3    A.  GARFIELD. 

"  Mr.  Nickerson. — Allow  me  to  ask  you  a  question 

"Mr.  Garfield.— Certainly. 

"  Mr.  Nickerson. — In  view  of  your  explanation,  I  ask 
you  to  state  what  this  provision  in  this  award  in  relation 
to  that  fifty  thousand  square  yards  refers  to — what  ap 
propriation  that  refers  to,  around  the  parks  or  anywhere 
else? 

"Mr.  Garfield. — I  cannot  be  expected  to  explain  the 
language  of  this  contract  which  I  have  never  seen,  but  ii 
the  chairman  will  look  at  the  Appropriation  Bill,  espe 
cially  in  1873,  he  will  find  that  there  were  three  appro 
priations  made ;  one  ($180,000,  I  think)  to  reimburse 
the  old  Washington  corporation  previous  to  the  creation 
of  the  Board  of  Public  Works,  for  work  that  was  done 
around  the  Government  reservation.  The  old  canal  had 
been  filled  up  and  the  Smithsonian  grounds  had  been 
bettered  by  that  improvement,  and  there  was  an  appro 
priation  to  reimburse  the  old  corporation  for  that  part  of 
their  improvements  which  lay  opposite  the  public  grounds 
of  the  United  States  ;  and  in  the  same  bill  there  was  also 
an  appropriation  made  to  reimburse  the  Board  of  Public 
Works  for  the  Government's  share  of  the  improvements 
made  in  front  of  the  public  buildings  and  grounds. 

"  The  Chairman. — Do  you  recollect  the  amount  of 
that  appropriation  ? 

"Mr.  Garfield.— I  think  it  was  about  $180,000.  I 
ought  to  say,  however,  that  that  was  put  on,  not  in  the 
House  but  in  the  Senate.  I  was  not  on  the  conference  ; 
I  had  nothing  to  do  with  it.  It  was  perfectly  right  if  1 
had  been  on  the  committee,  but  I  was  not.  That  had  no 
more  to  do  with  anybody's  pavement,  or  with  any  par- 


CREDIT   MOBILIER — TRIUMPHANT   VINDICATION.         411 

ticular  contract  for  any  particular  patent  or  pavement, 
than  with  the  man  in  the  moon. 

"  Mr.  Nickerson. — You  haven't  answered  my  question. 
If  your  explanation  is  correct,  can  you  say  why  it  is 
that  that  50,000  square  yards  is  made  absolutely  contin 
gent  upon  an  appropriation  to  he  made  hy  Congress  ? 
That  is  a  matter  that  would  necessarily  come  directly 
before  Congress. 

"  Mr.  Garfield. — Not  at  all.  It  would  come  from  the 
appropriation  of  the  district  authorities.  Mr.  Chairman, 
I  never  saw  this  contract  before  in  my  life,  and  I  had 
nothing  whatever  to  do  with  its  terms,  and  therefore  I 
am  not  responsible  for  any  meaning  that  anybody  may 
attribute  to  its  language. 

"  Now,  the  whole  story  is  plainly  and  briefly  told.  A 
day  or  two  before  the  adjournment  of  the  Congress  which 
adjourned  in  the  latter  part  of  May  or  the  first  part  of 
June,  1872,  Richard  C.  Parsons,  who  was  a  practising 
lawyer  in  Cleveland,  but  was  then  the  Marshal  of  the 
Supreme  Court,  and  an  old  acquaintance  of  mine,  came 
to  my  house  and  said  that  he  was  called  away  summarily 
by  important  business ;  that  he  was  retained  in  a  case  on 
which  he  had  spent  a  great  deal  of  time,  and  that  there 
was  but  one  thing  remaining  to  be  done,  to  make  a  brief 
of  the  relative  merits  of  a  large  number  of  wooden  pave 
ments  ;  that  the  Board  of  Public  Works  had  agreed  that 
they  would  put  down  a  certain  amount  of  concrete,  and  a 
certain  amount  of  other  kinds  of  pavement;  that  they 
had  fixed  the  price  at  which  they  would  put  down  each 
of  the  different  kinds,  and  that  the  only  thing  remaining 
was  to  determine  which  was  the  best  pavement  of  each 


412  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD. 

of  the  several  kinds.  He  said  he  should  lose  his  fee 
unless  the  brief  on  the  merits  of  these  pavements  was 
made,  and  that  he  was  suddenly  and  necessarily  called 
away  home ;  and  he  asked  me  to  prepare  the  brief.  He 
brought  his  papers  to  my  house  and  models  of  the  pave 
ment.  I  told  him  I  could  not  look  at  the  case  until  the 
end  of  the  session.  When  Congress  adjourned  I  sat  down 
to  the  case,  in  the  most  open  manner,  as  I  would  prepare 
a  brief  for  the  Supreme  Court,  and  worked  upon  this 
matter.  There  were  perhaps  forty  kinds  of  wood  pave 
ment  and  several  chemical  analyses  of  the  ingredients  of 
the  different  pavements.  I  went  over  the  whole  ground 
carefully  and  thoroughly,  and  prepared  a  brief  on  the 
relative  claims  of  these  pavements  for  the  consideration 
of  the  board.  This  was  all  I  did.  I  had  nothing  to  do 
with  the  terms  of  the  contract,  I  knew  nothing  of  its 
conditions,  and  I  never  had  a  word  to  say  about  the  con 
ditions,  and  I  never  had  a  word  to  say  about  the  price  of 
the  pavement.  I  knew  nothing  about  it ;  I  simply  made 
a  brief  upon  the  relative  merits  of  the  various  patent 
pavements ;  and  it  no  more  occurred  to  me  that  the 
thing  I  was  doing  had  relation  to  a  ring,  or  to  a  body  of 
men  connected  with  any  scheme,  or  in  any  way  connected 
with  Congress,  or  related  in  any  way  to  any  of  my  duties 
m  connection  with  the  Committee  on  Appropriations,  than 
it  occurred  to  me  that  it  was  interfering  with  your  per 
sonal  rights  as  a  citizen.  I  prepared  the  brief  and  went 
home.  Mr.  Parsons  subsequently  sent  me  a  portion  of  his 
}wn  fee.  A  year  later,  when  the  affairs  of  the  District 
of  Columbia  came  to  be  overhauled,  Congress  became 
satisfied  that  the  government  of  the  District  had  better 


CREDIT    MOBILIER TRIUMPHANT   VINDICATION.         413 

be  abolished,  and  this  whole  matter  was  very  thoroughly 
investigated  by  a  committee  of  the  two  Houses.  They 
went  into  the  question  of  the  merits  of  the  pavement, 
some  claiming  that  it  was  bad,  and  some  claiming  that 
the  Government  had  paid  too  much  for  it.  Mr.  Chitten- 
den  was  called  as  a  witness.  I  ought  to  say  here  that  I 
never  saw  Mr.  Chittenden  until  about  the  time  I  made 
the  brief;  I  did  not  and  do  not  know  De  Golyer  and 
McClelland ;  I  would  not  know  them  on  the  street ;  I  am 
not  aware  that  I  ever  saw  Mr.  Nickerson  before  ;  and  if 
anybody  in  this  business  had  any  scheme  relating  to  me, 
it  was  never  mentioned  to  me  in  the  remotest  way.  It 
never  was  suggested  to  me  that  this  matter  could  relate 
to  my  duties  as  a  member  of  Congress  in  any  way  what 
ever.  All  that  I  did  was  done  openly.  Everybody  who 
called  on  me  could  have  seen  what  I  was  doing,  and  if 
there  was  any  intention  or  purpose  on  the  part  of  any 
body  to  connect  me  in  any  way  with  any  ring  or  any 
dishonorable  scheme  it  was  sedulously  concealed  from  me. 
As  I  have  said,  three  years  ago  a  joint  committee  of  the 
two  Houses  investigated  this  matter  thoroughly.  Mr. 
Parsons  was  summoned,  and  was  examined,  and  cross-ex 
amined  ;  Mr.  Chittenden  was  examined ;  Mr.  Nickerson 
was  examined.  When  I  heard  that  my  name  was  being 
used  in  the  matter,  I  went  to  the  chairmen  on  both  sides 
— for  it  was  a  joint  committee.  Senator  Thurman,  of  my 
own  State,  was  on  the  committee ;  Mr.  Jewett,  now 
President  of  the  Erie  Railway,  was  on  the  committee.  1 
said  to  the  chairmen  that,  if  there  was  anything  in  con 
nection  with  the  case  which  reflected  upon  me,  and  that 
they  thought  I  ought  to  answer,  I  would  be  obliged  to 


114  JAMES    A.    GARFIELD. 

them  if  they  would  inform  me.  The  chairman  on  the 
part  of  the  House,  Mr.  Wilson,  said  that  he  had  looked 
the  matter  all  over,  and  that  what  I  had  done  was  per 
fectly  proper  ;  but  if  anything  should  occur  to  make  any 
explanation  necessary,  I  could  appear  before  the  commit 
tee;  he  would  send  me  word.  He  never  did  send  for  me. 
Very  soon  after  that  my  political  campaign  in  Ohio  opened. 
"  Every  man  in  public  life  is  blessed  with  enemies  as 
well  as  friends ;  and  no  sooner  had  my  campaign  opened 
than  the  New  York  Sun  published  thirteen  columns,  I 
believe,  containing  almost  every  form  of  public  and  private 
assault  upon  me,  among  other  things  quoting  this  testi 
mony  in  such  a  way  as  to  make  it  appear  that  what  I 
had  done  compromised  my  position  as  Chairman  of  the 
Committee  on  Appropriations.  I  went  before  the  people 
of  my  district  and  discussed  the  whole  matter;  and  in  a 
speech  which  was  printed  and  circulated  by  thousands, 
every  part  and  parcel  of  this  charge  was  made  as  public 
as  anything  could  be.  It  was  revived  to  some  extent  in 
the  campaign  last  fall,  and  all  possible  new  light  thrown 
upon  it.  In  the  course  of  the  campaign  of  1874  a  gentle 
man  from  my  district  wrote  in  regard  to  it  to  Mr.  Wilson, 
the  chairman  of  the  joint  committee  on  the  part  of  the 
House,  and  received  a  letter  in  reply,  which  I  read  : — 

"  f  CONNELLSVILLE,  Illd.,  Aug.  1,  1874. 

"'Hon.  George  W.  Steele  — Dear  Sir:— To  the  re 
quest  for  information  as  to  whether  or  not  the  action  of 
General  Garfield,  in  connection  with  the  affairs  of  the 
District  of  Columbia,  was  the  subject  of  condemnation  in 
the  committee  that  recently  had  those  affairs  under  con- 


CREDIT    MOBILIER TRIUMPHANT    VINDICATION.          415 

sideration,  I  answer  that  it  was  not;  nor  was  there,  in  my 
opinion,  any  evidence  that  would  have  warranted  any  un 
favorable  criticism  upon  his  conduct. 

"  '  The  facts  disclosed  by  the  evidence,  so  far  as  he  is 
concerned,  are  briefly  these  : 

"  '  The  Board  of  Public  Works  was  considering  the 
question  as  to  the  kind  of  pavements  that  should  be  laid. 
There  was  a  contest  as  to  the  respective  merits  of  va 
rious  wooden  pavements.  Mr.  Parsons  represented,  as 
attorney,  the  De  Golyer  and  McClellan  patent,  and  being 
called  away  from  Washington  about  the  time  the  hearing 
was  to  be  had  before  the  Board  of  Public  Works  on  this 
subject,  procured  General  Garfield  to  appear  before  the 
board  in  his  stead  and  argue  the  merits  of  his  patent. 
This  he  did,  and  this  was  the  whole  of  his  connection  in 
the  matter.  It  was  not  a  question  as  to  the  kind  of  con 
tract  that  should  be  made,  but  as  to  whether  this  particu 
lar  kind  of  pavement  should  be  laid.  The  criticism  of  the 
committee  was  not  upon  the  pavement  in  favor  of  which 
General  Garfield  argued,  but  was  upon  the  contract  made 
with  reference  to  it;  and  there  was  no  evidence  which 
would  warrant  the  conclusion  that  he  had  anything  to  do 
with  the  latter.  Very  respectfully,  etc., 

" '  J.  M.  WILSON/ 

"  I  want  to  say  this,  further :  That  if  anybody  in  the 
world  holds  that  my  fee  in  connection  with  this  pavement, 
even  by  suggestion  or  implication,  had  any  relation  what 
ever  to  any  appropriation  by  Congress  for  anything  con 
nected  with  the  District,  or  with  anything  else,  it  is  due 
to  me,  it  is  due  to  this  committee,  and  it  is  duo  to  Con- 


416  JAMES    A.  GAKFIELB. 

gress,  that  that  person  be  summoned.  If  there  be  a  man 
on  this  earth  who  makes  such  a  charge,  that  man  is  the 
most  infamous  perjurer  that  lives,  and  I  shall  be  glad  to 
confront  him  anywhere  in  this  world.  I  am  quite  sure 
this  committee  will  not  allow  hearsay  and  contradictory 
testimony  to  raise  a  presumption  against  me.  Now,  I 
will  say  very  frankly  to  the  committee  that,  if  I  had 
known  or  imagined  that  there  was  an  intent  such  as  this 
witness  insinuates,  on  the  part  of  anybody,  that  my  em 
ployment  by  a  brother  lawyer  to  prepare  a  brief  on  a 
perfectly  legitimate  question — a  question  of  the  relative 
merits  of  certain  lawful  patents  —  had  any  connection 
whatever,  or  any  supposed  connection  in  the  mind  of  any 
man,  with  my  public  duties,  I  certainly  would  have  taken 
no  such  engagement.  I  would  have  been  a  weak  and 
very  foolish  man  to  have  done  so,  and  I  trust  that  gentle 
men  who  know  me  will  believe  that  I  would  at  least  have 
had  too  much  respect  for  my  own  ambition  to  have  done 
such  a  thing. 

"  By  the  Chairman — Q.  What  was  the  amount  that 
Mr.  Parsons  did  pay  you  of  his  fee  ?  A.  Five  thousand 
dollars.  I  do  not  think  he  mentioned  any  sum  at  the 
time  he  asked  me  to  make  the  argument.  He  said  that 
he  was  to  receive  a  large  fee,  and  he  would  share  it  with 
me.  I  am  not  sure  that  he  then  mentioned  the  amount, 
or  what  he  would  pay  me,  but  he  said  that  the  fee  was  a 
large  one,  and  that  there  was  a  large  amount  involved. 
When  I  made  the  argument  I  went  home  to  Ohio,  and 
some  time  in  the  month  of  July,  I  think,  or  perhaps  a 
month  afterwards,  Mr.  Parsons  deposited  in  bank  to  my 
credit  $5,000. 


CREDIT    MOBILIER — TRIUMPHANT   VINDICATION.  *      417 

By  Mr.  Culbertson — Q.  Who  paid  those  fees.  A.  I 
do  not  know.  I  never  knew  anything  about  that  at  all. 
Mr.  Parsons  engaged  me.  Nobody  else  spoke  to  me 
about  it.  The  only  relation  I  had  to  it  at  all  was  with 
him.  Mr.  Parsons'  testimony  on  the  subject  is  very  full, 
and  is  true,  as  I  remember  it. 

"  By  the  Chairman — Q.  Did  Mr.  Parsons  say  to  you 
that  his  fee  or  yours  would  be  contingent  on  the  award  of 
it  (jon tract  for  200,000  square  yards  of  pavement?  A.  Oh, 
no,  sir;  I  do  not  think  he  said  that.  He  said  :  '  I  ain  in 
danger  of  losing  an  important  fee  unless  I  make  this  argu 
ment,  and  I  cannot  do  it;  I  must1  go  away,  and  I  will  pay 
you  a  share  of  what  I  get  if  you  will  make  the  brief.'  I 
don't  remember  that  he  said  whether  it  was  contingent  or 
absolute.  I  simply  acted  on  his  request. 

"  Q.  Your  brief  was  made  and  filed  ?  A.  Certainly. 
I  labored  over  the  case  a  good  many  days.  I  remember 
among  other  papers  which  I  examined  were  some  p.lrn- 
phlets  giving  an  account  of  the  working  of  this  pavement 
i:i  California,  and,  I  think,  in  Chicago.  There  were  two 
or  three  chemical  analyses  of  the  materials  used  I  had 
to  examine;  I  think  nearly  forty  of  the  different  patents. 
The  understanding  was-  that  the  merits  of  the  different 
competing  pavements  were  to  be  laid  before  the  board 
in  order  that  they  might  determine  their  relative  merits. 
I  do  not  think  I  knew  anything  about  the  price  that  was 
to  be  paid  per  square  yard ;  certainly  it  was  none  of  my 
affair  ;  1  had  nothing  to  do  with  it  or  to  say  about  it. 

"  By  Mr.  Pratt — Q,  It  was  not  involved  in  the 
question  submitted  to  you  ?  A.  It  was  not  involved 
iu  the  question  at  all,  because,  as  I  understood,  the 

27 


418  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

Board  of  Engineers  had  beforehand  determined  that  for 
wood  pavements  they  would  pay  so  much,  for  concrete 
so  much,  and  for  other  kinds  so  much.  The  property- 
holders  on  a  street  made  a  request  for  whichever  pave 
ment  they  preferred — concrete,  Belgian,  or  wooden — and, 
when  the  petitions  of  the  property-holders  were  filed 
with  the  board,  they  gave  the  different  streets  the  kinds 
of  pavement  asked  for  by  the  people. 

"  By  the  Chairman — Q.  Had  you  any  knowledge  at 
the  time  that  the  Advisory  Board  had  passed  a  condem 
natory  judgment  upon  this  ?  A.  I  had  not,  nor  have  I 
now.  I  only  knew  that  there  was  a  considerable  amount 
of  wooden  pavement  to  be  laid,  because  the  citizens 
had  asked  for  it.  I  had  no  knowledge  of  the  matter 
except  what  I  had  got  from  the  papers  before  me.  I 
recollect  among  other  things,  that  it  was  certified  from 
the  Board  of  Public  Works  of  Chicago  that  this  pave 
ment  had  stood  there  better  than  any  other  wooden 
pavement  they  had  ever  had,  and  I  believe  there  was 
similar  testimony  from  the  city  authorities  of  San  Fran 
cisco. 

u  Q.  Had  you  any  previous  knowledge  as  an  expert 
in  the  qualities  of  different  pavements  ?  A.  I  had  had 
considerable  experience  in  patents  and  patent  law  gen 
erally  ;  I  had  been  engaged  in  the  Goodyear  rubber  case 
in  the  Supreme  Court,  and  I  was  familiar  with  patent 
law.  I  have  been  practising  in  the  Supreme  Court  here 
since  1866;  I  do  practice  constantly,  as  much  as  my 
public  duties  allow^ 

"  Q.  Do  you  recollect  whether  at  the  subsequent 
session  of  Congress  there  was  $1,200,000  appropriated 


CREDIT    MOBILIER TRIUMPHANT    VINDICATION.         419 

for  the  Board  of  Public  Works  ?  A.  I  remember  thai 
there  vvus  a  large  appropriation  made  for  improvements 
made  by  the  Board  of  Public  Works  in  front  of  the 
public  buildings  and  grounds,  but  none  was  made  for 
any  particular  pavement  or  contract.  I  do  not  remem 
ber  how  large  the  appropriation  was,  for  it  was  put  on 
in  the  Senate,  in  the  last  hours  of  the  session,  while  I 
was  on  a  conference  on  the  unfortunate  salary  bill,  and 
was  adopted  while  I  was  out,  and  I  knew  nothing  at  all 
about  its  origin  or  progress.  I  know  that  in  one  of  the 
bills  that  I  had  charge  of  at  about  that  time  there  was 
a  restrictive  clause  upon  the  board  inserted,  because  we 
thought  it  had  begun  to  do  too  much. 

"  The  Chairman.— I  don't  think,  Mr.  Garfield,  that  it 
has  been  testified  here,  directly,  that  any  proposition, 
in  so  many  words,  was  made  to  you  in  relation  to  any 
appropriation  made  by  Congress,  but  there  have  been 
put  in  evidence  here  extracts  from  letters,  which  were 
written  by  Chittenden  from  this  city  to  De  Golyer  and 
McClelland,  after  interviews  with  you. 

"  Mr.  Garfield.— Of  course,  Mr.  Chairman,  you  will 
see  the  utter  impossibility  of  one  man  being  made  re 
sponsible  for  what  another  man  writes  about  him.  I 
cannot,  of  course,  say  what  has  been  written  about  me. 
If  I  had  it  all  before  me,  it  would  be  a  very  mixed 
chapter,  I  have  no  doubt,  as  it  would  be  in  the  case  oi 
any  of  us. 

"  The  Chairman. — There  has  been  no  direct  testi 
mony  that  any  such  proposition  was  ever  made  to  you. 

"  Mr.  Garfield. — If  there  is  any  testimony  of  that  sort 
it  is  false,  and  I  shall  be  obliged  if  you  will  let  me  know." 


CHAPTER  X. 

THE     CHICAGO    CONVENTION. GENERAL     GARFIELD     NOMINATE!,* 

FOR   PRESIDENT   OF    THE    UNITED    STATES. 

The  Chicago  Convention — Description  of  the  Hall — General  Garfield  a  Del 
egate  from  Ohio — Cordial  Reception  by  the  Convention — Opening  of 
the  Proceedings— The  First  Day's  Work — Events  of  the  Second  Day — 
The  Struggle  between  Grant  and  Blaine — Parliamentary  Skirmishing — 
Proceedings  of  the  Third  Day —  Report  of  the  Committee  on  Credentials 
— The  Evening  Session — The  Fight  over  Illinois — The  Fourth  Day's 
Session — The  Grant  Lines  show  Signs  of  Weakness — Garfield's  Mas 
terly  Management  of  the  Ohio  Delegation — Nomination  of  Candidates 
— Blaine  and  Grant  Presented — General  Garfield  Nominates  John  Sher 
man — A  Noble  Speech — The  Fifth  Day's  Session — Balloting  for  the 
Presidential  Candidates — A  Stubborn  Fight — A  Detailed  Statement  of 
the  Ballots — The  Sixth  and  Last  Day — Wisconsin  Votes  for  Gariield — 
The  General  endeavors  to  Stop  the  Movement  in  his  Favor — He  is  un 
successful — The  Break  to  Garfield— The  Thirty-sixth  Ballot — Garfield 
Nominated  for  the  Presidency — Exciting  Scenes  in  the  Convention — 
The  Nomination  Made  Unanimous — Nomination  of  Vice-President — 
How  Garfield's  Nomination  was  brought  about — Platform  of  the  Re 
publican  Party  for  1880. 

THE  National  Convention  of  the  Republican  party  met 
at  Chicago,  on  the  2d  of  June,  1880.  General  Garfield 
attended  it  as  the  leader  of  the  delegation  from  Ohio. 

The  place  of  meeting  was  the  large  hall  of  the  Ex 
position  Building.  The  correspondent  of  the  New  York 
llerald  said  of  it  on  the  day  the  convention  assembled : 

"  The  entire  building  is  divided  into  sections — A,  13, 


CHICAGO   CONVENTION — NOMINATED    FOR   PRESIDENT.     421 

C,  and  so  on.  Each  section  has  its  door,  each  door  its 
official,  each  official  the  Chicago  courtesy,  passing  which, 
the  visitor  finds  himself  in  a  hall  300  feet  long  and  150 
feet  wide.  The  platform  is  in  the  south  end  and  the 
seats  for  delegates  and  alternates  on  the  main  floor  run 
ning  from  the  platform  back  about  two  hundred  feet. 
On  the  other  side  of  this,  and  running  entirely  round  the 
building,  are  commodious  galleries  capable  of  seating  in 
the  neighborhood  of  nine  thousand  people.  This,  with 
the  space  for  delegates,  gives  a  seating  capacity  of  be 
tween  ten  thousand  and  eleven  thousand  persons.  The 
crowd  outside  is  immense,  and  has  been  since  early 
morning;  but  as  the  rules  of  admission  are  rigidly  en 
forced  the  outsiders  are  compelled  to  content  themselves 
with  cheers  and  shouts  and  an  occasional  growl.  The 
delegations  which  had  been  bothered  beyond  conception 
in  getting  tickets  of  admission  were  very  slow  in  arriving. 
At  half-past  eleven  there  was  no  one  in  the  hall  beyond 
a  large  and  very  active  band  and  a  few  enterprising  cor 
respondents  who  remembered  the  luck  of  the  early  bird. 

"  Little  banners,  shield-shaped,  with  Alabama,  Ari 
zona,  and  so  on,  printed  on  them,  indicated  the  situation 
of  each  delegation.  The  A's  sat  in  the  front  benches, 
and  the  rest  of  the  alphabet  followed  seriatim.  The  con 
sequence  is  that  Texas,  West  Virginia,  and  the  other  low 

down  letters  are  much  nearer  the  band  and  the  rear  than 

• 

they  fancy.  To  compare  it  with  Madison  Square  Garden, 
imagine  the  stage  placed  at  the  Madison  Avenue  end  and 
benches  placed  on  the  floor  back  to  the  cascade,  where 
the  band  forms  the  lower  line  of  a  high  stretch  of  seats 
for  the  public.  The  Alabama  delegates  are  in  the  upper 


122  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

left-hand  corner,  having  all  of  seat  1  and  part  of  seat 
22.  Then  follow,  in  order,  down  the  left  side,  including 
all  of  the  first  row  and  a  portion  of  the  second,  Arkan 
sas,  California,  Colorado,  Connecticut,  Delaware,  Florida, 
Georgia,  and  Illinois,  ending  with  Indiana  in  the  lowet 
left  corner.  Iowa  commences  with  the  right  end  oi 
No.  45  and  left  end  of  No.  69.  Then,  in  order,  Kan 
sas,  Kentucky,  Louisiana,  Maine,  Maryland,  Massachu 
setts,  Michigan,  Minnesota,  Mississippi,  Missouri,  ending 
with  Arizona,  and  the  District  of  Columbia  on  seat  No. 
46.  Nebraska  commences  on  No.  70,  then  follow  down 
Nevada,  New  Hampshire,  New  Jersey,  New  York,  Ohio, 
Oregon,  Rhode  Island,  South  Carolina,  Dakota,  Idaho 
and  Montana,  ending  with  New  Mexico  on  No.  93. 
Utah  is  on  the  lower  right  corner.  Then  follow  up  on  the 
right  side,  in  order,  Washington  Territory,  Texas,  Penn 
sylvania,  Tennessee,  Vermont,  Virginia,  West  Virginia, 
ending  with  Wisconsin  in  upper  right  corner  on  seat  No. 
96.  Alternates  are  arranged  in  strictly  alphabetical 
order.  Commencing  with  Alabama,  on  seat  No.  115, 
they  follow  down  to  No.  144,  then  commence  with  No. 
174,  running  up  to  No.  145.  Next  comes  No.  175,  run 
ning  down  to  No.  204,  where  the  Wisconsin  alternates 
will  be  seated." 

General  Garfield's  appearance  in  the  Convention  was 
greeted  with  enthusiastic  applause  from  the  delegates 
and  the  audience.  After  the'  organization  of  the  Con 
vention  he  was  appointed  one  of  the  Committee  on  Rules 
This  appointment  was  received  with  applause.  A  de 
spatch  to  the  New  York  Herald  from  Chicago  that  night, 
said: 


CHICAGO   CONVENTION NOMINATED    FOR    PRESIDENT.     423 

"  The  name  of  General  Garfield  is  also  assuming 
I  rominence  as  a  possible  nomination  of  the  Ohio  delega 
tion,  should  it  be  necessary  to  withdraw  the  name  of  Mr. 
Sherman.  General  Garfield  will  present  the  name  of  Mr. 
Sherman,  and  his  speech  and  manner,  it  is  thought,  wiK 
make  a  very  favorable  impression  on  the  Convention. 
The  applause  which  greeted  the  name  to-day  when  it  was 
announced  that  he  had  been  selected  by  the  Ohio  delega 
tion  to  serve-  in  the  Committee  on  Rules  was  a  marked 
compliment  to  him,  which  has  not  been  forgotten  to-night 
in  the  calculations  of  the  thoughtful  men." 

The  hour  appointed  for  the  meeting  of  the  Conven 
tion  was  twelve  o'clock  Wednesday,  June  2,  1880.  "  The 
Alabama  delegation,"  says  Mr.  A.  K.  McClure,  writing 
to  the  Philadelphia  Times,  "  was  first  to  file  in  as  a  body, 
and  its  two  rows  of  President-makers  nestled  down  in 
front  of  the  stage,  displaying  every  shade  of  complex 
ion,  from  the  pure  white  to  the  genuine  African.  Arkan 
sas  fell  in  greatly  behind  Alabama,  with  the  familiar  face 
of  ex- Sena  tor  Dorsey  at  the  head.  Meantime  the  places 
allotted  to  the  various  States  were  being  rapidly  filled  up 
by  the  rank  and  file  of  the  delegations.  But  the  leaders 
were  slow  in  getting  to  their  respective  commands.  The 
dignitaries  who  had  been  assigned  to  the  seats  for  dis 
tinguished  guests  began  to  swarm  in,  and  Frye,  of  Maine, 
and  Chandler,  of  New  Hampshire,  buzzed  them  as  they 
gathered  in  little  knots  to  discuss  the  situation.  General 
Beaver,  chairman  of  the  Pennsylvania  delegation,  swung 
himself  along  the  side  aisle  on  his  crutches  and  sat  down 
at  the  post  of  honor  for  his  State,  with  Quay  close  by  his 
side,  and  Cessna  flitted  hither  and  thither  as  if  uncer* 


424  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD. 

tain  that  anything  would  be  well  done  unless  he  gave  il 
a  helping  hand.  McManes  dropped  in  Lite,  a  little  paled 
by  illness,  but  with  all  his  Scotch-Irish  dogged  ness  writ 
ten  in  his  face.  Jewell  and  Creswell,  both  of  the  Grant 
cabinet,  came  in  about  the  same  time,  the  first  hoping  to 
look  down  on  the  defeat  of  his  old  chief  from  the  gallery 
of  distinguished  guests,  and  the  other  marshalling  hia 
delegation  to  give  him  back  his  Old  Commander. 

"  Both  look  fresh  and  rosy  as  they  did  when  they 
hugged  their  portfolios  and  enjoyed  the  hollow  homage 
that  is  paid  to  honor  at  the  Capital.  The  tall,  sturdy 
form  of  '  Long  John '  Wentworth  towered  over  all  as  he 
joined  his  delegation.  He  is  stouter,  redder,  grayer  and 
balder  than  eight  years  ago,  when  he  rebelled  against 
Grant.  He  has  returned  to  his.  first  love,  and  now  wilts 
down  his  collars  early  in  the  morning  working  and  cheer 
ing  for  the  Silent  Man. 

"  Just  when  the  building  had  pretty  nearly  filled  up 
there  was  a  simultaneous  huzzah  throughout  the  hall  and 
galleries,  and  it  speedily  broke  out  in  a  hearty  applause. 
The  tall  and  now  silvered  plume  of  Conkling  was  visible 
in  the  aisle,  and  he  strode  down  to  his  place  at  the  head 
of  his  delegation  with  the  majesty  of  an  emperor.  He 
recognized  the  compliment  by  a  modest  bow,  without  lift 
ing  his  eyes  to  the  audience,  and  took  his  seat  as  serenely 
as  if  on  a  picnic  and  holiday.  He  has  aged  rapidly  dur 
ing  the  last  year,  and  his  once  golden  locks  are  thinned 
and  whitened,  while  hard  lines  dispel  the  brightness  of  his 
finely-chiselled  face.  The  Grant  men  seemed  to  be  more 
comfortable  when  they  found  him  by  their  side  and  evi 
dently  ready  for  the  conflict.  The  sable  Grant  men  from 


CHICAGO   CONVENTION — NOMINATED    FOR    PRESIDENT.     425 

the  South,  who  believe  Grant  to  be  their  political  savior, 
look  upon  Conkling  as  his  prophet,  and  they  worship  him 
as  a  demigod.  Logan's  swarthy  features,  flowing  mous 
tache  and  Indian  hair  were  next  visible  on  the  eastern 
aisle,  but  he  stepped  to  the  head  of  his  delegation  so 
quietly  that  he  escaped  a  special  welcome.  He  sat  as  if 
in  sober  reflection  for  a  few  moments  and  then  hastened 
over  to  Conkling  to  perfect  their  counsel  on  the  eve  of 
battle.  The  two  senatorial  leaders  held  close  conference 
until  the  bustle  about  the  chair  gave  notice  that  the  op 
posing  lines  were  about  to  begin  to  feel  each  other  and 
test  their  position. 

"  Cameron  had  just  stepped  upon  the  platform  with 
the  elasticity  of  a  boy,  and  his  youthful  but  strongly- 
marked  face  was  recognized  at  once.  There  was  no  ap 
plause.  They  all  knew  that  he  never  plays  for  the  gal 
leries  and  that  cheers  are  wasted  upon  him.  The  man 
who  can  bring  him  votes  when  he  is  in  want  of  them  can 
make  his  cold  gray  eyes  kindle  arid  his  usually  stolid 
features  toy  with  a  smile,  but  no  man  in  the  land  more 
justly  estimates  the  crowd  that  ever  cheers  the  coming 
guest  than  does  Cameron.  He  quietly  sat  down  for  ten 
minutes,  although  the  time  for  calling  the  convention  to 
order  had  passed  by  an  hour,  and  he  looked  out  upon  the 
body  so  big  with  destiny  for  himself  and  his  Grant  asso 
ciates.  Passing  by  I  asked  him. :  '  What  of  the  battle  ?' 
To  which  he  answered  :  *  We  have  three  hundred  to  start 
with,  and  we  will  stick  until  we  win/ 

"  It  was  said  with  all  the  determination  that  his  posi 
tive  manner  and  expression  could  add  to  language,  and  it 
summed  up  his  whole  strategy.  While  he  waited  the 


126  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

vacant  places  were  fast  filling  up.  Generals  Sewell  awl 
Kilpatrick  took  their  posts  at  the  head  of  the  New  Jersey 
men,  and  just  behind  them  the  rosy  faces  of  Garfield  an  1 
Foster  and  the  tall,  spare  form  of  Dennison  were  holding 
a  hasty  last  council  of  the  Sherman  wing  of  the  opposi 
tion.  The  youthful  olive-shaded  features  of  Bruce,  of 
Mississippi,  were  visible  in  the  centre  of  his  delegation, 
and  the  dream  of  the  Vice-Presidency  made  him  restless 
and  anxious. 

"At  five  minutes  after  one  Cameron  quickly  rose 
from  his  chair,  advanced  to  the  front  and  brought  his 
gavel  down  gently  upon  the  speaker's  desk.  At  once  the 
confused  hum  of  voices  began  to  still,  and  the  nearly  ten 
thousand  people  present  settled  into  perfect  order.  Cam 
eron  stood  for  half  a  minute  after  silence  had  been  ob 
tained,  apparently  free  from  all  embarrassment,  and 
finally  said,  in  a  clear  voice  : 

"  c  The  convention  will  come  to  order,  and  will  be 
opened  with  prayer/ 

"  The  prayer  followed,  and  was  a  very  satisfactory 
test  of  the  acoustic  qualities  of  the  hall.  Then  followed 
the  reading  of  the  call  by  Secretary  Keogh,  when  Cam 
eron  enlisted  the  utmost  attention  by  adjusting  his  eye 
glasses  and  drawing  from  his  coat-pocket  a  single  sheet  of 
foolscap  paper.  All  knew  that  he  would  speak  briefly,  if 
at  all,  and  that  if  he  had  anything  to  say  he  would  say  it 
with  directness,  and  none  were  mistaken.  In  a  speech  of 
not  over  two  minutes  he  got  in  some  most  telling  blows 
for  Grant,  which  were  warmly  cheered.  He  read  his 
speech,  and  the  delivery  was  clear  and  forcible. 

u  lie  closed  by  nominating  Hoar  for  temporary  chair 


CHICAGO   CONVENTION — NOMINATED    FOR    PRESIDENT.     427 

m?m  anil  put  the  question  at  once,  and  the  unanimous  ap 
proval  of  the  convention,  as  evinced  by  its  mingled  votes 
and  cheers,  transferred  the  organization  of  the  body  to 
the  anti-third-term  combination.  They  breathed  more 
freely  when  they  saw  Cameron  out  of  the  chair  and  Hoar 
in  his  place.  But  Cameron  retired  complacently,  and  both 
sides  seemed  to  understand  that  victory  to  either  depend 
ed  upon  the  skill  or  accidents  of  future  conflicts.  Sen 
ator  Hoar's  benignant  face  and  clerical  cloth  of  the  mod 
ern  Puritan  pattern  were  presented  to  the  convention, 
and  hearty  applause  greeted  them.  Mr.  Hoar  delivered 
an  appropriate  address,  which  was  well  received,  and  the 
work  of  the  convention  began. 

"  Hale,  of  Maine,  first  took  the  floor  as  Elaine's  chief 
lieutenant.  Every  one  waited  eagerly  to  hear  whether  he 
was  about  to  open  the  battle,  but  he  simply  offered  the 
usual  resolutions  for  a  call  of  States  to  report  committee- 
men.  Routine  business  dragged  along  for  some  time, 
when  Frye,  of  Maine,  arose  on  the  platform  and  called 
attention  to  the  omission  of  Utah  from  the  committee  on 
credentials.  He  is  Hale's  fellow-leader  of  the  Elaine  men, 
and  he  is  a  fluent  and  skilful  debater.  His  motion  to 
have  Utah  represented  in  the  committee  was  soon  under 
stood  to  be  an  attack  on  a  vital  part  of  the  Grant  line. 
As  Conkling  rose  in  his  majestic  and  peaceful  way  to  re 
ply,  a  storm  of  applause  welcomed  him  as  the  i  leader  of 
leaders.'  He  at  once  locked  horns  with  the  gritty  Elaine 
advocate.  He  made  a  most  plausible  special  plea  for  the 
omission  of  Utah  along  with  Louisiana,  but  Frye  camo 
back  with  the  statement  of  the  secretary  of  the  National 
Committee  that  the  omission  was  an  accident  and  a  mis- 


428  JAMES    A.    GARFIELD. 

take,  and  called  out  the  ever-ready  enthusiasm  of  the 
Blame  side.  Conkling  saw  that  his  position  was  untena 
ble,  and  he  fell  back  in  excellent  order.  The  fiery  Logan 
mounted  his  chair  and  offered  a  resolution  for  the  admis 
sion  of  the  five  hundred  veteran  soldiers  who  are  attend 
ing  the  convention.  He  knows  just  how  to  make  a  clap 
trap  speech  for  the  veterans,  and  as  they  are  generally 
Grant  men,  who  were  brought  here  to  help  the  cause 
along,  he  played  his  veteran  card  for  all  that  was  in  it. 
General  Kilpatrick,  who  loves  to  speak  on  all  questions, 
and  especially  on  behalf  of  the  soldiers,  seconded  Logan's 
effort.  The  anti-Grant  men  did  not  dare  to  offer  opposi 
tion  to  the  Grant  reserves,  for  the  galleries  and  Logan  car 
ried  his  motion,  with  generous  applause  from  the  Grant 
men. 

"  That  ended  the  skirmishing  in  the  field  for  the  day, 
and  Conkling  hastened  an  adjournment  until  to-morrow  at 
eleven  o'clock  without  a  contest.  The  battle  was  then 
transferred  back  to  the  lobbies  of  the  hotels. 

"  The  convention  reassembled  at  eleven  o'clock  on  the 
morning  of  the  3d  of  June.  Conkling  strode  majestically 
down  the  aisle,  bowed  to  the  cheers  which  greeted  him  on 
every  side,  and  the  smile  that  played  upon  his  face  told 
that  his  antagonists,  with  a  clear  majority  against  him, 
luid  given  him  another  day  to  lash  them  and  a  chance  to 
return  them  defeat  for  their  blunder.  Cameron  was  with 
his  delegation  on  the  floor,  as  were  Logan,  Cress  well,  and 
Boutwell,  and  they  all  displayed  the  self-satisfaction  of 
repulsed  chieftains  who  felt  confident  of  fearfully  punish 
ing  if  not  routing  the  Biaine  men  before  the  battle  closed. 
Hamlin's  dark  face  deepened  the  lines  of  age  by  the  anx- 


CHICAGO   CONVENTION — NOMINATED    FOR   PRESIDENT.     429 

lely  that  he  could  not  conceal  about  the  result  of  a  battle 
that  had  to  be  fought  for  a  day  in  skirmishes  against 
superior  strategists.  A  general  engagement  would  give 
them  certain  victory  if  it  could  be  forcod  at  once.  Fryo 
and  Hale  were  nervous  and  fretful  under  their  now  visible 
mistake,  and  attempted  to  relieve  their  error  only  to  be 
defeated  by  Garfield  finally  coming  in  against  their  un 
protected  fknk.  After  they  bad  forced  him  into  the  ac 
tion  Conkling  opened  what  be  knew  could  be  only  an 
affair  of  outposts  and  one  in  which  he  must  suffer  least. 
With  utmost  coolness  and  all  the  air  of  a  master  he  rose 
and  moved  a  recess  until  six  o'clock,  giving  the  plausible 
reasons  that  the  committee  on  credentials  could  not  report 
earlier  than  four,  and  that  the  convention  should  not  at 
tempt  any  important  business  until  its  membership  was 
ascertained.  Hale  sprang  to  his  feet  to  grapple  with  the 
half-vanquished  but  yet  fearfully  dangerous  Grant  cham 
pion.  He  pleaded  against  delay,  and  quoted  the  prece 
dent  of  Cincinnati  in  1876,  when  the  committees  on  rules 
and  organization  reported  before  the  committee  on  cre 
dentials.  He  spoke  well,  but  illy  concealed  the  knowl 
edge  that  Conkling  was  seeking  to  profit  as  large  and  as 
conspicuously  as  possible  by  a  Elaine  blunder. 

"  Conkling' s  reply  was  masterly  in  its  unexpressed 
contempt  and  scathing  sarcasm.  His  keen  arrow  struck 
just  where  he  had  aimed  it,  and  Ilale's  irritation  broke  lii.s 
voice  so  that  his  reply  was  unimpressive.  But  he  got  in 
a  parting  shot  at  his  antagonist  that  allowed  him  to  cover 
his  retreat  in  a  storm  of  applause.  Both  exhibited  the 
utmost  bitterness,  but  Conkling's  polished  oratory  made 
even  his  venom  sublime.  Hale  won  on  the  first  vote  by 


430  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

defeating  Conkling's  motion,  and  while  the  now  growing 
Elaine  enthusiasm  shouted  over  the  victory,  Conkling 
smiled  and  coolly  waited  his  time,  that  he  knew  WHS 
near  at  hand.  The  report  of  the  committee  on  organiza 
tion  was  made  and  disposed  of  in  a  few  minutes.  When 
they  came  to  the  front  to  retrieve  the  Elaine  folly  of  de 
laying  the  committee  on  credentials,  by  moving  that  the 
committee  on  rules  be  instructed  to  report,  both  sides 
knew  what  the  report  was,  and  that  it  contained  one  rule 
limiting  speakers  to  five  minutes.  If  they  could  carry 
that  report,  before  the  report  of  the  committee  on  con 
tested  seats,  the  blunder  of  delay  would  be  partially  cor 
rected,  as  it  would  prevent  the  debate  against  time  that 
the  Grant  men  mean  to  make  on  the  disputed  delegations. 
Logan  tried  to  drive  Frye  back  by  points  of  order,  but 
failed,  and  when  General  Sharpe,  the  New  York  member 
of  the  committee,  said  that  he  was  instructed  to  make 
a  minority  report,  and  that  the  committee  had  voted  to 
withhold  the  majority  report  until  after  the  contested 
seats  were  disposed  of,  Conkling's  grim  smile  told  how  he 
enjoyed  Frye's  discomfiture.  Eut  they  foolishly  appealed 
to  General  Garfteld,  chairman  of  the  committee,  and  Gar- 
field  was  compelled,  but  with  evident  reluctance,  to  sus 
tain  the  statements  made  by  General  Sharpe.  Frye  was 
now  completely  unhorsed,  and  had  to  withdraw  his  own 
motion,  and  followed  it  with  a  motion  to  adjourn  until  five 
o'clock. 

"  This  brought  Conkling  to  his  feet  to  enjoy  his  vic 
tory,  and,  in  one  of  his  grandest  flights  of  irony,  he 
congratulated  the  Maine  man  on  having  kept  ten  thou 
sand  people  in  uncomfortable  seats  for  two  hours  to  ao 


CHICAGO   CONVENTION — NOMINATED   FOR   PRESIDENT.     43i 

yomplish  just  what  he  proposer!  to  accomplish  when  the 
convention  met.  All  of  Conkling's  bitterness  was  thrown 
into  his  effort  to  portray  the  littleness  of  Elaine's  leaders, 
and  he  sat  down  amidst  thunders  of  applause.  The  vast 
audience  had  seen  the  first  blood  drawn  by  the  gladiator 
and  they  wanted  more.  They  called  for  Frye  and  Hale 
until  Frye  mounted  his  chair  for  a  farewell  broadside  at 
his  dreaded  antagonist,  and  he  got  it  in  neatly  and  stopped 
at  the  right  point.  With  a  good  imitation  of  Conkling's 
patronizing  manner,  he  returned  the  thanks  of  the  Maine 
delegation  to  the  gentleman  from  New  York  for  his  con 
gratulations,  and  he  added  that  he  hoped  when  the  work 
of  the  convention  shall  have  been  concluded,  Mr.  Conk- 
ling  would  send  his  congratulations  to  the  gentleman 
from  Maine.  It  was  a  fair  hit,  and  even  Conkling  joined 
the  audience  in  its  shouts  of  laughter.  The  convention 
then  adjourned. 

"  When  it  reassembled  at  5  o'clock  in  the  afternoon, 
it  was  announced  that  the  committee  on  contested  seats 
would  not  be  ready  to  report  until  late  in  the  evening. 
This  fretted  the  Blame  leaders,  who  have  held  the 
Grant  men  as  the  under-dogs  all  day,  and  had  the  gal 
leries  fully  impressed  with  the  belief  that  Blaine  would 
be  nominated  as  soon  as  a  vote  could  be  reached.  They 
felt  that  they  had  blundered  by  delay,  and  they  plunged 
in  to  multiply  their  blunders,  in  the  vain  hope  that  they 
could  recover  their  lost  opportunity.  Henderson,  of  Iowa, 
opened  the  Blaine  fire  by  renewing  Frye's  motion  of  the 
morning  session  to  instruct  the  committee  on  rules  to 
report.  The  sable  gentleman  in  that  Blaine  wood-pile  is 
hidden  in  the  rule  known  to  have  been  adopted  by  the 


132  JAMES    A.  GARFIELI). 

committee  limiting  debate  to  five-minute  speeches,  and 
if  that  rule  could  be  established  before  the  report  of  the 
committee  on  credentials,  it  would  cut  off  the  expected 
long  debate  on  the  disputed  seats.  It  was  a  desperate 
and  awkward  struggle  of  the  Elaine  men  to  regain  the 
golden  hours  they  had  thrown  away,  but  it  provoked  a 
running  debate  in  which  they  suffered  greatly.  Lop  in 
and  Boutwell  made  earnest  protests,  but  Gen.  Harrison, 
who  has  a  wistful  eye  on  the  Vice-Presidency,  crushed 
out  the  petty  strategy  of  Henderson  by  a  manly  and  elo 
quent  appeal  for  fair  play  and  free  debate.  General 
Sharpe  followed  and  put  the  Elaine  men  in  the  attitude  of 
seeking  to  violate  the  plighted  faith  of  the  entire  com 
mittee,  by  which  it  was  agreed  that  their  report  should 
not  be  made  until  the  contested  seats  were  settled,  and 
thus  avoid  the  arbitrary  limitation  of  debate  on  the  great 
preliminary  battle.  General  Garfield,  chairman  of  the 
committee  on  rules,  sustained  General  Sharpe  as  to  the 
action  of  the  committee,  but  invited  the  convention  to 
instruct  him  to  report.  General  Sharpe  followed  by  a 
shrewd  exhibition  of  strategy  in  the  shape  of  an  amend 
ment  requiring  the  committee  on  contested  seats  to  re 
port  at  once. 

"  This  brought  the  opposing  forces  face  to  face. 
When  he  demanded  a  vote  by  call  of  the  States  it 
forced  the  first  test  of  the  strength  of  the  Grant  and 
combined  opposition  factions,  and  the  most  intense  ex 
citement  and  repeated  outbreaks  of  applause  attended 
the  roll-call.  The  unit-rule  question  was  speedily  set 
tled  when  the  first  State  was  called.  The  chairman  of 
the  Alabama  delegation  reported  the  vote  as  20  for  the 


CHICAGO   CONVENTION NOMINATED    FOR   PRESIDENT.     433 

Sharpe  amendment,  but  when  a  colored  delegate  pro 
tested  and  said  that  he  wished  his  vote  recorded  in  the 
negative,  President  Hoar  answered :  '  The  vote  will  be 
BO  recorded/  and  the  unit  rule  disappeared  amidst  vocif 
erous  cheers.  The  vote  for  Sharpe's  amendment  was 
a  clean  Grant  vote,  outside  of  Vermont,  whose  dele 
gation  erected  a  very  legible  finger-board  to  lead  the 
Grant  ineu  to  Edmunds  as  the  dark  horse  by  voting 
solid  with  the  Grant  men.  It  made  a  visible  flutter 
throughout  the  convention,  and  sent  a  chill  to  many  of 
the  ardent  Elaine  men.  It  proved  that  Cameron,  Conk- 
ling,  and  Edmunds  understood  each  other,  and  that  Ed 
munds  is  the  heir  apparent  of  the  Grant  dynasty.  Penn 
sylvania  voted  31  to  23,  showing  that  Elaine  has  made 
no  progress  in  his  native  State  to-day,  with  all  the  ap 
parent  tide  in  his  favor  and  the  ebb  of  the  Grant  cause ; 
and  when  Conkling  reported  exactly  the  same  number  of 
Elaine  men  in  New  York,  the  stubborn  staying  qualities 
of  the  defeated  Grant  men  greatly  sobered  the  leaders, 
who  believed  the  nomination  of  Elaine  to  be  assured  by 
the  general  disintegration  of  the  third-termers.  The 
vote  footed  up  318  for  Sharpe's  amendment,  and  406 
against  it,  exhibiting  308  positive  Grant  votes,  leaving 
out  Vermont,  and  but  88  majority  for  the  combined 
Elaine,  Sherman,  Washburne,  and  Windom  opposition. 
When  the  vote  was  analyzed  it  became  apparent  that 
the  actual  Elaine  vote  was  fifty  less  than  the  vote  for 
Grant,  and  that  of  the  opposition  vote  about  forty  from 
Massachusetts,  Connecticut,  and  elsewhere  were  cast  by 
Edmunds  men.  Erandagee,  of  Connecticut,  followed  the 
vote  by  a  motion  to  lay  the  Henderson  original  motion 

28 


434  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

on  the  table,  and  the  Elaine  men  were  again  sigr.nlly 
defeated  in  their  ill-advised  strategy  by  the  success  of 
Brandagee's  movement,  and  an  adjournment  until  ten 
o'clock  to-morrow  was  then  speedily  carried." 

The  third  day's  session  opened  at  ten  o'clock  on 
ihe  morning  of  the  4th  of  June.  i;  Conkling  struck  out 
boldly  when  time  was  called  in  the  morning,  and  he 
disconcerted  Hale  by  his  resolution  declaring  that  all 
delegates  should  be  bound  to  give  a  cordial  support  to 
the  nominee  of  the  convention.  It  was  a  resolution  that 
Hale  could  not  oppose,  and  yet  he  knew  that  all  under 
stood  it  as  a  public  notice  from  the  imperious  Grant 
leader,  that  if  Grant  was  beaten  Elaine  would  share 
discomfiture  with  him.  Conkling  did  it  with  the  grand 
est  dramatic  effect,  and  it  gave  inspiration  to  the  Grant 
followers,  while  it  chilled  the  whole  Elaine  army  and 
exposed  the  weak  point  of  the  allies.  The  resolution 
prevailed  without  opposition,  but  Conkling  demanded  a 
call  of  the  States  and  made  the  most  out  of  his  early 
spanking  of  Hale.  Three  West  Virginia  Sherman  men 
voted  against  the  resolution,  and  Conkling  at  once  swung 
the  party  lash  to  stripe  them  before  the  multitude,  but 
after  a  rambling  debate  of  an  issue  he  withdrew  his 
whip  and  let  the  dissenters  pursue  their  go-as-you-please 
plan. 

"  Finally  the  committee  on  credentials  reported,  and 
the  changes  made  in  the  Pennsylvania  cases  were  th 
strongest  evidence  of  the  loss  of  vim  and  leadership  in 
the  Elaine  men.  They  had  reconsidered  the  Lancaster 
case  and  lost  two  votes,  and  the  Pollock-Campion  and 
the  Brown-Eudi  cases  had  been  allowed  to  remain  as 


CHICAGO   CONVENTION NOMINATED    FOR   PRESIDENT.     435 

the  Grant  men  had  fixed  them.  Night  before  last  the 
Elaino  committee  started  out  to  decide  all  doubtful 
cases,  if  not  all  cases,  in  their  own  favor,  and  the  Grant 
men  ruefully  prepared  for  such  a  fate  ;  but  a  day  was 
lost  to  Elaine  when  the  tide  was  at  its  flood,  and  the 
tide  ebbed  before  Elaine  has  come  to  victory,  as  could 
have  been  done  by  anything  like  skilful  management. 
A  general  relaxation  and  shuffling  off  followed,  and  even 
the  Elaine  credentials  committee  gave  Grant  four  votes 
in  Pennsylvania  which  they  could  have  retained  on 
plausible  grounds  in  two  cases,  and  in  obedience  to  the 
mandate  of  the  Lancaster  Republicans  in  the  other  two 
cases.  It  is  not  surprising,  therefore,  that  the  proceed 
ings  of  to-day  exhibited  only  a  succession  of  irritating 
skirmish  attacks  from  the  Grant  managers  and  little  or 
no  manly  resistance  from  the  Elaine  side. 

"After  Conkling  had  played  with  the  Elaine  men 
until  he  wearied  of  it  Logan  scored  a  brilliant  triumph 
over  the  credentials  committee  on  an  appeal  to  the  con 
vention.  A  protest  had  been  sent  to  the  committee  by 
some  Illinois  outsiders,  alleging  that  the  Springfield  con 
vention  was  not  a  regular  body,  and  that  there  were  no 
properly  elected  delegates-at-large  from  the  State.  The 
committee  received  the  protest,  unanimously  decided 
against  it,  and  reported  that  the  Logan  delegates  were 
entitled  to  their  seats.  Logan  resented  the  mere  refer 
ence  to  his  right  to  his  place  by  the  committee  as  a 
wanton  imputation  upon  it  when  he  had  no  contestant, 
and  General  Sharpe  followed  with  a  motion  to  expunge 
all  reference  to  the  delegates-at-large  from  the  report. 
The  Elaine  leaders  fought  shy  of  the  issue.  Halo  and 


436  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD. 

Frye  were  silent,  but  their  delegation  did  a  good  sharo 
of  applause  when  opportunity  for  it  offered.  The  allies 
were  distrustful  of  their  power,  and  they  did  not  venture 
to  get  into  line  of  battle.  The  result  was  that  Logan 
bore  off  his  laurels  in  triumph. 

"  Altogether  the  session  was  a  succession  of  defiant 
advances  against  the  Blaine  outposts,  and  when  adjourn 
ment  was  reached  the  Grant  men  were  victors  in  all  the 
skirmishes  of  the  day. 

"  The  evening  session  brought  the  factious  belligerents 
face  to  face  on  the  question  of  contested  seats,  and  Gen 
eral  Harrison  voiced  the  impatience  of  delegates  and  au 
ditors  by  proposing  to  limit  debate  to  forty  minutes  in 
each  case.  With  little  preliminary  spatting  the  conven 
tion  got  down  to  work,  taking  up  the  Alabama  contest. 
The  Grant  men  were  at  a  disadvantage  that  they  well  ap 
preciated,  as  they  were  compelled  to  break  their  line  or 
array  themselves  against  the  popular  principle  of  direct 
representation  of  the  people  through  the  district,  but  they 
proved  their  perfect  discipline  by  standing  up  squarely 
to  the  rack  and  accepting  the  issue.  They  knew  that 
they  must  lose  some,  as  one  of  the  Grant  delegates  from 
Alabama  made  an  earnest  appeal  in  favor  of  the  rights  of 
districts,  and  Vermont  could  not  be  held  on  such  a  test. 
The  debate  was  weak  on  the  minority  side,  as  Conkling, 
Logan,  and  the  Grant  dictators  left  the  hopeless  buttle 
to  their  Southern  friends,  while  Conger,  Bateman,  and 
other  Blaine  and  Sherman  orators,  defended  their  cause 
on  the  floor.  Three  broke  in  Alabama,  six  of  the  Ver 
mont  men  joined  the  allies,  and  there  were  straggling 
losses  in  Georgia,  Texas,  and  North  Carolina ;  bub  thd 


CHICAGO   CONVENTION — NOMINATED    FOR    PRESIDENT.     437 

Grant  column  stood  up  306  strong  on  the  severest  test 
that  could  be  imposed,  while  the  allies  polled  449.  By 
this  decision  the  Grant  men  lose  two  votes  in  Alabama, 
and  they  will  next  lose  eighteen  in  Illinois  and  gain  four 
in  Kansas.  When  the  contested  seats  shall  all  have 
been  settled  the  nett  loss  to  Grant  will  be  eighteen,  which 
will  leave  the  Grant  men  an  available  vote  of  nearly 
three  hundred  that  can  be  handled  as  a  solid  body.  It 
will  be  solid  for  Grant,  or  for  the  man  who  may  take  the 
place  of  Grant  all  the  time. 

"  The  Illinois  case  followed  also,  and  it  was  the  sig 
nal  for  the  giants  to  come  to  the  front.  Logan  opened 
the  fight,  with  his  usual  pluck,  against  the  motion  to  limit 
debate  to  an  hour.  He  blundered  outside  of  the  record, 
and  made  a  telling  Grant  speech,  calling  out  the  strong 
est  eruption  of  enthusiasm  for  the  *  old  soldier'  that  had 
yet  been  exhibited.  He  would  have  made  a  strong  hit, 
but  he  unfortunately  called  out  Raymond,  of  California, 
to  answer  a  question,  and  the  Golden  Star  orator  deliv 
ered  a  broadside  for  Elaine  that  enabled  the  Elaine  gal 
leries  to  outdo  the  Grant  applause  immensely.  It  was 
kept  up  for  five  minutes,  all  the  Elaine  delegates  and 
a  large  majority  of  the  galleries  rising  and  joining  in  the 
euccessive  thunders  of  applause.  Logan  faced  it  grace 
fully  like  a  man,  but  his  speech  was  love's  labor  lost. 
He  gained  his  point,  however,  by  gaining  two  hours  for 
the  description  of  the  Illinois  case,  besides  his  own  speech 
of  a  full  half  hour. 

"  The  debate  on  the  Illinois  factions  was  opened  by 
Conger,  chairman  of  the  credentials  committee,  in  (It-fence 
of  the  report  and  in  favor  of  unseating  eighteen  Grant 


438  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD. 

delegates.  His  speech  was  much  the  same  a?  a  half 
dozen  others  he  had  delivered  during  the  day,  and  the 
vast  audience  sympathized  with  the  convention  in  its 
weariness  of  that  speech  of  Conger's.  Raum,  one  of  the 
sitting  delegates,  followed  and  threw  much  life  into  the 
dry  details  he  gave  of  Republican  precedents,  but  An 
thony,  a  contestant,  answered  with  equal  ability,  and  he 
moulded  Republican  history  in  just  the  opposite  way. 
Storrs  followed  in  defence  of  the  Grant  delegates,  and 
tnade  some  strong  points,  but  he  spoke  with  that  heavi 
ness  that  is  common  when  a  man  faces  palpable  and  in 
evitable  defeat  until  he  accidentally  struck  the  Elaine 
chord,  by  saying  in  a  conciliatory  tone,  'Nominate  Jam^s 
G.  Elaine,  if  you  will/  when  the  Elaine  galleries  broke 
out  in  a  tempest  of  applause  that  was  kept  up  for  sev 
eral  minutes.  He  waited  patiently  until  order  was  re 
stored,  when  he  countered  with  a  beautiful  tribute  to  the 
old  soldier,  and  the  Grant  men  simultaneously  rose  and 
stormed  the  convention  with  deafening  applause  for  fully 
fifteen  minutes.  '  Long  John*  Wentworth  threw  up  his 
hat,  Conkling  and  Tom  Murphy  answered  from  New 
York,  and  the  excitement  was  soon  brought  to  such  a 
pitch  that  hats,  handkerchiefs,  and  umbrellas  were  sent 
flying  in  the  air.  Some  of  the  colored  delegates  jerked 
off  their  coats  and  whirled  them  around  in  the  most 
frantic  manner.  In  noise,  earnestness,  and  endurance  it 
threw  all  previous  Elaine  demonstrations  in  the  shade, 
and  clearly  outlined  the  unconquerable  determination  of 
the  Grant  followers.  When  the  storm  was  just  begin 
ning  to  calm  a  little,  the  Alabama  delegation  struck  up 
the  song  of  *  Marching  through  Georgia,'  and  the  galleries 


CHICAGO   CONVENTION NOMINATED    FOR    PRESIDENT.     4o(J 

took  up  the  refrain.  Hoar  looked  on  complacently  and 
waited  patiently  for  the  volcano  to  quiet  itself,  but  just 
when  things  seemed  likely  to  settle  the  Elaine  men 
started  in  fresh,  and  as  they  had  two-thirds  of  the  gal 
leries  they  shouted  arid  cheered  louder  than  their  oppo 
nents,  and  kept  it  up  quite  as  long.  The  ten  thousand 
people  present,  who  had  been  weary  or  worn  out  by  te 
dious  debate,  were  easily  fired  by  one  side  or  the  other. 
A  perfect  pandemonium  followed,  and  it  was  a  full  hour 
before  the  yelling  ceased  from  sheer  exhaustion.  The 
riotous  applause  lasted  a  full  hour,  each  side  cheering  in 
turn. 

"  When  the  convention  finally  settled  down  the  Presi 
dent  attempted  to  put  the  question,  but  the  only  response 
was  a  fresh  confusion  of  cheers  for  Elaine  and  Grant. 
Raum  at  last  diverted  the  shouters  by  proposing  three 
cheers  for  the  nominee  of  the  convention,  which  were 
given  with  a  will.  Storrs  then  attempted  to  proceed,  but 
he  incidentally  named  Sherman,  and  the  Sherman  men 
took  a  brief  tilt  at  applause,  but  it  was  feeble  and  soon 
wore  itself  out.  lie  then  finished  his  speech  at  a  quar 
ter  to  one. 

"Pixley,  of  California,  followed  with  a  brief  speech 
that  somewhat  sobered  the  convention.  He  character 
ized  the  demonstrations  as  worthy  only  of  France  and  the 
Commune  Butterworth  moved  to  adjourn  until  tea 
o'clock  and  demanded  a  call  of  the  roll.  It  was  finished 
at  1.10  A.  M.,  and  the  adjournment  was  defeated  by  the 
overwhelming  vote  of  653  to  103. 

"  The  vote  was  then  about  to  be  taken  on  the  Illinois 
contest,  when  Clayton  of  Arkansas,  moved  to  substitute 


440  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD. 

the  minority  report  relating  to  the  First  Congressional 
district,  and  a  call  of  the  roll  was  ordered,  resulting  in  the 
defeat  of  the  amendment  by  387  to  353.  Many  of  the 
delegations  had  one  or  more  absentees,  worn  out  by  the 
protracted  session  and  exhausting  cheering,  and  Kansas 
declined  to  vote.  As  the  Blaine  sauce  for  Illinois  throws 
out  four  Blaine  men  in  that  State,  the  result  was  received 
with  vociferous  applause  from  the  Grant  men,  as  it  nearly 
annihilated  the  allied  majority.  Sixteen  in  Ohio  broke, 
which  is  regarded  as  the  Grant  strength  there  as  against 
Blaine.  The  question  then  recurred  on  the  original  re 
port,  seating  the  contesting  anti-Grant  delegates  from 
the  first  district  of  Illinois,  and  Logan  demanded  the  call 
of  the  roll.  It  was  concluded  at  1.45  A.  M.,  and  the  ma 
jority  report  was  adopted  by  384  to  356.  Pennsylvania 
voted  34  on  the  Logan  side  and  24  against  it.  Logan 
then  called  a  division  of  the  question  on  the  eight  dis 
tricts,  but  the  variance  was  not  material  from  the  test 
vote  in  the  first  district.  The  eighteen  anti-Grant  men 
were  certain  of  being  seated,  and  as  they  were  admitted 
they  swelled  the  sadly  cut  down  allied  majority.  A 
motion  to  adjourn  to  eleven  o'clock  on  Saturday  was 
carried  at  half-past  two. 

"  President  Hoar  did  not  call  the  convention  to  order 
on  the  morning  of  the  fourth  day,  June  5th,  until  a  quar 
ter  before  twelve  o'clock.  The  Kansas  contest  was  the 
first  business  and  it  was  an  embarrassing  issue  to  both 
sides.  The  Blame-Sherman  men  were  compelled  to  vote 
gut  four  of  their  men  and  give  their  seats  to  Grant  men 
to  justify  their  action  in  the  Illinois  case,  arid  the  Grant 
men  had  to  vote  against  the  admission  of  their  own 


CHICAGO   CONVENTION NOMINATED   FOR   PRESIDENT.     441 

friends  to  maintain  their  consistency.  The  Elaine-Sher 
man  men  preserved  their  intention  and  voted  out  thtir 
own  men,  but  some  of  the  fierce  Grant  men  stood  obsti 
nately  to  their  guns  and  voted  against  the  addition  of 
four  to  their  number.  Logan  rose  and,  in  dramatic 
style,  cast  the  votes  of  his  Illinois  followers  against  his 
friends.  The  overwhelming  vote  of  476  to  184  showed, 
however,  that  separate  district  representation  is  hence 
forth  to  be  the  accepted  law  of  the  party.  The  next 
question  brought  about  a  sudden  change  of  partners  in 
the  national  waltz.  Two  Sherman  men  contested  the 
seats  of  the  Elaine  delegates  from  West  Virginia,  and  the 
Sherman  men  were  thrown  into  an  alliance  with  Grant  as 
if  by  magic.  The  cut  came  from  Massachusetts,  and  the 
Elaine  leaders  saw  that  an  unexpected  and  serious  danger 
threatened  them.  They  threw  out  their  flanks  to  stay 
the  union  between  the  Sherman  and  Grant  forces,  but  it 
was  Grouchy  after  Blucher  over  again.  The  Sherman 
men  filed  in  with  the  Grant  army,  and  Elaine  was  com 
pelled  for  the  first  time  to  face  the  field  alone,  as  Grant 
had  to  meet  it  in  several  previous  conflicts.  An  active 
rally  was  made  along  the  Elaine  lines,  but  the  vote  of 
every  divided  delegation  proved  that  many  who  were 
bitterly  against  Grant  were  as  bitterly  against  Elaine, 
and  the  ballot  footed  up  417  for  the  new  Grant-Sherman 
combination  and  312  against. 

"  This  was  the  first  show  of  the  positive  Elaine 
strength,  and  it  presented  a  majority  of  84  against  him, 
but  it  also  showed  that  Elaine  had  more  positive  strength 
than  Grant  in  the  convention.  The  next  test  vote  was 
yet  a  more  severe  trial  for  Elaine.  The  Utah  contest 


442  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

was  between  the  Grant  contestants  and  the  Elaine  sitting 
members,  and,  to  the  surprise  of  the  Elaine  leaders, 
Massachusetts  again  gave  the  hint  to  the  convention  that 
the  field  would  again  combine  against  Elaine.  The  issue 
seemed  to  be  extremely  perilous  to  Elaine,  but  they  had 
no  way  JLo  escape.  They  had  no  chance  for  retreat  and 
none  for  victory,  and  they  had  to  stand  up  as  bravely 
as  possible  and  receive  the  shock.  The  prestige  of  the 
West  Virginia  vote  was  with  the  field,  against  Elaine, 
and  it  had  its  effect,  as  was  shown  by  the  increased  anti- 
Elaine  vote.  The  Grant-Sherman  combination  increased 
its  vote  for  the  Admission  of  the  square  Grant  delegates 
to  the  seats  of  two  square  Elaine  delegates  from  417 
on  the  West  Virginia  to  426  on  the  Utah  nine,  and  the 
Elaine  vote  was  reduced  from  330  to  312.  These  votes 
indicated  a  rapid  crystallization  of  the  field  against 
Elaine,  and  the  Elaine  leaders  would  have  floundered  in 
definitely  had  not  the  Grant  leaders  reinspired  them  by 
forcing  their  battle  too  fast  and  too  far.  When  General 
Garfield  moved  the  adoption  of  the  report  on  rules,  Gen 
eral  Sharpe,  one  of  the  stauuchest  and  ablest  of  the  Grant 
managers,  threw  the  Elaine  men  into  consternation  by 
moving  to  proceed  at  once  to  the  general  nomination  of 
candidates  for  President.  Sharpe  made  his  motion,  de 
liberately,  and  he  evidently  had  a  two-fold  purpose  in 
offering  it.  He  hoped  that  the  new  Sherman  allies  would 
stand  by  the  Grant  men  in  forcing  the  fight  and  thus  do- 
moralize  the  Elaine  lines,  or,  failing  in  that,  he  desired  to 
demonstrate  the  exact  strength  of  Grant  against  both 
Blaine  and  Sherman  and  the  necessity  of  uniting  on  a 
candidate  against  Elaine. 


CHICAGO   CONVENTION NOMINATED    FOR    PRESIDENT.     443 

"  General  Garfield  at  once  met  General  Sharpe  with 
an  order  for  his  allies  to  fall  back  into  the  Elaine  camp 
again,  and  that  gave  notice  that  the  scenes  were  suddenly 
shifted  and  that  the  Elaine-Sherman  combination  would 
at  once  resume  business.  When  a  roll-call  was  demanded 
there  was  a  general  bustle  among  the  delegations,  and  all 
stragglers  were  hastily  summoned  into  line.  The  result 
proved  that  Grant  had  276  votes  against  the  field  and 
that  the  field  had  479  against  Grant.  The  result  was 
received  with  a  storm  of  applause  from  the  well-crowded 
Elaine  galleries,  and  the  Elaine  leaders  were  again  re 
stored  to  the  command  of  the  convention  by  the  bold 
movement  of  General  Sharpe.  It  was  not  a  distinct 
Elaine  victory ;  but  it  was  a  decisive  Grant  defeat,  and 
it  was  accepted  as  a  formal  judgment  that  Grant  was  out 
side  the  pale  of  success.  The  Elaine  men  were  timid  not 
withstanding  their  substantial  recovery  from  the  disaster 
suffered  in  the  West  Virginia  and  Utah  cases,  and  they 
feared  to  press  the  struggle.  Both  sides  considered  Pierre- 
pont's  platform  leisurely,  as  if  each  was  afraid  to  precipi 
tate  the  great  battle,  and  when  the  tedious  resolutions 
had  jogged  through  a  sluggish  debate  on  civil  service  re 
form,  with  nobody  exhibiting  any  disposition  to  hasten 
results,  the  Elaine  men  were  afraid  to  go  on  and  afraid  to 
move  to  adjourn.  Ex-Postmaster  General  Creswell  came 
to  the  relief  of  both  sides  at  4.50  p.  M.,  by  a  motion  to  ad 
journ  until  seven  o'clock.  All  the  preliminary  work  was 
out  of  the  way,  and  the  convention  had  to  face  a  direct 
struggle  on  the  nomination  or  adjourn.  A  few  feeble 
noes  were  given  on  the  question,  but  nobody  demanded 
a  roll-call,  aud  the  three  jarring  elements  of  the  couven- 


444  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

tion  rushed  out  to  see  which  could  best  plot  and  counter 
plot  to  destroy  the  others. 

"  The  probability  that  the  final  struggle  was  at  hand 
attracted  an  eager  crowd  to  the  evening  session.     The 
galleries  were  jammed  before  the   hour  of  meeting,  and 
every  place  that  would  allow  of  a  man  to  be  crowded  into 
it  was  occupied  before  President  Hoar's  gavel  fell.     The 
scene  was  the  most  brilliant  of  all  the  many  brilliant  ex 
hibitions  given  in  the  great  hall  during  the  last  four  days. 
There  were  no  laggards  among  the  delegates  and  the  com 
manders  were  at  their  posts  on  sharp  time.     The  ladies 
largely  increased  their  numbers  among  the  spectators,  and 
on  every  side  the  most  intense  interest  was  manifested. 
The  Elaine  men  were  hopeful,  but  they  did  not  conceal 
their  apprehensions  that  their  bitter  battle  against  Grant 
might  recoil  upon  them  fearfully  to-night.     It  has  been 
clear  since  early  in  the  day  that  the  contest  would  be  be 
tween  Bl;iine  and  the  field,  and  in  every  preliminary  trial 
the  field  had  won,  but  the  Elaine  men  feel  confident  that 
they  can  command  a  clear  majority  against  any  one  man. 
Such  were   the    hopes  and   expectations  of  the    Elaine 
leaders  when  seven  o'clock  summoned  them  to  the  final 
grapple  with  their  foes.     The   Grant  men  came  into  ac 
tion  with  little  or  no  hope  of  success  for  their  favorite, 
but  they  have  taken  their  List  stand  to  make  Elaine  share 
their  defeat.     Both  the  Sherman  and  Grant  managers  teel 
that  delay  will  be  in  their  favor.     They  do  not  want  to 
betray  their  position  by  forcing  an  adjournment  over  till 
Monday,  but  their  policy  will  be  to  protract  the  ballots 
and  wear  out  the  night  session.     Such  was  the  attitude  of 
the  belligerents  when  the  convention  opened  this  evening. 


CHICAGO   CONVENTION— NOMINATED    FOR   PRESIDENT.     445 

"  Hale,  the  chief  Elaine  leader,  took  the  floor  as  soon 
as  the  convention  was  ready  for  business,  and  there  was 
a  sudden  hush,  followed  by  applause  as  soon  as  he  was 
recognized.  It  was  regarded  as  the  signal  for  a  deter 
mined  advance  of  the  Blaine  men,  but  the  disappointment 
was  general  among  his  followers  when  he  made  what  was, 
under  the  circumstances,  a  dilatory  motion.  With  two 
hours  certain  to  be  occupied  in  speeches  presenting  can 
didates,  not  more  than  two  hours  would  remain  for  ballot 
ing,  as  the  advent  of  Sunday  will  adjourn  the  body  at 
twelve.  It  was  accepted  by  all  sides  as  indicating  hesi 
tation  on  the  part  of  the  Blaine  chieftains.  When  the 
name  of  Cameron  was  reported  as  the  unanimous  choice 
of  Pennsylvania  for  the  national  committee,  he  received 
his  first  hearty  cheers  from  the  galleries. 

"  Both  Illinois  and  Maine  made  no  response  when 
called  to  nominate  a  candidate  for  President,  but  when 
Michigan  was  called,  Mr.  Joy  at  once  rose  and  nominated 
Elaine. 

"  After  some  desultory  sparring  over  the  national 
committee  had  been  lazily  disposed  of  there  was  nothing 
left  but  to  go  to  Presidential  nominations,  and  Hale  was 
compelled  to  lead  off  because  the  others  would  not  and 
could  afford  to  wait.  He  finally  rose  and  moved  the 
call  of  the  States  for  general  nominations  for  President. 
When  Illinois  was  called,  being  the  first  State  in  alpha 
betical  order  that  has  candidates,  there  was  no  response, 
and  like  silence  followed  the  call  of  Maine,  but  when 
Michigan  was  called,  Mr.  Joy  rose  to  nominate  Elaine. 
It  was  one  of  the  many  blunders  of  the  Elaine  leaders,  as 
his  speiM^h  was  dry,  uninspiring,  and  never  elicited  a  cheer, 


446  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

except  twice  when  he  named  Elaine.  Long-continued 
cheers  followed,  and  at  one  time  a  repetition  of  the  last 
night  yelling  blockade  was  apprehended.  Colonel  Pixley, 
of  California,  seconded  the  nomination.  He  improved  on 
Joy,  but  fell  far  short  of  the  expectations  of  the  Blaine 
people.  Indeed,  so  indifferently  had  Blaine  been  advo 
cated,  that  Frye,  had  to  come  forward  and  ask  to  be  heard 
by  a  suspension  of  the  rules.  It  was  granted,  of  course, 
and  he  gave  the  Blaine  men  a  £aste  of  what  they  wanted. 
Ilis  five-minute  speech  was  grand,  bold,  and  eloquent,  and 
Blaine  was  redeemed.  When  Minnesota  was  called,  Mr. 
Drake,  of  Minnesota,  came  forward  and  named  Windom, 
but  it  was  a  failure.  lie  did  not  fill  his  ten  minutes,  and 
the  audience  gave  him  a  few  parting  cheers. 

"  New  York  was  soon  called,  and  Conkling  rose  and 
quickly  stepped  upon  the  platform.  It  was  the  signal 
for  thunders  of  applause.  With  difficulty  silence  was 
finally  restored,  and  the  vast  gathering  suddenly  hushed 
into  perfect  stillness.  Conscious  that  his  cause  was  a 
hopeless  one,  he  spoke  with  all  the  inspiration  of  one 
who  was  about  to  gather  the  garland  of  victory.  lie 
was  sublimely  eloquent.  His  polished  blows  at  Blaine 
were  as  terrible  as  they  were  elegant,  and  his  epigram 
matic  tributes  to  Grant  exhausted  the  power  of  language. 
Nearly  every  sentence  was  interrupted  by  *an  ovation. 
When  he  said  that  Grant  had  no  appliances  and  no  tele 
graph  running  from  his  house  to  this  convention  the 
Blaine  galleries  sent  up  a  tlood  of  hisses  and  jeers  and 
calls  for  '  time,'  as  he  had  exceeded  his  ten  minutes. 
For  some  time  the  galleries  would  not  allow  him  to  be 
heard,  but  he  stood  calmly,  with  folded  arms,  until  the 


CHICAGO    CONVENTION — NOMINATED    FOR   PRESIDENT.     417 

opposition  exhausted  itself.  Then  he  said,  as  only  Conk- 
linjr  could  say  it,  '  Go  on,  if  you  will ;  it  doesn't  come 
out  of  my  time.'  It  then  occurred  to  the  Blaine  fol 
lowers,  even  in  the  galleries,  that  the  night  was  passing, 
and  that  they  were  themselves  aiding  to  postpone  a 
nomination  until  Monday.  He  was  then  allowed  to 
finish,  and  he  retired  amid  a  tempest  of  cheers.  The 
speech  was  equal  to  Ingersoirs  speech  for  Blaine  in 
1876  in  eloquence  and  power. 

"It  was  fully  twenty  minutes  after  Conkling  left  the 
platform  before  order  could  be  restored.  The  Grant 
men  in  convention  and  galleries  took  a  regular  jubilee, 
and  President  Hoar  had  to  sit  down  and  let  disorder 
tire  itself  out.  The  Grant  delegation  '  pooled  '  the  flags 
which  mark  their  States,  marched  around  the  aisles, 
cheering  and  yelling  as  if  bedlam  had  broken  loose. 
Finally,  Bradley,  of  Kentucky,  was  allowed  to  speak, 
seconding  the  nomination  of  Grant ;  but  it  was  tame  after 
Conkling. 

"  Garfield  next  rose  and  the  audience  started  a  new 
storm  of  applause.  As  soon  as  he  could  be  heard  he 
nominated  Sherman  and  delivered  an  eloquent  and  im 
pressive  appeal  for  his  candidate,  but  neither  galleries 
nor  convention  had  half  as  much  applause  for  Sherman 
as  they  had  for  Garfield  himself." 

The  following  is  the  full  text  of  General  Garfield's 
speech  : 

"  Mr.  President :  I  have  witnessed  the  extraordi 
nary  scenes  of  this  convention  with  deep  solicitude. 
No  emotion  touches  my  heart  more  quickly  than  a  sen 
timent  in  honor  of  a  great  and  noble  character.  But 


448  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

as  I  sat  on  these  seats  and  witnessed  these  demonstra 
tions,  it  seemed  to  me  you  were  a  human  ocean  in  a 
tempest.  I  have  seen  the  sea  lashed  into  fury  and 
tossed  into  a  spray,  and  its  grandeur  moves  the  soul  of 
the  dullest  man.  But  I  remember  that  it  is  not  the 
billows,  but  the  calm  level  of  the  sea  from  which  all 
heights  and  depths  are  measured.  When  the  storm  has 
passed  and  the  hour  of  calm  settles  on  the  ocean,  when 
sunshine  bathes  its  smooth  surface,  then  the  astronomer 
and  surveyor  takes  the  level  from  which  he  measures  all 
terrestrial  heights  and  depths.  Gentlemen  of  the  con 
vention,  your  present  temper  may  not  mark  the  health 
ful  pulse  of  the  people. 

"  When  our  enthusiasm  has  passed,  when  the  emo 
tions  of  this  hour  have  subsided,  we  shall  find  the  calm 
level  of  public  opinion,  below  the  storm,  from  which 
the  thoughts  of  a  mighty  people  are  to  be  measured, 
and  by  which  their  final  action  will  be  determined. 
Not  here,  in  this  brilliant  circle,  where  15,000  men  and 
women  are  assembled,  is  the  destiny  of  the  Republic  to 
be  decreed ;  not  here,  where  I  see  the  enthusiastic  faces' 
of  756  delegates  waiting  to  cast  their  votes  into  the 
urn  and  determine  the  choice  of  their  party;  but  by 
fc,OQO,000  Republican  firesides,  where  the  thoughtful 
fathers,  with  wives  and  children  about  them,  with  the 
calm  thoughts  inspired  by  love  of  home  and  love  of 
country,  with  the  history  of  the  past,  the  hopes  of  the 
future,  and  the  knowledge  of  the  great  men  who  have 
adorned  and  blessed  our  nation  in  days  gone  by, — there 
God  prepares  the  verdict  that  shall  determine  the  wis 
dom  of  our  work  to-night.  Not  in  Chicago,  in  the  heat 


MHS.  Dll.   SUSAN  EPSON— ONE  OF  THE  PBESI- 
r^'S  NURSES. 


CHICAGO   CONVENTION NOMINATED    FOR   PRESIDENT.     449 

of  June,  but  in  the  sober  quiet  that  comes  between  now 
and  November,  in  the  silence  of  deliberate  judgment, 
will  this  great  question  be  settled.  Let  us  aid  them 
to-night. 

"  But  now,  gentlemen  of  the  convention,  what  do 
we  want  ?  Bear  with  me  a  moment.  Hear  me  for  this; 
cause,  and,  for  a  moment,  be  silent  that  you  may  hear. 
Twenty -five  years  ago  this  Republic  was  wearing  a, 
triple  chain  of  bondage.  Long  familiarity  with  the 
traffic  in  the  body  and  souls  of  men  had  paralyzed  the 
consciences  of  a  majority  of  our  people.  The  baleful; 
doctrine  of  State  sovereignty  had  shocked  and  weak 
ened  the  noblest  and  most  beneficent  powers  of  the 
national  government,  and  the  grasping  power  of  slavery 
was  seizing  the  virgin  Territories  of  the  West  and  drag 
ging  them  into  the  den  of  eternal  bondage.  At  that 
crisis  the  Republican  party  was  born.  It  drew  its  first 
inspiration  from  the  fire  of  liberty  which  God  has  lighted 
in  every  man's  heart,  and  which  all  the  powers  of  ig 
norance  and  tyranny  can  never  wholly  extinguish.  The 
Republican  party  came  to  deliver  and  save  the  Repub- 
lie.  It  entered  the  arena  when  the  beleaguered  and  as 
sailed  Territories  were  struggling  for  freedom,  and  drew 
around  them  the  sacred  circle  of  liberty,  which  the 
demon  of  slavery  has  never  dared  to  cross.  It  made 
them  free  forever. 

"  Strengthened  by  its  victory  on  the  frontier,  the 
young  party,  under  the  leadership  of  that  great  man,, 
who  on  this  spot,  twenty  years  ago,  was  made  its  leader, 
entered  the  national  capital  and  assumed  the  high  duties 
of  the  Government.  The  light  which  shone  from  its 

29 


450  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD. 

banner  dispelled  the  darkness  in  which  slavery  had  en 
shrouded  the  Capitol  and  melted  the  shackles  of  every 
slave,  and  consumed,  in  the  fire  of  liberty,  every  slave- 
pen  within  the  shadow  of  the  Capitol.  Our  national 
industries,  by  an  impoverishing  policy,  were  themselves 
prostrated,  and  the  streams  of  revenue  flowed  in  such 
feeble  currents  that  the  treasury  itself  was  well  nigh 
^empty.  The  money  of  the  people  was  the  wretched 
notes  of  2;000  uncontrolled  and  irresponsible  State  bank 
corporations,  which  were  filling  the  country  with  a  cir 
culation  that  poisoned  rather  than  sustained  the  life  of 
business. 

"  The  Republican  party  changed  all  this.  It  abol 
ished  the  babel  of  confusion  and  gave  the  country  a  cur 
rency  as  national  as  its  flag,  based  upon  the  sacred  faith 
of  the  people.  It  threw  its  protecting  arm  around  our 
great  industries,  and  they  stood  erect  as  with  new  life. 
It  filled  with  the  spirit  of  true  nationality  all  the  great 
functions  of  the  Government.  It  confronted  a  rebellion 
of  unexampled  magnitude,  with  a  slavery  behind  it,  and, 
under  God,  fought  the  final  battle  of  liberty  until  victory 
was  won.  Then,  after  the  storms  of  battle,  were  heard 
'the  uweet,  calm  words  of  peace  uttered  by  the  conquer 
ing  nation,  and  saying  to  the  conquered  foe  that  lay  pros 
trate  at  its  feet,  '  This  is  our  only  revenge,  that  you  join 
us  in  lifting  to  the  serene  firmament  of  the  Constitution, 
io  shine  like  stars  forever  and  forever,  the  immortal  prin- 
•ciples  of  truth  and  justice,  that  all  men,  white  or  black, 
^shall  be  free  and  stand  equal  before  the  law.'  Then  came 
the  questions  of  reconstruction,  the  public  debt,  and  the 
public  faith. 


CHICAGO   CONVENTION NOMINATED    FOR    PRESIDENT. 

"  In  the  settlement  of  these  questions  the  Republican 
party  has  completed  its  twenty-five  years  of  glorious  ex 
istence,  and  it  has  sent  us  here  to  prepare  it  for  another 
lustrum  of  duty  and  of  victory.  How  shall  we  do  this 
great  work  ?  We  cannot  do  it,  my  friends,  by  assailing 
our  Republican  brethren.  God  forbid  that  I  should  say 
one  word  to  cast  a  shadow  upon  any  name  on  the  roll  of 
our  heroes.  This  coming  fight  is  our  Thermopylae.  We 
are  standing  upon  a  narrow  isthmus.  If  our  Spartan 
hosts  are  united  we  can  withstand  all  the  Persians  that 
the  Xerxes  of  Democracy  can  bring  against  us. 

"Let  us  hold  our  ground  this  one  year,  for  the  stars 
in  their  courses  fight  for  us  in  the  future.  The  census  to 
be  taken  this  year  will  bring  re-enforcements  and  con 
tinued  power.  But,  in  order  to  win  this  victory  now,  we 
want  the  vote  of  every  Republican,  of  every  Grant  Re 
publican  in  America,  of  every  Elaine  man  and  every  anti- 
Blaine  man.  The  vote  of  every  follower  of  every  candi 
date  is  needed  to  make  our  success  certain  ;  therefore  I 
say,  gentlemen  and  brethren,  we  are  here  to  calmly  conn 
sel  together,  and  inquire  what  we  shall  do.  [A  voice 
6  Nominate  Garfield.1 — Great  applause.] 

"  We  want  a  man  whose  life  and  opinions  embody  all 
the  achievements  of  which  I  have  spoken.  We  want  a 
man  who,  standing  on  a  mountain  height,  sees  all  the 
achievements  of  our  past  history,  and  carries  in  his  heart 
the  memory  of  all  its  glorious  deeds,  and  who,  looking 
forward,  prepares  to  meet  the  labor  and  the  dangers  to 
come.  We  want  one  who  will  act  in  no  spirit  of  unkind- 
ness  toward  those  we  lately  met  in  battle.  The  Repub 
lican  party  offers  to  our  brethren  of  the  South  the  olivr 


•152  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

branch  of  peace,  and  wishes  them  to  return  to  brother 
hood,  on  this  supreme  condition,  that  it  shall  be  admitted, 
forever  and  for  evermore,  that,  in  the  war  for  the  Union, 
we  were  right  and  they  were  wrong.  [Cheers.]  On 
that  supreme  condition  we  meet  them  as  brethren,  and 
no  other.  We  ask  them  to  share  with  us  the  blessings 
and  honors  of  this  great  Republic. 

"  Now,  gentlemen,  not  to  weary  you,  I  am  about  to 
present  a  name  for  your  consideration — the  name  of  a 
man  who  was  the  comrade,  and  associate,  and  friend  of 
nearly  all  those  noble  dead  whose  faces  look  down  upon 
us  from  these  walls  to-night  [cheers]  ;  a  man  who  began 
his  career  of  public  service  twenty-five  years  ago,  whose 
first  duty  was  courageously  done  in  the  days  of  peril  on 
the  plains  of  Kansas,  when  the  first  red  drops  of  that 
bloody  shower  began  to  fall  which  finally  swelled  into 
the  deluge  of  war.  He  bravely  stood  by  young  Kansas 
then,  and,  returning  to  his  duty  in  the  national  legisla 
ture,  through  all  subsequent  time  his  pathway  has  been 
marked  by  labors  performed  in  every  department  of  legis 
lation. 

"  You  ask  for  his  monuments.  I  point  you  to  twenty- 
five  years  of  the  national  statutes.  Not  one  great  benefi 
cent  statute  has  been  placed  on  our  statute  books  with 
out  his  intelligent  and  powerful  aid.  He  aided  these  men 
to  formulate  the  laws  that  raised  our  .great  armies  and 
carried  us  through  the  war.  His  hand  was  seen  in  the 
workmanship  of  those  statutes  that  restored  and  brought 
back  the  unity  and  married  calm  of  the  States.  His 
hand  was  in  all  that  great  legislation  that  created  the  war 
currency,  and  in  a  greater  work  that  redeemed  the  prom- 


CHICAGO   CONVENTION NOMINATED    FOR   PRESIDENT.     453 

ises  of  the  Government,  and  made  the  currency  equal  to 
gold.  And  when,  at  last,  called  from  the  halls  of  legisla 
tion  into  a  high  executive  office,  he  displayed  that  expe 
rience,  intelligence,  firmness,  and  poise  of  character  which 
has  carried  us  through  a  stormy  period  of  three  years. 
With  one  half  the  public  press  crying  '  Crucify  him  ! '  and 
a  hostile  Congress  seeking  to  prevent  success — in  all  this 
he  remained  unmoved  until  victory  crowned  him. 

"  The  great  fiscal  affairs  of  the  nation  and  the  great 
business  interests  of  the  country  he  has  guarded  and  pre 
served,  while  executing  the  law  of  resumption,  and  effect 
ing  its  object,  without  a  jar,  and  against  the  false  prophe 
cies  of  one  half  of  the  press  and  all  the  Democracy  of 
this  continent.  He  has  shown  himself  able  to  meet  witli 
calmness  the  great  emergencies  of  the  Government  for 
twenty-five  years.  He  has  trodden  the  perilous  heights 
of  public  duty,  and  against  all  the  shafts  of  malice  has 
borne  his  breast  unharmed.  He  has  stood  in  the  blaze  of 
"  that  fierce  light  that  beats  against  the  throne,"  but  its 
fiercest  ray  has  found  no  flaw  in  his  armor,  no  stain  on 
his  shield. 

"  I  do  not  present  him  as  a  better  Republican,  or  as 
a  better  man  than  thousands  of  others  we  honor,  but  I 
present  him  for  your  deliberate  consideration.  I  nomi 
nate  John  Sherman,  of  Ohio.1' 

"  Elliot,  the  colored  orator  of  South  Carolina,  varied 
the  monotony  ef  the  generally  indifferent  speeches  nomi 
nating  candidates  by  an  eloquent  and  well-delivered  aj- 
peal  for   Sherman,  and  ex-Governor  Smith,  of  Vermont, 
then  started  the  Edmunds,  boom,  which  was  seconded  by 
Sandford,  of  Massachusetts.      The    convention    and   the 


454  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

galleries  were  both  wearied  of  the  oratory  and  fireworks, 
and  repeated  manifestations  of  impatience  were  given. 
As  soon  as  it  became  probable  that  a  ballot  must  go  over 
till  Monday,  the  interest  of  the  vast  audience  visibly 
flagged,  and  empty  seats  became  visible  as  crowds  rushed 
to  escape  the  heat  of  the  hall.  At  11.30,  Cassidy,  of 
Wisconsin,  rose  to  nominate  Washburne,  but  Conkling, 
Frye,  and  Garfield  had  made  all  ordinary  speeches  stale 
and  unprofitable,  and  neither  Cassidy  nor  his  theme  in 
spired  enthusiasm. 

"  Brandagee,  of  Connecticut,  infused  fresh  spirit  into 
the  jaded  audience  by  a  sprightly,  eloquent  seconding  of 
Washburne.  He  closed  at  11.50  P.  M.,  leaving  Sunday 
but  ten  minutes  off.  The  nominations  were  then  finished, 
and  a  motion  to  adjourn  until  ten  o'clock  on  Monday  was 
carried  just  as  the  midnight  hour  was  struck." 

When  the  doors  of  the  convention  were  opened  on 
the  morning  of  Monday,  June  7th,  "  hurried  streams  of 
humanity  poured  in  at  every  entrance,  and  when  the  hour 
arrived  for  President  Hoar  to  swing  his  gavel,  all  the  por 
tions  of  the  hall  within  possible  hearing  of  the  proceed 
ings  were  jammed  to  the  uttermost.  Even  the  reserved 
platform  of  the  correspondents  was  invaded  by  the  crowd 
until  communication  with  the  hundred  batteries  which 
maintained  their  ceaseless  clicking  hard  by  was  almost 
entirely  interrupted.  The  ladies  gave  their  wealth  of 
smiles  upon  the  conflict  of  the  political  giants  in  greater 
profusion  than  at  any  previous  session,  and  the  distin 
guished  guests  were  wedged  in  upon  each  other  as  if 
they  were  no  more  than  common  flesh  and  blood. 

"  Hoar  came  in  ahead  of  time  and  looked  serene  as  a 


CHICAGO   CONVENTION NOMINATED   FOR   PRESIDENT.     455 

Hummer  morning  that  welcomed  him  to  his  task,  and  his 
face  was  fresh  as  the  roses  which  shed  their  exquisite 
tints  and  fragrance  on  his  table.  He  has  borne  himself 
so  well,  so  impartially,  and  so  intelligently,  that  all  felt 
assured  of  a  faithful  umpire  in  the  desperation  of  the  last 
charge  of  the  contending  hosts.  Alabama,  as  usual,  was 
first  to  present  a  full  delegation,  and  Arkansas,  just  be 
hind  her,  speedily  followed.  The  colored  troops  were 
generally  among  the  first  to  the  front,  and  they  evidently 
meant  to  fight  nobly.  Conkling  was  mindful  of  the  po 
tency  of  dramatic  strategy,  and  knew  that  he  would  meet 
his  grandest  welcome  as  he  passed  before  his  allies  to 
lead  them  in  the  hand-to-hand  struggle.  He  waited  until 
just  before  the  time  for  calling  to  order,  and  then  strode 
into  the  hall  with  that  magnificent  bearing  that  none  of 
his  rivals  can  imitate.  As  soon  as  his  tall  form  and  sil 
vered  crown  were  visible,  the  shout  went  up  that  all  un 
derstood,  and  it  was  heartier  and  longer  than  before.  He 
walked  down  the  aisle  with  the  utmost  exposure,  and 
gracefully  bowed  his  recognition  of  the  homage  tendered 
him.  Garfield  is  the  member  of  the  convention  who  di 
vides  with  Conkling  the  popular  welcome  at  every  open 
ing.  He  has  evidently  studied  the  graces  for  such  occa 
sions  less,  and  therefore  appears  to  have  studied  them 
more ;  while  Conkling  is  either  so  complete  in  his  culture 
or  so  gifted  in  the  perfection  of  manner,  that  he  seems  to 
be  a  born  leader  and  grandly  conscious  of  it.  Conkling's 
dress  has  the  appearance  of  the  most  elegant  negligence, 
while  Garfield  comes  with  his  carefully  adjusted  tie  and 
collar,  closely  buttoned  frock-coat  and  displaying  a  gen 
teel  mixture  of  mirror  poses  and  Western  go-as-you-please. 


456  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD. 

"  He  received  a  royal  welcome  when  he  entered,  and 
his  strong,  rugged  features  lightened  like  the  rippled  lake 
with  its  dancing  sunshine.  Cameron  was  active,  silent 
and  determined  as  ever.  He  flitted  hurriedly  among 
the  distinguished  guests,  before  the  signal  gun  was  fired, 
and  then  retired  to  his  immediate  command.  Hale  and 
Frye  were  among  the  first  to  take  their  position,  and 
hope  and  fear  were  plainly  wrestling  with  each  other  on 
their  faces.  Hale  was  pale  with  anxiety,  and  the  usu 
ally  flushed  features  of  Frye  were  redder  than  are  their 
wont.  Both  seemed  well  poised  and  reasonably  self- 
reliant,  but  the  contrast  between  their  nervous  apprehen 
sions  and  the  cairn  defiance  of  Conkling  was  a  study  for 
the  intelligent  observers  of  men.  Chandler  was  rest 
less,  and  his  little  face  seemed  to  have  shrunk  away 
behind  his  eye-glasses. 

"  Logan  was  calm  as  the  dark  cloud  that  is  just 
waiting  to  hurl  its  thunderbolt.  He  sat  as  still  as  a 
statue,  his  swarthy  features  appearing  darker  than  usual, 
and  his  fierce  black  eyes  now  and  then  darting  out  their 
most  defiant  flashes.  He  seemed  conscious  that  his 
leader  was  beaten,  but  he  was  evidently  resolved  that 
there  should  be  a  costly  retreat  for  the  pursuing  hosts. 
Garfield,  Foster,  Dennison,  Bateman,  Butterfield,  and 
other  Ohio  leaders,  were  to  be  seen  in  little  knots  of  their 
delegation,  as  if  they  feared  defection  at  an  early  stage 
of  the  contest,  and  there  was  evident  unrest  among  the 
Indiana  men.  General  Harrison's  short  form  and  sharply- 
cut  features  were  shaded  with  anxiety.  He  feared  Grant, 
and  now  that  Grant  seemed  to  be  beaten,  he  was  im 
pressed  with  the  possibility  of  the  grandson  of  a  Presi- 


CHICAGO   CONVENTION NOMINATED    FOR   PRESIDENT.     457 

dent  being  the  choice  of  exhausted  factions.  General 
Sewell  sat  in  front  of  Conkling,  and  his  youthful  face 
exhibited  the  coolness  and  determination  which  charac 
terized  him  in  the  heat  of  battle.  As  far  as  faces  could 
be  distinguished  in  the  great  arena,  all  seemed  to  be 
soberly  anxious  for  the  order  to  advance. 

"When  President  Hoar  called  the  convention  to  order 
there  was  a  speedy  hush,  and  the  vast  multitude  was 
seated  with  wonderful  alacrity.  All  seemed  anxious  for 
the  fight  to  begin.  The  minister  who  opened  with 
prayer  shared  the  general  appreciation  of  the  value  of 
the  fleeting  moments,  and  his  petition  had  the  merit  of 
brevity.  President  Hoar  at  once  called  the  combatants 
to  the  arena,  and  gave  notice  that  there  should  be  no 
delay,  no  debate,  no  tricks  by  changing  votes  after  once 
cast ;  and  he  faithfully  enforced  the  rules.  Hale  came 
promptly  to  the  front  by  moving  to  proceed  to  a  ballot. 
His  manner  was  courageous,  and  the  Elaine  men  sent 
up  a  cheer  to  encourage  him.  Conkling  followed,  and 
seconded  the  motion  with  an  air  that  plainly  told  his 
followers  he  was  ready  for  the  fray,  and  the  Grant  gal 
leries  welcomed  him  with  a  storm  of  applause.  The 
roll-call  was  at  once  begun  amidst  most  intense  anx 
iety,  many  of  the  leaders  exhibiting  painful  suspense. 

"  Alabama  opened  for  Grant  by  giving  him  nearly  a 
solid  vote,  and  Arkansas  followed  with  an  entirely  solid 
vote  for  him.  There  was  faint  applause,  but  all  sides 
joined  in  hissing  it  down.  Next  came  California  with  a 
united  vote  for  BJaine,  which  was  announced  by  Pixley 
in  a  dramatic  way  and  with  a  clap-trap  sentence  for  the 
galleries,  but  the  j  resident  rose  and  notified  the  chairmen 


458  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD. 

of  delegations  that  no  comment  of  any  kind  would  be 
allowed.  The  ballot  then  ran  along  in  a  regulation  way 
until  Connecticut  was  called,  when  there  was  breathless 
silence  to  hear  the  response,  and  when  it  gave  Elaine 
but  three  and  Grant  none,  there  was  a  double  disap 
pointment.  The  next  State  that  excited  special  attention 
was  New  York,  and  when  Conkling  rose  to  announce  the 
vote,  every  one  strained  forward  to  catch  his  words.  In 
a  distinct  voice  he  slowly  responded  :  '  Two  votes  are 
reported  for  Sherman,  seventeen  for  Elaine,  and  fifty-one 
are  for  Grant/  His  emphasis  upon  the  words,  6  are  for 
Grant,'  was  an  exhibition  of  Conkling's  own  method  of 
impressing  himself  upon  those  around  him,  and  but  for 
the  common  desire  to  prefer  a  vote  to  a  hurrah  there 
would  have  been  a  storm  of  cheers.  Ohio  threw  a  wet 
blanket  on  the  Sherman  men  by  casting  nine  votes  for 
Elaine  on  the  first  ballot,  and  it  brightened  the  faces  of 
a  vast  majority  of  the  spectators.  Pennsylvania  was 
another  of  the  States  that  silenced  the  audience  when 
called,  as  she  was  about  to  declare  how  Cameron  had 
held  the  Grant  lines  there  against  the  impetuous  dashes 
made  by  the  Elaine  men.  There  was  evident  gratifica 
tion  among  the  Grant  followers  and  equal  disappointment 
among  the  Elaine  men  when  General  Beaver's  clear, 
strong  voice  thundered  out  so  that  all  could  hear  it: 
'  Pennsylvania  votes  thirty-two  for  Grant,  twenty-three 
for  Elaine,  and  three  for  Sherman.'  There  was  little 
variation  from  the  generally  understood  attitudes  of  the 
States  called  after  Pennsylvania,  and  the  ballot  closed 
in  the  most  orderly  manner. 

"When    the   secretary   announced   ihat   Grant   had 


CHICAGO   CONVENTION — NOMINATED   FOR   PRESIDENT.     459 

reached  304;  Elaine,  284;  Sherman,  93;  Edmunds,  34; 
Washburne,  30,  and  Windom  10,  there  was  a  spontane 
ous  shout  from  the  Grant  ranks,  and  the  Elaine  leaders 
and  followers  were  grievously  mortified.  Hale  and  Frye 
could  not  conceal  their  apprehensions  that  they  had  mis 
calculated  their  strength,  and  that  the  defeat  of  their 
plumed  knight  was  more  than  probable.  They  had  con 
fidently  counted  on  from  305  to  315  for  Elaine  on  the 
first  ballot,  and  they  conceded  only  275  to  Grant.  But 
the  battle  was  upon  them;  there  was  no  time  allowed  to 
rally  or  gather  up  stragglers,  and  they  had  to  push  the 
fight  as  best  they  could  with  the  prestige,  on  which  many 
hesitating  votes  depended,  clearly  against  them.  The 
Grant  galleries  seemed  to  take  in  the  situation,  and  to 
understand  that  rapid  voting  rather  than  boisterous 
cheering  was  their  policy.  The  moment  the  vote  was 
announced  by  President  Hoar  he  ordered  another  ballot, 
holding  that  nothing  was  in  order  but  to  vote ;  and  before 
the  leaders  could  take  a  look  at  their  lines  they  were  in 
action  again  by  the  prompt  roll-call.  The  Elaine  men 
noted  the  second  ballot  with  painful  interest,  as  they 
hoped  to  receive  a  large  accession  to  their  candidate,  and 
when  the  result  showed  that  Grant  had  gained  one  and 
that  Elaine  had  lost  two  there  was  a  visible  chill  through 
out  the  Elaine  ranks.  The  third  ballot  was  precipitated 
upon  the  convention  immediately  after  the  second  had 
been  announced,  and  the  Elaine  men  hoped  that  Ohio  or 
Pennsylvania  would  signal  the  doubtful  vote  to  come  to 
the  popular  leader ;  but  Ohio  exhibited  no  variation,  even 
with  Sherman's  own  delegation  divided,  and  Pennsylvania 
announced  a  gain  to  Grant  at  the  cost  of  Elaine. 


160  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD. 

"  It  was  on  this  ballot  that  Caleb  N.  Taylor,  of  Bucks, 
started  the  Harrison  boom  solitary  and  alone,  but  during 
all  the  subsequent  votes  there  was  no  response  to  it  from 
Indiana.  The  announcement  of  305  for  Grant  and  282 
for  Elaine  settled  all  sides  down  to  a  wearing  contest, 
and  it  so  continued  until  sixteen  ballots  had  been  cast, 
without  any  material  change  in  the  lines.  So  closely  was 
the  voting  watched  that  every  change  of  a  single  vote 
wras  understood  at  once,  and  the  gain  or  loss  of  two  or 
three  votes  by  either  Grant  or  Elaine  was  the  signal  for 
applause  when  the  ballot  was  closed.  During  the  sixteen 
ballots  Grant  carried  only  from  303  to  309  and  Elaine 
from  280  to  285.  The  only  episode  that  interfered  to  re 
lieve  the  monotony  of  the  sameness  of  voting  was  when 
Conkling  lost  a  vote  in  his  delegation.  He  did  not  dis 
pute  the  correctness  of  the  vote  returned  to  him  as  chair 
man,  but  he  evidently  meant  that  deserters  must  uncover 
themselves.  He  demanded  a  call  of  the  roll  in  open  con 
vention,  which  required  each  individual  delegate  to  rise 
and  answer  for  himself,  and  Senator  McCarthy  proved  to 
be  the  missing  Grant  man  who  had  taken  refuge  in  the 
Elaine  camp.  He  was  vociferously  cheered  by  the  gal 
leries  when  he  cast  his  vote,  but  Conkling  looked  on  com 
placently  and  felt  assured  that  he  had  stopped  further 
straggling.  After  the  sixth  ballot  General  Harrison  rose 
and  moved  a  recess  until  5  P.  M.,  but  it  wras  howled  down 
before  the  question  could  be  put.  Later  on  Drake  tried  to 
stop  what  seemed  to  be  a  tedious  farce  by  renewing  the 
motion  to  adjourn,  but  he  fared  no  better  than  Harrison. 
After  eighteen  ballots,  and  when  more  than  five  hours 
had  been  consumed  in  casting  and  counting  755  votes, 


CHICAGO    CONVENTION — NOMINATED    FOR   PRESIDENT.     461 

almost  without  variation,  Mr.  Buchanan,  the  Sherman 
chairman  of  the  Mississippi  delegation,  moved  a  recess 
until  seven  o'clock,  and  it  was  carried  without  serious 
opposition.  Both  the  Grant  and  Elaine  leaders  are  seek 
ing  alliances  with  Sherman,  and  when  a  Sherman  manager 
proposed  a  truce,  the  chief  opposing  forces  were  unwilling 
to  antagonize  him.  An  adjournment  was  then  hurriedly 
carried  and  the  weary  crowd  filed  out  to  dinner. 

"  The  brief  recess  was  actively  employed  by  leaders 
of  all  sides  to  get  possession  of  the  incalculable  quantity 
from  the  South  that  followed  Sherman.  It  is  known  to 
be  made  up  largely  of  Swiss  guards,  and  so  both  leading 
lines  feared  that  the  other  might  capture  them.  Both 
have  tried  most  exclusively  to  get  them  into  camp,  and 
the  air  is  full  of  stories  not  at  all  creditable  to  the  integ 
rity  of  either  bidders  or  the  doubtful  delegates. 

"  When  the  hour  for  the  evening  session  drew  near 
there  was  no  reliable  understanding  between  the  Sherman 
wing  and  either  of  the  chief  belligerents,  and  both  Hale 
and  Conkling  had  to  renew  the  battle  anci  take  the 
chances  of  the  many  accidents  which  may  drift  the  float 
ing  vote  to  its  final  destination.  As  soon  as  the  doors 
were  open  the  crowd  rushed  iii  more  impetuously  than 
ever  before,  and  for  the  first  time  the  mob  mastered  the 
excellent  police  force  that  has  so  admirably  handled  the 
seething  mass  of  humanity  that  has  crowded  in  and  about 
the  Exposition  Building.  Those  admitted  to  the  distant 
portions  of  the  hall  finally  made  a  dash  over  the  feeble 
partitions  and  at  once  filled  all  the  vacant  seats  nearest 
the  platform.  Once  in  possession  it  could  not  be  re 
moved,  and  those  who  were  too  late  had  to  take  seats 


462  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

which  present  a  view  of  the  convention  only  in  the  dim 
distance.  Conkling  and  Garfield  came  in  late,  as  usual, 
and  received  the  regulation  cheers,  much  to  the  amuse 
ment  of  the  audience  generally,  and  Hale  and  Frye  were 
early  in  their  places,  still  hopeful  but  evidently  not  con 
fident  of  victory. 

"  President  Hoar  promptly  ordered  the  nineteenth 
ballot,  and  the  greatest  anxiety  was  manifested  as  the 
States  with  floating  delegates  were  called.  It  was  ex 
pected  that  the  recess  would  result  in  some  combination 
in  favor  of  Elaine  or  Grant,  but  the  ballot  failed  to  reveal 
any  material  change,  and  when  the  next  presented  about 
the  same  result  it  became  apparent  that  the  battle  was 
to  be  a  protracted  one.  The  ballots  were  hurried  along 
without  anything  whatever  to  relieve  the  tedious  same 
ness  of  calling  the  roll  and  listening  to  announcements, 
which  would  average  just  about  even  all  around  in  any 
ten  ballots.  Grant  started  at  his  old  305,  but  Elaine  fell 
down  to  279,  and  on  next  trial  Grant  forged  ahead  to 
308,  leaving  Elaine  at  276.  Grant  then  dropped  gradu 
ally  until  he  got  down  to  303  and  Elaine  took  a  spurt 
that  put  him  up  to  281,  but  it  was  evident  that  the  ups 
and  downs  between  them  meant  nothing  more  than  stray 
shots  from  wandering  pickets.  The  crowded  audience 
was  restless.  The  Grant  and  Elaine  men  cheered  alter 
nately,  as  ballots  were  announced  showing  slight  gains  for 
their  favorites.  After  the  twenty-seventh  ballot,  at  9.30 
p.  M.,  Morse,  of  Massachusetts,  anti-Grant,  moved  to  ad 
journ  till  ten  to-morrow.  The  viva  voce  was  nearly  equal, 
and  the  chair  declared  that  the  ayes  appeared  to  have  it ; 
but  Conkling  bounced  to  his  feet  to  demand  a  call  of  the 


CHICAGO   CONVENTION NOMINATED    FOR   PRESIDENT.     463 


roll,  which  Hale  promptly  seconded.  The  motion  was 
then  withdrawn,  and  the  session  began  again. 

u  The  twenty-eighth  ballot  gave  Grant  307,  within  one 
of  his  highest  vote,  and  Blaine  279,  being  below  his  aver 
age.  Mr.  Morse,  another  Massachusetts  Edmunds  man, 
then  renewed  the  motion  to  adjourn,  and  the  chair  was 
about  to  declare  it  carried  when  Conkling  rose  hastily 
and  demanded  a  roll-call,  which  was  promptly  seconded 
by  the  Grant  men  of  Kentucky.  The  Blaine  men  were 
sick  of  the  unequal  contest,  and  Hale,  who  had  joined 
Conkling  half  an  hour  before  to  oppose  adjournment,  in 
order  to  exhibit  pluck,  sat  still,  and  the  field  was  quickly 
marshalled  for  a  suspension  of  active  hostilities." 

The  following  table  shows  the  result  of  the  day's  bal 
loting,  the  first  ballot  being  given  in  detail : 


STATES. 

GRANT. 

BLAINE. 

SHERMAN, 

EDMUNDS. 

WINDOM. 

WASHBURNE. 

16 

1 

3 

12 

California  

12 

6 

3 

2 

7 

Delaware  

c 

Florida  

8 

(jrt*ortria.     

6 

8 

8 

24 

10 

8 

Indiana          ....        .                      . 

1 

26 

2 

1 

22 

4 

6 

Kentucky   

20 

1 

3 

8 

2 

6 

Maiut;         

14 

7 

7 

2 

3 

2 

20 

1 

115 

118 

26 

22 

17 

461 


JAMES   A.  GARFIELD. 


STATES. 

GRANT. 

ELAINE. 

SHERMAN. 

EDMUNDS. 

WlNDOM. 

WASHBUKNE. 

Brought  forward  

115 

118 

26 

22 

17 

Michigan  

1 

21 

Minnesota  

10 

Mississippi  

0 

4 

6 

Missouri  

29 

1 

Nebraska  

6 

Nevada  

G 

New  Hampshire  

10 

New  Jersey  

16 

2 

New  York  

51 

17 

2 

North  Carolina     

6 

14 

Ohio  

9 

34 

1 

6 

Pennsylvania    .  . 

32 

23 

3 

Rhode  Island  

8 

13 

1 

Tennessee  

16 

6 

1 

1 

11 

2 

2 

1 

Vermont  

10 

Virginia  

18 

3 

1 

1 

8 

Wisconsin      

1 

7 

3 

9 

2 

Dakota  

1 

1 

District  of  Columbia*.  

1 

1 

Idaho  

2 

Montana  

2 

New  Mexico  

2 

Utah  

1 

1 

Washington  

'   i 

1 

1 

1 

Total  

304 

284 

93 

34 

10 

30 

Giant..  

2d. 

305 

3d. 
305 

4th. 
305 

5th. 
305 

6th. 
305 

7th. 
305 

8th. 
306 

9th. 
308 

10th. 
305 

Blaine  

282 

282 

281 

281 

281 

281 

284 

282 

282 

Sherman           .  . 

94 

93 

95 

95 

95 

94 

91 

90 

92 

32 

82 

32 

32 

31 

32 

31 

31 

31 

Washburne  
Windom.     .      ... 

31 
10 

31 
10 

30 

10 

30 

10 

31 
10 

31 
10 

32 
10 

32 
10 

32 
10 

Garfield  

1 

1 

1 

2 

2 

1 

2 

2 

1 

1 

CHICAGO    CONVENTION — NOMINATED  FOR    PRESIDENT.  4GT) 

llth.  12th.  13th.  14th.  15th.  10th.  17th.  18th.  10th 

Grant 306   304   305   305   308  303   303   305  yOf, 

Blaine..      .281   283   2H5   285   281  283   284   283  279 


Sherman  

92 

92 

89 

89 

88 

88 

BO 

91 

90 

Edmunds  

31 

31 

31 

31 

31 

31 

31 

;!i 

31 

Washburne  

32 

33 

32 

35 

36 

36 

36 

35 

0-> 

\Yindom  

11 

10 

10 

10 

10 

10 

10 

10 

10 

(rarfield  

2 

1 

1 

.  . 

.  . 

.  . 

.  , 

1 

Hartranft  

1 

Haves  

1 

1 

1 

1 

.. 

20th. 

2lHt. 

22d. 

23d. 

24th. 

25th. 

26th. 

27th. 

28tb 

Grant  

308 

305 

305 

304 

305 

30-3 

303 

306 

307 

Blaine  

276 

276 

275 

275 

279 

281 

280 

277 

279 

Sherman  

93 

96 

97 

97 

93 

94 

93 

93 

91 

Edmunds  

31 

31 

31 

31 

31 

31 

31 

31 

31 

Washburne.  .... 

35 

35 

35 

36 

35 

31 

36 

36 

35 

VVindom  

10 

10 

10 

10 

10 

10 

10 

10 

10 

Garfield  

1 

1 

1 

2 

2 

2 

2 

2 

2 

Hartranft.  . 

1 

1 

1 

The  adjournment  was  carried  over  Grant's  steady  303, 
and  the  battle  was  transferred  again  to  the  lobbies  of  the 
Chicago  hotels. 

The  convention  met  again  nt  eleven  o'clock  on  the 
morning  of  June  8th.  After  the  opening  prayer  the  call 
of  the  States  was  ordered  for  the  twenty-ninth  ballot  for 
President.  There  was  a  disturbance  at  the  outset  over 
the  vote  of  Alabama.  It  was  announced  by  the  chair, 
man,  George  Turner,  as  it  had  been  cast  all  day  yester 
day ;  but  it  appeared  that  Alexander,  one  of  the  Grant 
delegates,  was  not  in  the  hall,  but  had  asked  the  chair 
man  to  cast  hi*  vote.  Objection  being  made  the  roll  of 
individual  delegates  was  called,  and  as  no  alternate  ap 
peared,  Grant  lost  one  vote.  It  required  a  quarter  of  an 
hour  to  settle  this  dispute,  and  there  was  no  further  epi 

30 


466  JAMES    A.    GARFIELD. 

sode  until  Massachusetts  was  reached,  when  the  nineteen 
Edmunds  votes  of  yesterday  were  turned  over  to  Sher 
man  and  created  some  excitement  as  being  an  indication, 
though  slight,  that  the  convention  might  break.  The 
split  in  the  Minnesota  vote  following  immediately  after, 
and  giving  Elaine  three  of  the  Windom  delegates,  was 
the  signal  for  a  renewal  of  the  excitement,  and  consid 
erable  applause  followed.  A  little  farther  on  the  result 
showed  that  Grant  had  got  the  Sherman  votes  in  Missis 
sippi,  but  there  was  nothing  in  the  ballot  to  indicate  that 
any  such  missionary  work  had  been  done  during  the 
night  as  to  give  prompt  settlement  to  the  great  contro 
versy.  During  this  call  Virginia  and  West  Virginia  botli 
insisted  upon  an  individual  call,  and  it  transpired  that 
the  Sherman  delegate  from  West  Virginia  who  was  yes 
terday  missing  was  on  hand.  The  result  of  the  ballot 
was  loudly  cheered  by  Ohio  people  and  the  Sherman  men 
in  general.  It  was  getting  their  favorite  ahead.  The 
ballot  resulted  in  305  votes  for  Grant,  278  for  Elaine, 
116  for  Sherman,  12  for  Edmunds,  35  for  Washburne,  7 
for  Windom,  and  2  for  Garfield. 

."  There  were  some  indications  as  the  thirtieth  ballot 
progressed  that  the  lesser  candidates  were  giving  way. 
Elaine  took  two  of  Washburne's  Illinois  votes,  and  Elaine 
got  three  more  of  the  Windom  votes  from  Minnesota,  mak 
ing  six  of  that  lot  for  him.  Great  amusement  was  cre 
ated  toward  the  close  of  this  ballot  by  the  announcement 
of  one  vote  for  Gen.  Phil  Sheridan  in  Wyoming.  Sheri 
dan  was  on  the  stage,  near  the  chair,  and  when  he  was  a 
moment  after  discovered  by  the  people,  a  shout  went  up 
from  all  over  the  house,  and  Sheridan  finally  arose  and 


CHICAGO   CONVENTION — NOMINATED    FOR   PRESIDENT.     467 

snid  that  he  was  very  much  obliged,  but  he  couldn't  take 
the  nomination  unless  he  were  permitted  to  turn  it  over 
to  his  best  friend.  The  galleries  saw  the  point  of  this, 
since  Sheridan's  best  friend  is  Grant,  and  all  the  Grant 
delegates  made  the  best  of  the  opportunity  by  an  out 
burst  of  enthusiasm.  The  chair  also  detected  the  point, 
and  said  that  while  the  distinguished  soldier  had  been 
given  permission  to  interrupt  the  order  of  the  conven 
tion  it  would  be  granted  no  one  else. 

"  On  the  thirty- first  ballot  two  more  of  the  Indiana 
votes  left  Blnine  and  went  to  Washburne.  The  Indi 
ana  men  never  were  very  stiff  for  Elaine,  and  have  been 
waiting  a  chance  to  get  away  to  somebody  else.  On  this 
ballot  also  Thompson,  of  the  Pennsylvania  delegation, 
left  Garfield  and  went  to  Grant,  giving  the  third-termers 
35  votes  in  that  delegation.  Caleb  Taylor  had  been  got 
around  to  Elaine,  while  Grier  was  holding  the  Garfield 
boom  level,  although  he  was  entirely  alone  in  his  vote  for 
the  Ohio  man.  New  Mexico  kept  up  the  good-nature  of 
the  galleries  on  this  ballot  by  giving  Conkling  one  vote. 
The  result  of  the  ballot  was  inspiring  to  the  Grant  men, 
and  Conkling  did  his  share  of  the  cheering.  Five  more  of 
Elaine's  Indiana  votes  got  away  on  the  succeeding  ballot, 
going  to  swell  the  Washburne  column.  Farther  down 
the  list  he  lost  two  from  Wisconsin  in  the  same  way,  and 
a  cloud  came  over  the  Elaine  side  of  the  house.  There 
was  a  hurried  conference  of  the  Maine  senator's  leaders 
in  the  aisle  near  where  the  Maine  delegates  sat,  and  it 
was  a  thoroughly  dispirited  crowd  when  the  ballot  was 
announced  showing  Grant's  highest  and  Elaine's  lowest. 
There  was  no  ignoring  the  fact  that  the  Grant  lines 


468  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

could  not  be  broken,  and  that  the  Elaine  lines  were  at 
this  time  wavering.  It  was  apparent  the  convention  was 
on  the  edge  of  a  break.  The  thirty-third  ballot,  which 
was  finished  at  half-past  twelve,  was  without  exciting 
vent,  and  with  the  exception  of  a  little  cheer  when  the 
Sherman  votes  of  Alabama  were  cast  for  Elaine,  wa.< 
monotonous.  About  this  time  the  Elaine  managers  be 
gan  to  get  their  men  back  into  the  lines,  and  a  few 
scattering  delegates,  who  were  beginning  to  fear  the 
solidity  of  the  Grant  column,  turned  in  from  their  dark 
horses  to  Elaine.  They  didn't  want  Elaine,  but  they 
were  not  willing  to  see  him  crowded  entirely  off  the 
track  while  Grant  hung  on. 

"  The  close  of  the  thirty-fourth  ballot  was  marked 
by  excitement,  growing  out  of  Wisconsin's  16  votes  for 
Garfield.  It  was  the  beginning  of  the  end.  To  make 
up  this  bunch,  Washburne,  Elaine,  and  Sherman  had  been 
drawn  upon.  This  ballot  brought  Grant's  vote  up  to  312, 
and  served  to  arouse  the  Grant  enthusiasm.  Garfield 
here  arose  and  addressed  the  chair.  The  chairman  in 
quired  for  what  purpose  the  gentleman  rose.  '  To  a  ques 
tion  of  order/  said  Garfield.  *  The  gentleman  will  state 
it/  said  the  chair. 

"  '  I  challenge/  said  Mr.  Garfield,  l  the  correctness  of 
the  announcement  that  contains  votes  for  me.  No  man 
has  a  right,  without  the  consent  of  the  person  voted  for, 
to  have  his  name  announced  and  voted  for  in  this  con 
vention.  Such  consent  I  have  not  given.' 

"  This  was  overruled  by  the  chairman  amidst  laughter 
against  Garfield,  who  had  made  the  point  on  the  vote  cast 
for  him  by  Wisconsin. 


CHICAGO    CONVENTION — NOMINATED    FOR    PRESIDENT.     109 

''  The  thirty-fifth  was  the  most  interesting  ballot  ot 
the  Jay  so  far.  The  call  was  quick,  people  had  begun  to 
show  Better  spirits,  and  when  the  27  Indianians,  who  had 
been  looking  around  for  some  way  out,  cast  themselves 
for  Garfield,  there  was  a  deafening  shout,  and  Garfield's 
seat  was  immediately  surrounded.  Maryland  followed 
with  four  for  the  Ohio  dark  horse,  and  Wisconsin  for  a 
second  time  turned  in  sixteen  of  her  votes  solid  for  him. 
It  was  apparent  that  the  Elaine  movement  had  broken 
up,  and  the  friends  of  Grant  and  Garfield  had  the  cheer 
ing  to  themselves  at  the  end  of  this  ballot. 

'-  The  call  of  the  States  for  the  thirty-sixth  ballot  be 
gan  amidst  considerable  excitement.  Everybody  saw  that 
Blaine  was  now  out  of  the  way,  and  it  was  a  matter  of 
beating  Grant  so  far  as  the  opposition  was  concerned.  It 
was  evident,  too,  that  it  would  have  to  be  done  with  Gar- 
field,  and  Connecticut  led  off  on  this  ballot  with  11  votes 
for  him.  The  most  of  the  Wash  burn  e  vote  of  Illinois  fol 
lowed  this,  and  when  Indiana  was  called,  General  Harri 
son  cast  29  of  her  30  votes  for  Garfield.  The  storm  at 
this  point  broke.  The  people  rose  up  and  gave  one  tre 
mendous  cheer,  and*  hats  and  handkerchiefs  were  tossed 
high,  as  they  had  so  often  been  before.  The  confusion 
had  not  fairly  subsided  when  Iowa  followed  with  22  votes 
for  Garfield,  and  the  outburst  was  renewed  and  gained  in 
force  with  every  fresh  start.  A  little  farther  down  Maine 
cast  her  14  votes  for  the  Ohio  man,  and  the  cheering  was 
greater  than  ever.  The  confusion  was  so  great  that  it 
was  almost  impossible  to  go  on  with  the  call.  The  dele 
gations  of  Maryland,  Massachusetts,  Michigan,  Minnesota, 
and  Mississippi  each  insisted  upon  an  individual  roll-call, 


170  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD. 

and  the  Elaine  and  Sherman  votes  nearly  all  turned  up 
for  Garfield.  Conkling  was  dodging  about  a  good  deal  at 
this  time,  but  it  dawned  upon  the  Grant  men  that  all  wag 
up  with  them.  They  were  well  disciplined,  however,  and 
hung  together  all  the  way  down  the  call.  It  was  getting 
down  to  Pennsylvania.  Cameron  sat  imperturbable  in 
the  midst  of  his  delegates,  and  was  repeatedly  urged  to 
cast  the  solid  Pennsylvania  delegation  for  Blairie  on  this 
ballot.  This  would  have  prevented  the  nomination  of 
Garfield  on  that  ballot,  at  least,  and  might  have  stayed 
the  Garfield  cyclone  by  getting  Elaine  back  on  the  track ; 
but  Cameron  at  this  time  would  not  acknowledge  that 
Garfield  could  go  through  as  he  did  go. 

"  Ohio  was  finally  called.  The  delegation  had  been 
thrown  into  confusion,  and  it  was  some  time  in  getting 
around,  but  it  finally  turned  up  with  forty-three  for  Gar- 
field,  the  missing  delegate  being  Garfield  himself.  The 
convention  relapsed  into  cheers  again,  but  recovered  in  a 
moment  to  hear  General  Eeaver  announce  the  Pennsyl 
vania  vote  as  thirty-seven  for  Grant,  twenty-one  for  Gar 
field.  Gordon  had  swung  around  to  Grant,  and  Hays, 
who  had  voted  for  Elaine,  felt  himself  released  when 
Maine  virtually  put  him  out  of  the  field,  and  went  with 
the  Grant  people.  The  Grant  men  got  in  a  little  cheer 
here,  but  it  was  of  short  life.  As  the  call  went  on,  as 
well  as  it  could  in  the  confusion,  the  Elaine  delegates 
wheeled  into  line  for  Garfield.  Vermont  was  wildly 
cheered  when  the  ten  Edmunds  votes  swung  around,  and 
Wisconsin's  eighteen  following  shortly  after,  gave  the 
man  from  Ohio  a  majority  of  the  whole  number. 

"  The  thousands  had  kept  tally  and  knew  this.    Them 


CHICAGO   CONVENTION — NOMINATED    FOR    PRESIDENT.     471 

was  a  momentary  hush,  as  if  the  seven  or  eight  thousand 
people  were  taking  breath,  and  then  the  storm  burst,  and 
while  the  cheering  went  on  the  banners  of  the  several 
States  were  borne *to  the  place  where  Ohio's  delegation 
sat,  Garfield  in  the  midst  of  them,  and  there  was  a  scene 
almost  equal  to  that  of  midnight  on  Friday.  The  band 
was  playing  i  The  Battle-Cry  of  Freedom,'  at  the  lower 
end  of  the  hall,  and  when  the  cheering  subsided  for  a  mo 
ment,  the  air  was  taken  up  and  sung  in  chorus  by  thou 
sands  of  voices.  Everywhere  flags  were  waving,  and  on 
the  outside  of  the  building  cannon  were  booming  and 
thousands  were  cheering.  This  went  on  for  a  quarter  of 
an  hour,  during  which  time  Conkling  sat  in  his  place  at 
the  head  of  his  delegation  without  show  of  emotion  of  any 
sort.  Efforts  were  made  to  get  Garfield  out,  but  he  re 
mained  hidden  in  the  midst  of  his  Ohio  friends. 

"  After  Wisconsin  the  call  of  the  Territories  had  little 
interest,  and  was  conducted  in  the  midst  of  the  greatest 
confusion.  The  call  for  the  first  time  was  verified  by  a 
re-reading  of  the  votes,  and  at  the  announcement  of  the 
result  there  was  another  outburst.  The  changes  in  the 
vote  by  which  the  nomination  was  reached  are  shown  in 
the  following  table  : 

29th.  30th.  31st.  32d.  38d.  34th.  35th.  3  th 

Grant 305  3Ut>  308  309  309  312  313  30»> 

Blaiue 278  279  276  270  27G  275  20?  42 

Mierinan 11G  120  119  117  110  107    <><)  3 


Edmunds        .     ... 

12 

11 

11 

11 

11 

11 

11 

Washbumc      .    .  . 

35 

33 

31 

44 

44 

oO 

23 

5 

V\  indoui        .      .  .  .  . 

..    ..      7 

4 

3 

3 

4 

4 

Garfield  

2 

2 

1 

1 

1 

17 

50 

399 

1 

1 

•  • 

•  • 

•  • 

•  • 

472  JAAIElS    A.  GARFIELD. 

"  After  the  announcement  the  band  played  the  '  Con 
quering  Hero/  and  the  people  again  stood  upon  the 
benches  and  hurrahed  and  yelled  in  the  same  old  way. 
In  the  midst  of  this  the  tall  form  of  Logan  rose  up,  and 
he  sought  to  be  heard.  Conkling  was  standing  in  the 
aisle,  asking  the  attention  of  the  chair.  As  soon  as  order 
was  restored,  Conkling  was  recognized,  and  in  a  husky 
voice,  sadly  in  contrast  with  his  tones  of  the  past  five 
days,  asked  to  have  the  nomination  of  Garfield  made 
unanimous.  He  was  loudly  cheered.  His  speech  was  as 
follows  : 

"  '  Mr.  Chairman  :  James  A.  Garfield,  of  Ohio,  having 
received  a  majority  of  all  the  votes  cast,  I  rise  to  move 
that  he  be  unanimously  presented  as  the  nominee  of  the 
convention.  The  chair,  under  the  rules,  anticipated  me, 
but  being  on  my  feet  I  avail  myself  of  the  opportunity 
to  congratulate  the  Republican  party  of  the  nation  on 
the  good-natured  and  well-tempered  disposition  which 
has  distinguished  this  animated  convention.  [Cries  of 
4  Louder  !  '  from  tiie  galleries.]  I  should  like  to  speak 
louder,  but  having  sat  here  under  a  cold  wind  I  find 
myself  unable  to  do  so.  I  was  about  to  say,  Mr.  Chair 
man,  that  I  trust  that  the  zeal,  the  fervor,  and  now  the 
unanimity  of  the  scenes  of  the  convention  will  be  trans 
planted  to  the  field  of  the  country,  and  that  all  of  us 
who  have  borne  a  part  against  each  other  will  be  found 
,vith  equal  zeal  bearing  the  banners  and  carrying  the 
'ances  of  the  Republican  party  into  the  ranks  of  the 
enemy.'  [Applause.] 

;;  Conkling  was  followed  by  Logan,  who  spoke  in  the 
midst  of  calls  for  Garfield,  but  Garfield  could  not  be 


CHICAGO   CONVENTION NOMINATED   FOR   PRESIDENT.     473 

induced  to  show  himself,  and  Logan  got  a  chance  finally 
to  go  on  with  a  speech  after  the  manner  of  Conkling. 
He  said : 

"  *  Gentlemen  of  the  Convention :  We  are  to  be  con 
gratulated  at  having  arrived  at  a  conclusion  in  respect 
to  presenting  the  name  of  a  candidate  to  be  the  standard- 
bearer  of  the  Republican  party  for  President  of  the 
United  States  in  union  and  harmony  with  each  other. 
Whatever  may  have  transpired  in  this  convention  that 
may  have  produced  feelings  of  annoyance  will  be,  I  hope, 
considered  as  a  matter  of  the  past.  I,  with  the  friends 
of  one  of  the  grandest  men  on  the  face  of  the  earth, 
stood  here  to  fight  a  friendly  battle  for  his  nomination, 
but  this  convention  has  chosen  another  leader,  and  the 
men  who  stood  by  Grant  will  be  seen  in  the  front  of  the 
contest  for  Mr.  Garfield.  [Cheers.]  We  will  go  for 
ward  in  the  contest,  not  with  tied  hands,  not  with 
sealed  lips,  not  with  bridled  tongues,  but  to  speak  the 
truth  in  favor  of  the  grandest  party  that  has  ever  been 
organized  in  this  country,  to  maintain  its  principles,  to 
uphold  its  power,  to  preserve  its  ascendancy,  and  my 
judgment  is  that,  with  the  leader  whom  you  have  chosen, 
victory  will  perch  on  our  banners.  [Cheers.]  As  one 
of  the  Republicans  from  Illinois  I  second  the  noinina 
tion  of  James  A.  Garfield,  and  hope  it  will  be  made 
unanimous.'  [Cheers.] 

"  After  this,  General  Beaver,  from  the  head  of  the 
Pennsylvania  delegation,  was  heard.  He  referred  to 
Pennsylvania  as  having  first  put  Garfield  in  nomination, 
and  stood  by  him  with  one  vote  when  there  were  no 
Dthers  for  him,  and  he  promised  the  largest  majority  that 


474  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

Pennsylvania  has  given  at  a  Presidential  election  in  re 
cent  years.     Here  is  his  speech  : 

"  *  The  State  of  Pennsylvania  having  had  the  honor 
of  first  nominating  in  this  convention  the  gentleman 
who  has  been  chosen  as  the  standard-bearer  of  the 
Republican  party  in  the  approaching  national  contest, 
I  rise  to  second  the  motion  which  has  been  made  to 
make  the  nomination  unanimous,  and  to  assure  this 
convention  and  the  people  of  the  country  that  Penn 
sylvania  is  heartily  in  accord  with  th.e  nomination 
[cheers] ;  that  she  gives  her  full  concurrence  to  it, 
and  that  this  country  may  expect  from  her  the  greatest 
majority  that  has  been  given  for  a  Presidential  candidate 
in  many  years/ 

"  Mr.  Hale,  of  Maine,  said :  '  Standing  here  to  re 
turn  our  heartfelt  thanks  to  the  many  men  in  this  con 
vention  who  have  aided  us  in  the  fight  that  we  made 
for  the  Senator  from  Maine,  and  speaking  for  them  here, 
as  1  know  that  I  do,  I  say  this  most  heartily.  We  have 
not  got  the  man  whom  we  hoped  to  nominate  when  we 
came  here,  but  we  have  got  a  man  in  whom  we  have  the 
greatest  and  most  marked  confidence.  The  nominee  of 
tnis  convention  is  no  new  or  untried  man,  and  in  that 
respect  he  is  no  "  dark  horse."  When  he  came  here, 
representing  his  State  in  the  front  of  his  delegation  and 
was  seen  here  every  man  knew  him,  because  of  his 
record  ;  and  because  of  that  and  because  of  our  faith  in 
him,  and  because  we  were,  in  the  emergency,  glad  to 
help  make  him  the  candidate  of  the  Republican  party 
for  President  of  the  United  States, — because,  I  say,  of 
these  things,  I  shall  stand  here  to  pledge  the  Maine 


CHICAGO   CONVENTION NOMINA1ED    FOR   PRESIDENT.     475 

forces  in  this  convention  to  earnest  effort  from  now  until 
the  ides  of  November  to  help  carry  him  to  the  Presi 
dential  chair.'  [Cheers.] 

"  Then  Hale  brought  all  the  Elaine  folks  into  this  ap 
parent  love-feast.  A  Texas  delegate,  one  of  those  old 
Whigs  who  don't  intend  to  cut  their  hair  until  Henry 
Clay  is  elected  President,  also  agreed  to  the  candidate. 
But  he  did  go  so  far  as  to  promise  the  vote  of  Texas  to 
him.  General  Harrison,  who  said  he  was  the  only  de 
feated  candidate  for  President  on  the  floor,  because  hi* 
misguided  friend  from  Pennsylvania,  meaning  Caleb  Tay 
lor,  did  not  have  staying  powers,  promised  Indiana  to 
Garfield.  At  this  time  there  were  immense  crowds  in 
every  part  of  the  hall,  particularly  on  the  stage  and  the 
press  platform,  and  when  the  nomination  was  made  unani 
mous,  people  couldn't  be  made  to  keep  still.  Some  of 
those  in  a  hurry  wanted  to  go  right  on  with  the  nomina 
tion,  but  General  Harrison,  at  about  half-past  two,  got  a 
recess  till  five  o'clock,  as  he  said,  for  consultation." 

The  convention  reassembled  in  the  afternoon.  The 
nomination  of  a  candidate  for  Vice-President  of  the 
United  States  was  the  business  on  hand. 

California  presented  E  B.  Washburne ;  Connecticut 
brought  out  ex-Governor  Jewell ;  Florida  handed  in  the 
name  of  Judge  Settle  ;  Tennessee  urged  Horace  May- 
ward.  But  these  attracted  little  attention,  and  it  was  not 
until  General  Woodford,  of  New  York,  arose  and  nomi 
nated  Chester  A.  Arthur,  that  the  convention  began  to 
wake  up. 

A  ballot  was  finally  reached,  the  galleries  cheering 
every  mention  of  \Vashburne's  name.  The  result  of  the 


476  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

ballot  was  so  generally  foreseen  that  no  particular  con 
cern  was  manifested  over  the  result.  There  was  some 
cheering,  but  the  enthusiasm  of  this  extraordinary  con 
vention  had  about  worn  out.  The  ballot  stood  :  Arthur, 
468  ;  Washburne,  19  ;  Maynard,  30  ;  Jewell,  44  ;  Bruce, 
8  ;  Woodford,  1 ;  Davis,  2.  The  Pennsylvania  vote  was 
given — 47  to  Arthur,  11  to  Washburne.  The  nomina 
tion  of  Arthur  was  made  unanimous  on  motion  of  Cali 
fornia,  and  then  the  convention  fell  to  passing  a  lot  of 
resolutions  of  compliment  to  everybody,  after  which  a 
committee  of  one  from  each  State,  with  Senator  Hoar  for 
chairman,  was  appointed  to  notify  the  candidates  of  their 
nomination.  Filley,  of  Missouri,  then,  explaining  that 
life  is  short,  got  in  a  motion  to  adjourn,  which  was 
adopted,  and  people  dispersed  for  good. 

The  following  is  the  Platform,  or  Declaration  of  Prin 
ciples,  adopted  by  the  Convention : 

"  The  Republican  party  in  National  Convention  as 
sembled,  at  the  end  of  twenty  years  since  the  Federal 
Government  was  first  committed  to  its  charge,  submits  to 
the  people  of  the  United  States  this  brief  report  of  its 
administration.  It  suppressed  rebellion,  which  had  armed 
nearly  a  million  of  men  to  subvert  the  national  authority. 
It  reconstructed  the  union  of  the  States,  with  freedom  in 
stead  of  slavery  as  its  corner-stone.  It  transformed  four 
million  human  beings  from  the  likeness  of  things  to  the 
rank  of  citizens.  It  relieved  Congress  from  the  infamous 

O 

work  of  hunting  fugitive  slaves,  and  charged  it  to  see  that 
slavery  does  not  exist.  It  has  raised  the  value  of  our 
currency  from  thirty-eight  per  cent,  to  the  par  of  gold. 
It  has  restored  upon  a  solid  basis  payment  in  coin  for  all 


CHICAGO   CONVENTION — NOMINATED    FOR    PRESIDENT.     477 

the  national  obligations,  and  has  given  us  a  currency 
absolutely  good  and  equal  in  every  part  of  our  extended 
country.  It  has  lifted  the  care  of  the  nation  from  the 
point  from  where  6  per  cent,  bonds  sold  at  86  to  that 
where  4  per  cent,  bonds  are  eagerly  sought  at  a  premium 
under  its  administration  ;  railways  have  increased  from 
31,000  miles  in  1860  to  more  than  82,000  miles  in  1879 ; 
our  foreign  trade  has  increased  from  $700,000,000  to 
$1,150,000,000  in  the  same  time,  and  our  exports,  which 
were  $20,000,000  less  than  our  imports  in  1860,  were 
$264,000,000  more  than  our  imports  in  1879.  Without 
-esorting  to  loans  it  has,  since  the  war  closed,  defrayed 
the  ordinary  expenses  of  government,  besides  the  accru 
ing  interest  on  the  public  debt,  and  dispersed  annually 
more  than  $30,000,000  for  soldiers'  pensions.  It  has 
paid  $888,000,000  of  the  public  debt,  and  by  refunding 
the  balance  at  lower  rates  has  reduced  the  annual  interest 
charges  from  nearly  $151,000,000  to  less  than  $89,000,- 
000.  All  the  industries  of  the  country  have  revived, 
labor  is  in  demand,  wages  have  increased,  and  through 
out  the  entire  country  there  is  evidence  of  a  coming  pros 
perity  greater  than  we  have  ever  enjoyed.  Upon  thi? 
record  the  Republican  party  asks  for  the  continued  confi 
dence  and  support  of  the  people,  and  this  convention  sub 
mits  for  their  approval  the  following  statements  of  the 
principle  and  purposes  which  will  continue  to  guide  and 
inspire  its  efforts  : 

"  First.  We  affirm  that  the  work  of  the  last  twenty- 
one  years  has  been  such  as  to  commend  itself  to  the  favor 
of  the  nation,  and  that  the  fruits  of  the  costly  victory 
which  we  have  achieved  through  immense  difficulties 


478  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD. 

should  be  preserved  ;  after  that  the  peace  regained  should 
be  cherished ;  that  the  dissevered  Union  now  happily 
restored  should  be  perpetuated,  and  that  the  liberty  se 
cured  to  this  generation  should  be  transmitted  undimin- 
ished  to  future  generations  ;  that  the  order  established 
and  the  credit  acquired  should  never  be  impaired  ;  that 
the  pensions  promised  should  be  extinguished  by  the  full 
payment  of  every  dollar  thereof;  that  the  reviving  indus 
tries  should  be  further  promoted,  and  that  the  commerce, 
already  so  great,  should  be  steadily  encouraged. 

"  Second.  The  Constitution  of  the  United  States  is  a 
supreme  law  and  not  a  mere  contract.  Out  of  confeder 
ated  States  it  made  a  sovereign  nation.  Some  powers 
are  denied  to  the  nation  while  others  are  denied  to  the 
States,  but  the  boundary  between  the  powers  delegated 
and  those  reserved  is  to  be  determined  by  the  National 
and  not  by  the  State  tribunals. 

"  Third.  The  work  of  popular  education  is  left  to  the 
care  of  the  several  States,  but  it  is  the  duty  of  the  Na 
tional  Government  to  aid  that  work  to  the  extent  of  its 
constitutional  duty.  The  intelligence  of  the  nation  is 
but  the  aggregate  of  the  intelligence  of  the  several  States, 
and  the  destiny  of  the  nation  must  not  be  guided  by  the 
genius  of  any  one  State,  but  by  the  average  genius  of  all. 

"Fourth.  The  Constitution  wisely  forbids  Congress 
to  make  any  law  respecting  an  establishment  of  religion, 
but  it  is  idle  to  hope  that  the  nation  can  be  protected 
against  the  influence  of  sectarianism  while  each  State  is 
exposed  to  its  domination.  We  therefore  recommend 
that  the  Constitution  be  so  amended  as  to  lay  the  same 
prohibition  upon  the  legislature  of  each  State  and  to  for 


CHICAGO    CONVENTION — NOMINATED    FOR    PRESIDENT.     479 

bid  the  appropriation  of  public  funds  to  the  support  of 
sectarian  schools. 

'"Fifth.  We  affirm  the  belief,  avowed  in  1876,  that 
the  duties  levied  for  the  purpose  of  revenue  should  so 
discriminate  as  to  favor  American  labor.  That  no  further 
grant  of  the  public  domain  should  be  made  to  any  rail 
way  or  other  corporation ;  that  slavery  having  perished 
in  the  States,  its  twin  barbarity,  polygamy,  must  die  in 
the  Territories.  That  everywhere  the  protection  accorded 
to  citizens  of  American  birth  must  be  secured  to  citizens 
by  American  adoption,  and  that  we  esteem  it  the  duty 
of  Congress  to  develop  and  improve  our  watercourses 
and  harbors,  but  that  further  subsidies  to  private  per 
sons  or  corporations  must  cease ;  that  the  obligations 
of  the  Republic  to  the  men  who  preserved  its  integrity 
in  the  hour  of  battle  are  undirninished  by  the  lapse  of 
fifteen  years  since  their  final  victory;  to  do  them  perpet 
ual  honor  is  and  shall  forever  be  the  grateful  privilege 
and  sacred  duty  of  the  American  people. 

"  Sixth.  Since  the  authority  to  regulate  immigration 
and  intercourse  between  .the  United  States  and  foreign 
nations  rests  with  Congress,  or  with  the  United  States 
and  its  treaty-making  power,  the  Republican  party,  re 
garding  the  unrestricted  emigration  of  Chinese  as  an  evil 
of  great  magnitude,  invoke  the  exercise  of  those  powers 
to  restrain  and  limit  that  immigration  by  the  enactment 
of  such  just,  humane,  and  reasonable  provisions  as  will 
produce  that  result. 

"  Seventh.  That  the  purity  and  patriotism  which  char 
acterize  the  earlier  career  of  Rutherford  B.  Hayes  in 
pence  and  war,  and  which  guided  the  thoughts  of  our  im- 


4 fit)  JAMES    A.  GAKFIELD. 

mediate  predecessors  to  him  for  a  Presidential  candidate 
have  continued  to  inspire  him  in  his  career  as  Chief  Ex 
ecutive,  and  that  history  will  accord  to  his  administration 
the  honors  which  are  due  to  an  efficient,  just,  and  cour 
teous  discharge  of  the  public  business,  and  will  honor  his 
interpositions  between  the  people  and  proposed  partisan 
aws. 

"Eighth.  We  charge  upon  the  Democratic  party  the 
habitual  sacrifice  of  patriotism  and  justice  to  a  supremo 
and  insatiable  lust  of  office  and  patronage  ;  that  to  obtain 
possession  of  the  National  and  State  Governments  and 
the  control  of  place  and  position  they  have  obstructed  all 
effort  to  promote  the  purity  and  to  conserve  the  freedom 
of  suffrage,  and  have  devised  fraudulent  certifications  and 
returns,  have  labored  to  unseat  lawfully  elected  members 
of  Congress  to  secure  at  all  hazards  the  vote  of  a  majority 
of  the  States  in  the  House  of  Representatives ;  have  en 
deavored  to  occupy  by  force  and  fraud  the  places  of  trust 
given  to  others  by  the  people  of  Maine,  and  rescued  by 
the  courage  in  action  of  Maine's  patriotic  sons ;  have  by 
methods  vicious  in  principle  and  tyrannical  in  practice  at 
tached  partisan  legislation  to  bills  upon  whose  passage  the 
very  movements  of  government  depend  ;  have  crushed 
the  rights  of  individuals,  have  advocated  the  principle  and 
sought  the  favor  of  rebellion  against  the  nation,  and  have 
endeavored  to  obliterate  the  sacred  memories  of  the  war 
and  to  overcome  its  inestimable  valuable  results  of  nation 
ality,  personal  freedom,  and  individual  equality.  The 
equal,  steady,  and  complete  enforcement  of  laws  and  the 
protection  of  all  our  citizens  in  the  enjoyment  of  all  privi 
leges  and  communities  guaranteed  by  the  Constitutioa 


CHICAGO    CONVENTION — NOMINATED    FOR    PRESIDENT.     481 

are  the  first  duties  of  the  nation.  The  dangers  of  a  solid 
South  can  only  be  averted  by  a  faithful  performance  of 
every  promise  which  the  nation  has  made  to  the  citizens ; 
the  execution  of  the  laws  and  the  punishment  of  all  those 
who  violate  them  are  the  only  safe  methods  by  which  an 
enduring  peace  can  be  secured  and  genuine  prosperity  es 
tablished  throughout  the  South.  Whatever  promises  the 
nation  makes  the  nation  must  perform,  and  the  nation 
cannot  with  safety  delegate  this  duty  to  the  States.  The 
solid  South  must  be  divided  by  the  powerful  agencies  of 
the  ballot,  and  all  opinions  must  there  find  free  expres 
sion,  and  to  this  end  the  honest  voters  must  be  protected 
against  terrorism,  violence,  and  fraud.  And  we  aftirm  it 
to  be  the  duty  and  the  purpose  of  the  Republican  party 
to  use  every  legitimate  means  to  restore  all  the  States  of 
this  Union  to  the  most  perfect  harmony  as  may  be  prac 
ticable  ;  and  we  submit  to  the  practical,  sensible  people 
of  the  United  States  to  say  whether  it  would  not  be 
dangerous  to  the  dearest  interests  of  our  country  at  this 
time  to  surrender  the  administration  of  the  National 
Government  to  a  party  which  seeks  to  overthrow  the  ex 
isting  policy  under  which  we  are  so  prosperous,  and  thus 
bring  distrust  and  confusion  where  there  is  now  order, 
confidence,  and  hope." 

The  following  resolution  was  added  to  the  platform : 
"  The  Republican  party,  adhering  to  the  principles 
affirmed  by  its  last  national  convention  of  respect  for 
the  constitutional  rules  governing  appointment  to  office, 
adopts  the  declaration  of  President  Hayes,  that  the  re 
form  in  the  civil  service  shall  be  thorough,  radical,  and 
complete.  To  that  end  it  demands  the  co-operation  of 

31 


482  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

the  legislative  with  the  executive  departments  of  the 
Government,  and  that  Congress  shall  so  legislate  that 
fitness,  ascertained  by  proper  practical  tests,  shall  admit 
to  the  public  service." 

The  correspondent  of  the  New  York  Tribune  wrote 
as  follows  concerning  the  scene  attending  the  nomina 
tion  of  General  Garfield  : 

"  When  General  Harrison  mounted  on  his  chair  and 
called  out  that  Indiana,  out  of  30  votes,  gave  29  for 
Garfield,  neither  the  convention  nor  the  galleries  could 
contain  themselves  any  longer.  There  was  a  universal 
uproar;  half  the  convention  rose  to  its  feet.  Leaders 
of  all  factions  ran  hurriedly  hither  and  thither  through 
the  convention ;  and,  while  the  building  was  resound 
ing  with  loud  cheers  for  Garfield,  there  was  a  cluster 
of  excited  delegates  about  the  general  himself,  who, 
sat  quiet  and  cool  in  his  ordinary  place  at  the  end 
of  one  of  the  rows  of  seats  in  the  Ohio  delegation,  hav 
ing  his  own  seat  in  the  middle  aisle  near  the  very  rear 
of  the  convention. 

"  He  wore  the  white  badge  of  an  Ohio  delegate  on 
his  coat,  and  held  his  massive  head  steadily  immovable. 
But  for  an  appearance  of  extra  resoluteness  on  his  face, 
as  that  of  a  man  who  was  repressing  internal  excite 
ment,  he  might  have  been  supposed  to  have  as  little 
interest  in  the  proceedings  as  any  other  delegate  on  the 
iloor  of  the  convention.  He  was,  in  fact,  going  through 
one  of  the  most  extraordinary  experiences  ever  given  to 
an  American  citizen.  He  was  being  struck  by  Presi 
dential  lightning  while  sitting  in  the  body  which  was 
to  nominate  him.  He  was  being  nominated  for  Piesi 


CHICAGO    CONVENTION— NOMINATED    FOK    PRESIDENT.     483 

dent  at  half-past  one  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  when  he 
could  hardly  have  dreamed  of  such  a  thing  at  nine 
o'clock  in  the  morning. 

"  There  has  been  no  such  dramatic  incident  in  poli 
tics,  for  a  great  many  years  at  least,  except  possibly  the 
nomination  of  Horatio  Seymour  in  1868.  Entirely  apart 
from  all  political  considerations,  it  was  an  extraordinary 
and  impressive  incident  to  see  this  quiet  man  suddenly 
wheeled  by  a  popular  sentiment  into  the  position  of 
standard-bearer  to  the  great  Republican  party,  and  in 
all  probability  into  the  Presidency  itself,  with  its  great 
power  and  world-wide  fame.  All  this  while  the  crowd 
had  been  cheering,  and  the  elements  of  the  convention 
were  dissolving  and  crystallizing  in  an  instant  of  time. 

"Where  the  Sherman  vote  was  going,  whether 
simply  by  force  of  drifting  or  not,  was  apparent  enough 
when  a  North  Carolina  delegate  seized  the  banner  of 
his  State  and  waved  it  towards  the  Ohio  delegation,  all 
of  whom  were  on  their  feet.  The  situation  was  indeed 
peculiar.  General  Garfield  had  entered  the  convention 
as  the  loyal  representative  of  Secretary  Sherman,  who 
was  still  a  candidate.  The  Ohio  delegation,  most  of 
whom  were  warm  friends  of  both  men,  were  in  honor 
bound  to  support  Mr.  Sherman  so  long  as  there  was  any 
possibility  of  his  nomination.  General  Garfield  had,  like 
a  truthful  and  honorable  gentleman,  set  his  face  from 
the  first  against  all  suggestions  that  he  should  become  a 
candidate,  feeling  that  any  yielding  to  such  suggestions 
would  be  rankly  disloyal  to  the  friend  he  had  come  to 
support.  Now  he  was  being  forced  into  the  field  in  spite 
of  himself,  and  the  indications  were  that  his  own  voto 


JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

would  soon  surpass  that  of  his  candidate.  The  Ohio 
delegation  were  seen  to  be  in  anxious,  flurried  consulta 
tion  about  General  GarfiekVs  chair,  ex-Governor  Den- 
nison,  Congressman  Butterworth,  and  Major  Bickham 
being  prominent  in  the  group. 

"Nothing  seemed  to  come  of  it,  however,  and  when 
the  crowd  had  been  quieted  down  the  secretary  was 
again  in  his  place,  ready  to  resume  the  roll-call.  When 
he  called  '  Iowa '  every  ear  was  strained  to  hear  the 
reply,  which  had  to  travel  from  the  farthest  limit  of  the 
body  of  delegates.  The  22  votes  of  that  State  had  been 
cast  on  every  ballot  for  James  G.  Blaine,  and  if  these 
votes  should  be  cast  for  Garfield,  it  would  prove  that  the 
instantaneous  fusion  of  the  anti-Grant  elements  of  the 
convention  was  complete.  When  the  chairman  of  the 
delegation  called  out  that  Iowa  cast  22  votes  for  James 
A.  Garfield,  a  wild  storm  of  cheering  broke  out,  which 
after  a  few  moments  died  away,  while  there  was  a  re 
newal  of  the  hasty  and  whispered  consultation  among  the 
Ohio  delegates  about  General  Garfield 's  chair.  Suddenly 
the  Ohio  delegation  broke  out  in  cries  and  applause,  and 
an  electric  cheer  spread  from  them  as  a  centre  in  an  in 
stant  all  over  the  convention,  telling  without  any  need  of 
words  that  Ohio's  new  candidate  had  replaced  the  old ; 
that  Secretary  Sherman  had  been  withdrawn,  and  that, 
with  the  full  consent  of  his  friends,  Garfield  was  a  can 
didate. 

"  From  this  time  the  votes  split  off  between  Grant 
and  Garfield  almost  without  exception,  the  roll-call  pro 
ceeding  amid  the  growing  exultation  of  the  anti-Grant 
men,  who  thought  they  saw  victory  before  them.  Kan- 


CHICAGO    CONVENTION NOMINATED    FOR   PRESIDENT.     485 

saa  gave  its  6  Elaine  votes  to  Garfield,  Grant's  4  votes 
standing  firm.  In  Kentucky  the  Elaine  votes  came  to 
Garfield.  Every  Garfield  vote  now  was  applauded,  while 
Mr.  Conkling  watched  the  secretary  with  a  cold  eye. 
Senator  Kellogg  cast  the  vote  of  Louisiana,  8  for  Garfield 
8  for  Grant.  When  Maine  was  called,  Mr.  Hale  arose, 
looking  sad,  to  be  sure,  but  still  with  his  accustomed  air 
of  quiet  resolution,  and  cast  those  14  votes,  that  repre 
sented  so  much  loyal  affection  for  James  G.  Elaine,  for 
James  A.  Garfield,  of  Ohio.  There  was  a  great  cheer  at 
this  for  the  men  from  Maine,  with  many  expressions  of 
sympathy  for  their  keen  disappointment  passing  through 
the  throng.  Almost  the  whole  body  of  the  convention 
was  up  hurrahing  at  the  rate  of  three  times  three  a 
minute.  Garfield  was  nominated." 


CHAPTER  XI. 

GENERAL  OARFIELD   SINCE   THE   CHICAGO   CONVENTION. 

rhe  Nomination  unsought  by  General  Garfield — Congratulatory  Telegrams 
— How  the  News  was  received  in  Congress — Scene  in  the  House — Gen 
eral  Garfield  notified  of  his  Nomination — His  Reply — Returns  Plome — 
Reception  at  Cleveland — General  Garfield  presides  at  the  Reunion  of 
Hiram  College — His  Speech  on  that  Occasion — A  Glance  at  the  Past — 
Reception  at  Mentor — Visit  to  Painesville — General  Garfield  addresses 
his  Neighbors — Sunday  at  Home — General  Garfield  returns  to  Wash 
ington  City — His  Journey — A  Serenade  at  Washington — Speech  of  Gen 
eral  Garfield — Adjournment  of  Congress — Fourth  of  July  Speech  at 
Painesville — General  GarfieM's  Letter  accepting  the  Nomination  for  the 
Presidency — Personal  Characteristics — General  Garfield's  Washington 
Home — The  Farm  at  Mentor — The  Garfield  Family. 

GENERAL  GARFIELD'S  nomination  for  the   Presidency  had 
come  to  him  entirely  unsought.     lie   had  loyally  sup 
ported  the  claims  of  Secretary  Sherman  to  the  office,  and 
had  discountenanced  all  attempts  to  put  himself  forward 
as  a  candidate  for  the  high  honor.     The  convention,  how 
ever,  had  seen  fit  to  nominate  him  in  spite  of  his  reluc 
tance.      The  nomination  gave  great  satisfaction  through 
out  the  country,  and  it  was  universally  admitted  that  the 
choice  of  the  convention  was  the  best  that  could  have 
been  made. 

The  following  telegrams  were  received  by  General 
Garfield  immediately  after  the  nomination  was  made : 


SINCE    THE    CONVENTION.  487 

"  EXECUTIVE  MANSION,  WASHINGTON",  Juno  8. 
"  General  James  A.  GARFIELD  : — You  will  receive  no 
heartier  congratulation  to-day  than  mine.     This  both  for 
your  own  and  your  country's  sake.       "  R.  B.  HAYES." 

"  WASHINGTON,  D.  C. 

"  Hon.  James  A.  GARFIELD  : — Accept  my  hearty  con 
gratulation.  The  country  is  to  be  congratulated,  as  well 
as  yourself.  "  C.  SCHURZ." 

Dispatches  to  like  effect  %ere  also  received  from 
other  members  of  the  Cabinet. 

"  WASHINGTON,  Juno  8. 

" Hon.  James  A.  GARFIELD,  Chicago: — I  congratulate 
you  with  all  my  heart  upon  your  nomination  as  President 
of  the  United  States.  You  have  saved  the  Republican 
party  and  the  country  from  a  great  peril  and  assured 
the  continued  success  of  Republican  principles. 

"  JOHN  SHERMAN." 

"  WASHINGTON,  Tuesday — 1.45  p.  M. 
"  Hon.  James  A.  GARFIELD,  Chicago  : — Maine's  vote, 
this  moment  cast  for  you,  goes  with  my   hearty  concur 
rence.     I  hope  it  will  aid  in  securing   your  nomination 
and  assuring  victory  to  the  Republican  party. 

"  JAMES  G.  ELAINE." 

General  Garfield  replied  as  follows : 

"  CHICAGO,  June  8. 

"  Hon.  J.  G.  ELAINE,  Washington  : — Accept  my  thanks 
for  your  generous  despatch.  "  JAMES  A.  GARFIELD." 


488  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

The  scene  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  Washing 
ton,  on  receipt  of  the  news  of  Gen.  Garfield's  nomination, 
is  thus  described  in  the  Associated  Press  despatches  : 

"  The  House  passed  a  whole  batch  of  private  bills  to 
day.  Finally  a  public-building  bill  was  called  up  and 
objected  to,  whereupon  Mr.  Hooker  emphatically  declared 
his  intention  of  objecting  to  every  proposition  presented. 
A  noisy  discussion  ensued,  and  the  confusion  was  in 
creased  by  the  Chicago  despatches  which  were  coming  in 
announcing  the  large  auctions  to  Garfield's  vote.  Order 
was  only  secured  when  Blackburn  (Kentucky)  presented 
the  report  of  the  conference  committee  on  the  post-office 
appropriation  bill,  which  report  was  agreed  to.  Mr. 
Hooker  adhered  to  his  intention  of  objecting  to  every 
proposition,  and  a  motion  was  made  to  adjourn.  During 
the  calling  of  the  roll  there  was  a  great  deal  of  excite 
ment  shown  by  the  members  over  the  convention  news, 
and  when  Garfield's  name  was  called  it  was  greeted  with 
applause  on  both  the  Republican  and  Democratic  side  of 
the  chamber. 

"  The  announcement-  which  came  in  soon  afterward 
that  Garfield  was'  nominated  was  received  with  loud 
cheers  and  applause  from  the  members  who  had  assem 
bled  in  the  lobby  back  of  the  Speaker's  desk,  and  the 
confusion  was  so  great  that  the  roll-call  was  interrupted. 
Members  gathered  in  groups  and  discussed  the  nomina 
tion  of  Garfield,  which  appeared  to  meet  with  almost 
universal  approval  from  the  Republicans,  and  was  con 
ceded  by  the  Democrats  to  be  a  strong  one.  The  second 
call  of  Garfield's  name  was  the  signal  for  a  burst  of  ap 
plause  from  the  Republicans. 


SINCE    THE    CONVENTION.  489 

"  The  motion  was  finally  carried,  and  accordingly,  the 
House  at  2.30  adjourned.  Cheers  for  Garfield  were  then 
given,  while  cries  of  '  Speech  from  Hawley  '  and  *  Haw- 
ley  for  Vice-President '  went  up,  but  that  gentleman  did 
not  respond. 

"  Mr.  Robeson. — I  move  that  General  Hawley  take 
the  chair.  This  was  carried  unanimously  amid  loud 
cheers.  When  Hawley  took  the  chair  the  House  pre 
sented  a  curious  sight.  Every  chair  was  occupied,  the 
seats  of  the  absent  members  l^eing  filled  by  spectators 
who,  upon  the  adjournment,  had  crowded  into  the  hall, 
while  in  the  rear  of  the  seats  were  groups  of  men  evi 
dently  full  of  excitement. 

"  Mr.  Hawley,  on  taking  the  chair,  said  :  I  beg  leave 
to  say  that  we  occupy  this  floor  with  the  kind  consent  of 
our  friends  on  the  right,  who  will  have  their  opportunity 
by-and-bye.  [Laughter.  Cries  of  (  Speech !  Speech  !'] 

"  Mr.  Hawley. — I  have  no  speech  to  make.  The 
nomination  made  at  Chicago  is  its  own  speech  for  every 
Republican  of  this  House,  and  our  personal  good-will  goes 
with  our  old  friend  and  associate,  General  Garfield.  [Ap 
plause.]  I  have  no  doubt  from  what  I  have  seen  and 
heard,  that  this  event — this  consummation — is  in  the 
very  highest  degree  satisfactory  to  every  Republican 
here,  whatever  may  have  been  his  personal  preference. 
[Applause.]  We  have  been  warmly  divided  in  the  past ; 
we  will  be  much  more  warmly  united  in  the  future. 
[Loud  applause.]  I  think  one  result  will  be — I  am  sup 
posing  that  there  are  no  Democrats  here — to  compel  an 
excellent  nomination  on  the  other  side,  so  that  the  coun 
try  we  all  love  will  be  certain  of  a  good  President  foi 


490  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

the  next  four  years,  personally,  whatever  his  political 
opinions  may  be."  (Loud  applause,  in  which  the  Demo 
crats  joined.) 

Mr.  Robeson  was  loudly  called.  In  response,  that  gen 
tleman  said  :  "As  members  of  the  American  Congress — 

"  A  Democrat. — Both  sides  ? 

"  Mr.  Robeson,  continuing. — Both  sides.  I  think  we 
have  a  right  to  congratulate  the  whole  country  that  a 
man  whom  we  all  know  to  be  a  man  of  character  and 
capacity  beyond  impeachment,  has  been  nominated  by 
one  of  the  great  political  parties  for  the  highest  office  in 
the  gift  of  the  people.  [Applause.]  Therefore,  Mr. 
Chairman,  I  speak  in  acknowledgment  in  behalf  of  the 
House  of  Representatives  that  one  of  our  number,  con 
spicuous  before  the  people  on  account  of  his  services  on 
this  floor,  has  been  selected  as  the  standard-bearer  of 
the  great  political  party  to  which  I  belong.  That  is  a 
sentiment  which  affects  neither  the  politics  nor  the  feel 
ings  of  anybody,  and  I  ask  everybody  within  the  reach 
of  my  voice  to  join  me  in  giving  three  cheers  for  the  can 
didate  selected  from  our  body  as  the  candidate  of  a  great 
party.  [The  Republicans  rose  and  gave  the  three  cheers 
with  a  will,  but  the  Democrats,  though  joining  in  the 
cheering,  retained  their  seats.]  I  move,  Mr.  Chairman, 
that  a  committee  be  appointed,  and  I  suggest  as  its 
chairman  the  oldest  member  of  the  House,  Judge  Kelley, 
of  Pennsylvania,  to  send  by  telegraph  our  congratulations 
to  our  fellow-Congressman  on  his  nomination.  [Ap 
plause.]  Cries  then  went  up  for  '  KeHey,'  and  Chairman 
Bawley  stated  that  Mr.  Kelley  would  have  occupied  the 
chair,  but  that  he  had  not  been  present." 


SINCE    THE    CONVENTION.  491 

u  Mr.  Kelley. — I  have  been  in  that  chair  but  once, 
though  I  have  been  here  nineteen  years,  and  then  I  felt 
so  like  a  fool  that  I  never  got  into  it  again.  [Laughter.] 
I  thank  the  gentleman  from  New  Jersey  (Robeson)  and 
his  associates  on  this  floor  for  having  delegated  to  rne 
•he  chairmanship  of  the  committee  to  which  has  been 
confided  so  grateful  a  duty.  I  beg  leave  to  inform  the 
chairman  and  the  House  that,  taking  advantage  of  cir 
cumstances,  I  slipped  out  when  Garfield  was  at  338  and 
sent  the  following  telegram  :  '  Accept  congratulations  and 
pledge  of  earnest  support.'  [Applause.]  I  rejoice  most 
heartily  in  this  nomination.  General  Garfield  is  a  man  of 
rare  force  of  character,  of  wide  attainments,  of  great  sim 
plicity,  and  a  man  who  adheres  as  firmly  as  a  true  party 
man  even  may  to  his  personal  convictions ;  and  our  friends 
on  the  other  side,  in  the  dejection  which  now  overcomes 
them  while  a  bad  nomination  for  them  is  possible,  will 
find  satisfaction  in  knowing  that  they  know  the  man  to 
be  one  who  will  administer  the  government  faithfully, 
fairly,  and  patriotically  after  we  shall  have  inaugurated 
him."  (Applause.) 

The  chair  appointed  Kelley,  Robeson,  Browne,  Martin 
(N.  C.),  Page,  Richardson  (N.  Y.),  and  Henderson  (111.) 
as  the  committee  to  send  a  congratulatory  telegram  to 
Garfield. 

Mr.  Richardson  was  appointed  at  the  suggestion  of 
Mr.  Voorhees  (N.  Y.),  who  was  unwilling  that  the  great 
State  of  New  York  should  not  be  represented  on  the  com 
mittee,  and  Henderson  at  the  suggestion  of  Cannon  (111.), 
who  thought  that  Illinois,  "  the  third  State — always  Re 
publican,"  should  be  represented. 


492  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

The  meeting  then,  after  giving  three  more  cheers  for 
Garfield,  adjourned. 

The  following  is  the  full  text  of  the  telegram  imme 
diately  sent  to  General  Garfield  : 

"  WASHINGTON-,  June  8,  1880. 

"  To  General  J.  A.  GARFIELD,  Chicago  : — "  Under  in 
struction  of  your  Congressional  associates,  assembled  in 
the  hall  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  General  Haw- 
ley  in  the  chair,  we  congratulate  you  on  your  nomination 
as  the  candidate  of  the  great  Republican  party  for  the 
Presidency  of  the  United  States. 

"  W.  D.  KELLEY,  GEO.  M.  ROBESON, 

THOS.  M.  BROWNE,  JOSEPH  J.  MARTIN, 

HORACE  F.  PAGE,  D.  P.  RICHARDSON, 

THOMAS  J.  HENDERSON." 

The  convention  appointed  a  committee  to  wait  upon 
General  Garfield  and  inform  him  of  his  nomination.  This 
committee  waited  upon  him  at  his  rooms  at  the  Grand 
Pacific  Hotel,  on  the  evening  of  the  8th  of  June.  It 
was  headed  by  Senator  Hoar,  the  chairman  of  the  con 
vention. 

"  General  Garfield,"  said  Mr.  Hoar,  "  the  gentlemen 
present  are  appointed  by  the  National  Republican  Con 
vention,  representatives  of  every  State  in  the  Union,  who 
have  been  directed  to  convey  to  you  the  formal  ceremo 
nial  notice  of  your  nomination  as  the  Republican  candi 
date  for  the  office  of  President  of  the  United  States.  It 
is  known  to  you  that  the  convention  whicli  has  made  this 
nomination  assembled  divided  in  opinion  and  in  council  in 
regard  to  the  candidate.  It  may  not  be  known  to  you 


SINCE    THE    CONVENTION.  49  b 

with  what  unanimity  of  pleasure  and  of  hopes  the  con 
vention  has  received  the  result  which  it  has  readied. 
You  represent  not  only  the  distinctive  principles  and 
opinion  of  the  Republican  party,  but  you  represent  also 
its  unity,  and  in  the  name  of  every  State  in  the  Union 
represented  on  the  committee,  I  convey  to  you  the  as 
surance  of  the  cordial  support  of  the  Republican  party 
of  these  States  at  the  coming  ebction." 

General  Garfield  vrpliod  :  "  Mr.  President  and  Gen 
tlemen  :  I  assure  you  that  the  information  you  have  offi 
cially  given  me  brings  the  sense  of  very  grave  respon 
sibility,  and  especially  so  in  view  of  the  fact  that  I  was 
a  member  of  your  body,  a  fact  which  could  not  have  been 
so  with  propriety  had  I  had  the  slightest  expectation  that 
iny  own  name  would  be  connected  with  the  nomination 
for  the  office.  I  have  felt  with  you  great  solicitude  re 
garding  the  situation  of  our  party  during  the  struggle, 
but  believing  that  you  are  correct  in  assuring  me  that 
substantial  unity  has  been  reached  in  the  conclusion,  it 
gives  me  gratification  far  greater  than  any  personal  pleas 
ure  your  announcement  can  bring.  I  accept  the  trust 
committed  to  my  hands.  As  to  the  work  of  our  party,  as 
to  the  character  of  the  campaign  to  be  entered  upon,  I 
will  take  an  early  occasion  to  reply  more  fully  than  I  can 
properly  do  now.  I  thank  you  for  the  assurances  of  con 
fidence  and  esteem  and  unity  which  you  have  presented 
ine  with,  and  shall  hope  that  we  may  see  our  future  as 
promising  as  are  the  indications  of  to-night." 

General  Garfield  left  Chicago  by  the  Lake  Shore  and 
Michigan  Southern  Railroad,  on  the  morning  of  June  9th. 
Cleveland  was  reached  about  8.80  in  the  evening.  The 


494  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

journey  was  an  unbroken  ovation,  General  Garfield  being 
received  at  all  the  points  on  the  line  by  large  and  enthu 
siastic  crowds.  Cleveland  was-  ablaze  with  enthusiasm. 
After  a  rousing  welcome  at  the  depot,  General  Garfield 
was  conveyed  to  the  Kennard  House  as  quickly  as  possi 
ble,  where  speeches  wrere  made  from  the  balcony  by  Gov 
ernor  Foster,  General  Ed.  S.  Meyer,  and  Judge  P.  F. 
Young.  General  Garfield  said  : 

u  Fellow  Citizens  of  my  Native  County  and  of  my 
State  :  I  thank  you  for  this  remarkable  demonstration  of 
your  good-will  and  enthusiasm  on  this  occasion.  I  can 
not  at  this  time  proceed  upon  any  speech.  All  that  I 
have  to  say  is,  that  I  know  that  all  this  demonstration 
means  your  gladness  of  the  unity  and  harmony  and  good 
feeling  of  a  great  political  party,  and  in  part  your  good 
feeling  toward  a  neighbor,  an  old  friend.  For  all  of  these 
reasons  I  thank  you,  and  bid  you  good  night." 

There  was  great  applause  and  cheers. 

The  10th  of  June  was  passed  pleasantly  at  Cleve 
land,  and  on  the  llth,  General  Garfield  presided  at  the 
reunion  of  Hiram  College.  The  trains  that  arrived  at 
Hiram  were  crowded  to  overflowing  with  people,  and  the 
enthusiasm  for  the  general  completely  overshadowed  the 
interest  in  any  of  the  proceedings  where  he  was  not  the 
central  figure.  The  Presidential  candidate  received  in 
the  morning  a  number  of  congratulatory  and  business  tele 
grams  and  letters,  some  of  the  more  important  of  which 
he  answered.  He  did  not  attend  the  early  forenoon  soci 
ety  gathering,  but  at  half-past  ten  o'clock,  with  Dr.  J.  P. 
Robeson,  Captain  C.  E.  Henry,  President  B.  A.  II ins- 
dale,  of  Hiram  College,  and  Mr.  William  Robeson — all 


SINCE    THE    CONVENTION.  495 

old  friends— he  entered  the  Reunion  Hall.  There  were 
loud  cheers  as  the  general  assumed  his  place  on  the  plat 
form.  Prayer  was  offered  by  the  Rev.  J.  Knight,  of  Wil 
mington,  Ohio,  and  President  Ilinsdale  arose  and  intro 
duced  General  Gar  field  as  chairman,  with  explanatory 
remarks  as  to  why  it  had  been  arranged  to  have  the  re 
union.  The  preparations,  Mr.  Ilinsdale  said,  wrere  made 
before  the  nomination  of  General  Garfield,  arid  he  had  ac 
cepted  an  invitation  to  preside  over  the  reunion  meeting 
two  months  ago.  On  taking  the  chair,  General  Garfield 
was  greeted  with  loud  applause.  He  said  : 

"  Mr.  President  and  fellow-citizens  :  I  have  been  so 
many  years  accustomed  to  visit  you  that  it  would  be  en 
tirely  unbecoming  in  me  to  be  the  cause  of  disorder  and 
disturbance.  I  am  here,  first,  because  I  promised  to  oe 
here,  and  second,  because  I  greatly  desire  to  be  here,  and 
I  will  not  interfere  with  the  course  of  your  proposed  pro 
gramme.  Certainly  not  at  this  time,  but  will  begin  im 
mediately  by  introducing  to  you  the  gentleman  who  was 
to  deliver  the  regular  address  of  the  reunion,  the  Rev. 
J.  M.  Atwater,  once  a  student  in  this  place,  and  still  later 
the  president  of  the  college,  and  now  a  distinguished 
minister." 

The  address  of  Mr.  Atwater  related  to  college  matters, 
and  was  well  received.  At  the  close,  General  Garfield 
made  a  brief  speech  complimenting  the  previous  addresses 
and  referring  to  the  past  history  of  the  college.  Th( 
Rev.  A.  S.  Hay  den  then  spoke,  after  which  General  Gar- 
field  delivered  the  following  address  : 

"  Ladies  and  gentlemen :  There  are  two  chapters  in 
the  history  of  this  institution.  You  have  heard  the  one 


4:90  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

reLiting  to  the  founders.  They  were  all  pioneers  of  this 
Western  reserve,  or  nearly  all.  They  were  all  men  of 
knowledge  and  great  force  of  character.  Nearly  all  were 
not  men  of  means,  but  they  planned  this  little  institution. 
In  1850  it  was  a  cornfield,  with  a  solid  brick  building  in 
the  centre  of  it,  and  that  wa,s  all.  Almost  all  the  rest 
luts  been  the  work  of  the  institution  itself. 

"  Without  a  dollar  of  endowment,  without  a  powerful 
friend  anywhere,  but  with  a  corps  of  teachers  who  were 
told  to  go  on  to  the  ground  and  see  what  they  could  make 
out  of  it,  to  find  their  own  pay  out  of  the  little  tuition 
that  they  could  receive.  They  invited  students  of  their 
own  spirit  to  come  on  the  ground  and  see  what  they 
could  make  of  it,  and  the  response  has  been  that  many 
have  come,  and  the  chief  part  of  the  respondents  I  see  in 
the  faces  around  and  before  me  to-day.  It  was  a  simple 
question  of  sinking  or  swimming  for  themselves.  And  I 
know  that  we  are  all  inclined  to  be  a  little  clannish  ovoi 
our  own.  We  have,  perhaps,  a  right  to  be ;  but  I  do  not 
know  of  any  place,  I  do  not  know  of  any  institution  that 
has  accomplished  .more  with  so  little  means  as  has  this 
school  on  Hiram  Hill. 

"  I  know  of  no  place  where  the  doctrine  of  self-help 
has  a  fuller  development,  bjr  necessity  as  well  as  finally 
by  choice,  as  here  on  this  hill.  The  doctrine  of  self-help 
and  of  force  has  the  chief  place  among  these  men  and 
women  around  here.  As  I  said  a  great  many  years  ago 
about  that,  the  act  of  Hi  rain  was  to  throw  its  young  men 
and  women  overboard  and  let  them  try  it  for  themselves ; 
and  all  those  men  able  to  get  ashore  got  ashore,  ai)d  I 
think  we  have  few  cases  of  drowning  anywhere. 


S.  J.  KIRKWOOD,    PRES.   GARFIELD'S   SECRETARY   OF  THE   INTERIOR 


SINCE    THE    CONVENTION.  497 

"  Now,  I  look  over  these  faces,  and  I  mark  the  several 
geological  changes  remarked  by  Mr.  Atwater  so  well  in 
his  address ;  but  in  the  few  cases  of  change  of  geological 
fact  there  is,  I  find,  no  fossils.  Some  are  dead  and  glori 
fied  in  our  memories,  but  those  who  are  not  are  alive — ] 
think  all. 

"  The  teachers  and  the  students  of  this  school  built  it 
up  in  every  sense.  They  made  the  cornfield  into  Hiram 
Campus.  Those  fine  groves  you  see  across  the  road,  they 
planted.  I  well  remember  the  day  when  they  turned  out 
into  the  woods  to  find  beautiful  maples,  and  brought  them 
in;  when  they  raised  a  little  purse  to  purchase  ever 
green  ;  when  each  young  man,  for  himself  one,  and  per 
haps  a  second  for  some  young  lady,  if  he  was  in  love, 
planted  two  trees  on  the  campus,  and  then  named  them 
after  himself.  There  are  several  here  to-day  who  remem 
ber  Bolen.  Bolen  planted  there  a  tree,  and  Bolen  has 
planted  a  tree  that  has  a  lustre — Bolen  was  shot  through 
the  heart  at  Winchester. 

"  There  are  many  here  that  can  go  and  find  the  tree 
that  you  have  named  after  yourself.  They  are  gi*eat, 
strong  trees  to-day,  and  your  names,  like  your  trees,  are, 
I  hope,  growing  still. 

"  I  believe  outside  of  or  beyond  the  physical  features 
of  the  place,  that  there  was  a  stronger  pressure  of  work 
to  the  square  inch  in  the  boilers  that  run  this  establish 
ment  than  any  other  that  I  know  of,  and,  as  has  been  so 
well  said,  that  has  told  all  the  while  with  these  young 
men  and  women.  The  struggle,  wherever  the  uncouth 
and  untutored  farmer  boys — a  farmer,  of  cou.se — that 
came  here  to  try  themselves  and  find  what  kind  of 


498  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD. 

they  were.  They  came  here  to  go  on  a  voyage  of  discov 
ery.  Your  discovery  was  yourselves,  in  many  cases.  I 
hope  the  discovery  was  a  fortune,  and  the  friendships 
then  formed  out  of  that  have  bound  this  group  of  people 
longer  and  farther  than  most  any  other  I  have  known  in 
life.  They  are  scattered  all  over  the  United  States,  in 
every  field  of  activity,  and  if  I  had  time  to  name  them, 
the  sun  would  go  down  before  I  had  finished. 

"I  believe  the  rules  of  this  institution  limits  us  to 
time — I  think  it  is  said  five  minutes.  I  may  have  over 
gone  it  already.  We  have  so  many  already  that  we  want 
to  hear  from,  we  will  all  volunteer.  We  expect  now  to 
wrestle  awhile  with  the  work  before  us.  Some  of  these 
boys  remember  the  time  when  I  had  an  exercise  that  I 
remember  with  pleasure.  I  called  a  young  lad  out  in  a 
class  and  said,  in  two  minutes  you  are  to  speak  to  the 
best  of  your  ability  on  the  following  subject  (naming  it), 
and  gave  the  subject  and  let  him  wrestle  with  it.  I  was 
trying  a  theory,  and  I  believe  that  wrestling  was  a  good 
thing.  I  will  not  vary  the  performance  save  in  this.  I 
will  call  you  and  restrict  you  to  five  minutes,  and  let  you 
select  your  theme  about  the  old  days  of  Hiram. 

"Now,  we  have  a  grave  judge  in  this  audience,  who 
wandered  away  from  Hiram  into  the  forty-second  regi 
ment  into  the  South,  and,  after  the  victory,  stayed  there. 
I  will  call  now,  not  as  a  volunteer  man,  but  as  a  drafted 
man,  Judge  Clark,  of  Mississippi." 

There  were  other  speeches,  and  early  in  the  evening 
General  Garfield,  amid  loud  cheers,  bid  adieu  to  Hiram, 
and  drove  to  his  home  in  Mentor. 

On  the  morning  of  the   12th,  General  Garfield  was 


SINCE    THE    CONVENTION.  499 

given  a  rousing  reception  by  the  citizens  of  Mentor,  at 
the  Lake  Shore  Railroad  depot,  where  they  had  erected 
an  arch  in  his  honor.  Immediately  after  dinner,  General 
Garfield  stepped  into  a  carriage,  with  his  near  friend  and 
neighbor,  Dr.  J.  P.  Robinson,  and  drove  toward  Paines- 
ville,  where  another  reception  by  the  Lake  county  people 
was  to  take  place  at  Ryder's  Hotel,  a  half-way  house  be 
tween  Painesville  and  Mentor.  A  band  of  music  and  a 
procession  of  carriages  met  him.  Mayor  J.  B.  Burroughs, 
of  Painesville,  brother  of  Congressman  Burroughs,  of 
Michigan,  and  Mr.  A.  T.  Tinker,  president  of  the  Paines 
ville  Garfield  Club,  were  in  the  van.  These  two  gentle 
men  entered  the  general's  carriage  amid  loud  cheers.  As 
they  passed  Lake  Erie  Seminary,  the  pupils  waved  hand- 
'kerchiefs  and  applauded  General  Garfield.  The  proces 
sion  increased  in  size  and  marched  through  the  principal 
streets  of  Painesville,  finally  bringing  up  at  the  public 
square,  where  there  was  a  throng  of  people. 

Mayor  Burroughs  introduced  General  Garfield,  who, 
after  the  applause  had  subsided,  spoke  as  follows  : 

"  Fellow  Citizens  and  Neighbors  of  Lake  County  : 
I  am  exceedingly  glad  to  know  that  you  care  enough  to 
come  out  on  a  hot  day  like  this  in  the  midst  of  your 
busy  work  to  congratulate  me.  I  know  it  comes  from 
the  hearts  of  as  noble  a  people  as  lives  on  the  earth. 
[Cheers.]  In  my  somewhat  long  public  services  there 
never  has  been  a  time,  in  however  great  difficulties  I 
may  have  been  placed,  that  I  could  not  feel  the  strength 
that  came  from  resting  back  upon  the  people  of  the 
Nineteenth  district.  To  know  that  they  were  behind 
me  with  their  intelligence,  their  critical  judgment,  their 


500  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

confidence  and  their  support  was  to  make  me  strong  in 
everything  I  undertook  that  was  right.  I  have  always 
felt  your  sharp,  severe,  and  just  criticism,  and  my  worthy, 
noble,  supporting  friends  always  did  what  they  believed 
was  right.  I  know  you  have  come  here  to-day  not 
altogether,  indeed  not  nearly,  for  my  sake,  but  for  the 
sake  of  the  relations  I  am  placed  in  to  the  larger  con 
stituency  of  the  people  of  the  United  States.  It  is  not 
becoming  in  me  to  speak  nor  shall  I  speak  one  word 
touching  politics.  I  know  you  are  here  to-day  with 
out  regard  to  politics.  I  know  you  are  all  here  as 
my  neighbors  and  my  friends,  and  as  such  I  greet  you 
and  thank  you  for  this  candid  and  gracious  welcome. 
[Cheers.]  Thus  far  in  my  life  I  have  sought  to  do  what 
I  could  according  to  my  light.  More  than  that  I  could 
never  hope  to  do.  All  of  that  I  shall  try  to  do,  and  if 
I  can  continue  to  have  the  good  opinion  of  my  neigh 
bors  of  this  district,  it  will  be  one  of  my  greatest  satis 
factions.  I  thank  you  again,  fellow-citizens,  for  this 
cordial  and  generous  welcome."  (Applause  and  cheers.) 

Mr.  Tinker  delivered  a  formal  speech  of  reception 
and  was  followed  by  Dr.  Robinson,  Judge  Reuben 
Hitchcock,  arid  William  Slade.  General  Garfield  then 
shook  hands  with  .hundreds  of  enthusiastic  people,  and 
at  dusk  left  for  his  home,  where  he  remained  quietly 
over  Sunday. 

On  Sunday  he  attended  church  in  the  morning,  and 
was  the  centre  of  attraction  for  hundreds  of  country  eyes. 
After  dinner  he  endeavored  to  answer  some  of  the  vast 
amount  of  letters  that  have  accumulated,  but  no  sooner 
had  he  written  a  few  lines  than  some  callers  would  in- 


SINCE    THE    CONVENTION.  501 

ferrupt  him.  Many  from  the  surrounding  towns  and 
country  irove  to  Mentor  to  look  at  the  general,  and  at 
least  t<  shake  hands,  if  not  to  converse  at  length,  and 
none  c<  aid  be  absolutely  turned  away.  The  general 
was  called  on  in  the  evening  by  friends  from  far  off 
Cleveland. 

On  the  morning  of  the  14th,  General  Garfield  leffc 
Mentor  for  Washington  City.  He  arrived  at  Youngs- 
town  early  in  the  forenoon  and  there  took  the  through 
train  on  the  Pittsburgh  and  Lake  Erie  Road  and  arrived 
in  Pittsburgh  at  8.27  p.  M.  He  telegraphed  the  Bal 
timore  and  Ohio  authorities,  and  they  held  back  the 
through  express  from  7.55  to  8.35  for  him.  The  pas 
senger  agent  of  the  Pittsburgh  and  Lake  Erie  drove  him 
to  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio  depot,  where,  notwithstand 
ing  his  efforts  to  avoid  recognition,  a  little  crowd  soon 
congregated.  "  I  will  not  be  interviewed,"  he  said,  in 
response  to  a  reporter.  Then  he  received  the  congratu 
lations  of  a  long  line  of  admirers  and  friends,  who  shook 
his  hand  as  he  passed  on  through  the  car.  While  he 
was  yet  returning  thanks  the  train  pulled  out  of  the 
depot,  his  admirers  dismounted  and  the  general  was 
left  to  the  mercy  of  the  newspaper  men  who  stuck  by 
him.  He  was  far  more  anxious  to  interview  than  to  be 
interviewed.  He  fired  questions  thick  and  fast.  Buried 
in  the  seclusion  of  his  own  home  he  had  not  heard  the 
report  of  Tilden's  withdrawal,  and  when  informed  of  the 
report  he  went  into  a  deep  study  for  an  instant.  He 
was  exceedingly  anxious  to  know  how  the  news  of  his 
nomination  was  received  in  this  neighborhood,  and  when 
informed  that  the  enthusiasm  was  intense  he  appeared 


502  JAMES    A.  QARFIELD. 

greatly  gratified.  He  stated  that  he  had  received  a 
grand  ovation  at  Youngs  town  and  other  points  along  the 
line,  considering  that  he  had  striven  to  keep  his  journey 
quiet.  When  the  train  reached  Hazlewood,  on  the  Bal 
timore  and  Ohio  Road,  within  the  city  limits,  a  stop  was 
made  so  that  the  general  could  show  himself  to  the 
Garfield  Club  of  that  ward.  Three  rousing  cheers  were 
given  for  the  nominee,  and  the  general  returned  thanks. 
The  cheers  were  renewed  as  the  train  pulled  out. 

Washington  was  reached  the  next  day,  and  during 
the  remainder  of  the  session  of  Congress  Gen.  Garfield 
devoted  himself  to  his  duties  as  a  member  of  the  House. 

On  the  evening  of  the  16th  of  July,  a  serenade  was 
given  to  General  Garfield,  at  his  quarters  at  the  Riggs 
House,  by  the  National  Veteran  Association.  The  portico 
of  the  Riggs  House  was  tastefully  draped  with  flags  and 
bunting,  and  the  surrounding  streets  were  brilliantly 
illuminated  with  calcium  lights,  while  at  frequent  inter 
vals  rockets  and  other  fireworks  were  set  off  from  the 
steps  of  the  Treasury  Department.  As  the  procession 
filed  past  cheers  were  given  for  Garfield,  and  as  that 
gentleman  appeared  on  the  platform,  accompanied  fay  ex- 
Secretary  Robeson  and  Attorney-General  Deveris,  they 
were  renewed.  General  Devens  made  a  short  speech, 
in  which  he  referred  to  the  great  Republican  Presidents, 
Lincoln,  Grant,  and  Hayes,  and  each  name  was  greeted 
with  cheers.  He  then  introduced  General  Garfield  as  a 
soldier  whose  shield  is  unsoiled  and  whose  sword  is  spot 
less  ;  a  statesman  on  whom  rests  no  stain  or  dishonor ;  a 
Christian  gentleman,  respecting  the  rights  of  every  man 
because  he  himself  is  kind,  considerate,  and  self-respecting 


SINCE    THE   CONVENTION.  503 

always.     General  Garfield  returned  thanks  for  the  dem 
onstration  and  said : 

"  I  cannot  at  this  time  utter  a  word  on  the  subject 
of  general  politics.  I  would  not  mar  the  cordiality  of 
this  welcome,  to  which  to  some  extent  all  are  gathered, 
by  any  reference  except  to  the  present  moment  and 
its  significance ;  but  I  wish  to  say  that  a  large  portion 
of  this  assemblage  to-night  are  my  comrades,  late  of  the 
war  for  the  Union.  For  them.  I  can  speak  with  entire 
propriety,  and  can  say  that  these  very  streets  heard  the 
measured  tread  of  your  disciplined  feet  years  ago,  when 
the  imperilled  Republic  needed  your  hands  and  your 
hearts  to  save  it.  And  you  came  back  with  your  num 
bers  decimated,  but  those  you  left  behind  were  immortal 
and  glorified  heroes  forever ;  and  those  you  brought  back 
came  carrying,  under  tattered  banners  and  in  bronzed 
hands,  the  ark  of  the  covenant  of  your  Republic  in  safety 
out  of  the  bloody  baptism  of  the  war  [cheers]  ;  and  you 
brought  it  in  safety  to  be  saved  forever  by  your  valor 
and  the  wisdom  of  your  brethren  who  were  at  home,  and 
by  this  you  were  again  added  to  the  great  civil  army  of 
the  Republic.  I  greet  you,  comrades  and  fellow-soldiers 
and  the  great  body  of  distinguished  citizens  who  are 
gathered  here  to-night,  who  are  the  strong  stay  and  sup 
port  of  the  business,  of  the  prosperity,  of  the  peace,  of 
the  civic  ardor  and  glory  of  the  Republic,  and  I  thank 
you  for  your  welcome  to-night.  It  was  said  in  a  wel 
come  to  one  who  came  to  England  to  be  a  part  of  h«r 
glory — and  all  the  nation  spoke  when  it  was  said  : 

*  Normans  and  Saxons  and  Danes  are  we, 
But  all  of  us  Danes  in  our  welcome  of  thee  ;' 


504  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

and  we  say  to-night  of  all  the  nation,  of  all  the  people, 
soldiers  and  civilians,  there  is  one  name  that  welds  us 
all  into  one,  it  is  the  name  of  American  citizen,  under 
the  Union  and  under  the  glory  of  the  flag  that  led  us  to 
victory  and  to  peace.  [Applause.]  For  this  magnificent 
'welcome,  I  thank  you  with  all  there  is  in  my  heart." 

Loud  cheers  were  then  given  for  General  Garfield  as 
he  retired  from  the  platform,  and  his  place  was  taken  by 
other  speakers. 

Upon  the  adjournment  of  Congress,  General  Garfield 
returned  to  his  home  at  Mentor. 

The  Fourth  of  July  falling  on  Sunday,  the  citizens  of 
Lake  County  celebrated  the  third  in  its  place,  and  on 
that  day  dedicated,  at  Painesville,  their  beautiful  monu 
ment  to  the  memory  of  the  soldiers  of  the  district  who 
fell  in  defence  of  the  Union.  General  Garfield  was  the 
orator  of  the  day.  He  said  : 

"  Fellow-Citizens  :  I  cannot  fail  to  respond  on  such 
an  occasion,  in  sight  of  such  a  monument  to  such  a  cause, 
sustained  by  such  men.  [Applause  and  cheers.]  While 
I  have  listened  to  what  my  friend  has  said,  two  questions 
have  been  sweeping  through  iny  heart.  One  was  '  What 
does  the  monument  mean  ? '  and  the  other  '  What  will 
the  monument  teach  ?  '  Let  me  try  and  ask  you  for  a 
moment  to  help  me  to  answer  What  does  the  monument 
mean  ?  Oh,  the  monument  means  a  world  of  memories 
and  a  world  of  deeds,  and  a  world  of  tears,  and  a  world  of 
glories.  You  know,  thousands  know,  what  it  is  to  offer 
up  your  life  to  the  country,  and  that  is  no  small  thing, 
as  every  soldier  knows.  Let  me  put  the  question  to  you 
for  a  moment. 


SINCE    THE    CONVENTION.  505 

"Suppose  your  country,  in  the  awfully  embodied 
form  of  majestic  law,  should  stand  above  you  and  say,  4I 
want  your  life  ;  come  up  here  on  the  platform  and  offer 
it/ — how  many  would  walk  up  before  that  majestic  pres 
ence  and  say,  '  Here  I  am  ;  take  this  life  and  use  it  for 
your  great  needs  ? '  [Applause.]  And  yet  almost  two 
million  of  men  made  that  answer  [Applause],  arid  a 
monument  stands  yonder  to  commemorate  their  answer. 
That  is  one  of  its  meanings.  But,  my  friends,  let  me  try 
you  a  little  farther.  To  give  up  life  is  much,  for  it  is 
to  give  up  wife  and  home  and  child  and  ambition.  But 
let  me  test  you  this  way  farther.  Suppose  this  awfully 
majestic  form  should  call  out  to  you  and  say,  '  I  ask  you 
to  give  up  health  and  drag  yourself,  not  dead,  but  half 
alive,  through  a  miserable  existence  for  long  years,  until 
you  perish  and  die  in  your  crippled  and  helpless  con 
dition.  ,  I  ask  you  to  volunteer  to  do  that.'  It  calls  for 
a  higher  reach  of  patriotism  and  self-sacrifice,  but  hun 
dreds  of  thousands  of  you  soldiers  did  that.  That  is 
what  the  movement  means  also.  But  let  me  ask  you  to 
go  one  step  farther.  Suppose  your  country  should  say, 
6  Come  here  on  this  platform,  and  in  my  name  and  for 
niy  sake  consent  to  be  idiots.  [A  voice — "  Hear,  hear !  "] 
Consent  that  your  very  brain  and  intellect  shall  be  bro 
ken  down  into  hopeless  idiocy  for  my  sake, — how  many 
could  be  found  to  make  that  venture  ?  And  yet  thou 
sands,  and  that  with  their  eyes  wide  open  to  the  horrible 
consequences,  obeyed  that  call. 

"  And  let  me  tell  how  100,000  of  our  soldiers  were 
prisoners  of  war,  and  many  of  them,  when  death  was 
stalking  near,  when  famine  was  climbing  up  into  their 


506  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

hearts,  and  idiocy  was  threatening  all  that  was  left  of 
their  intellect,  the  gates  of  their  prison  stood  open  every 
day  if  they  would  quit,  desert  their  flag,  and  enlist  under 
the  flag  of  the  enemy;  and,  out  of  180,000,  not  two 
per  cent,  ever  received  the  liberation  from  death,  star 
vation,  idiocy,  all  that  might  come  to  them ;  but  they  took 
all  these  horrors  and  all  these  sufferings  in  preference  to 
going  back  upon  the  flag  of  their  country  and  the  glory 
of  its  truth.  [Applause.]  Great  God !  was  ever  such 
measure  of  patriotism  reached  by  any  man  on  this  earth 
before?  [Applause.]  That  is  what  your  monument 
means.  By  the  subtle  chemistry  that  no  man  knows, 
all  the  blood  that  was  shed  by  our  brethren,  all  the 
lives  that  were  devoted,  all  the  grief  that  was  felt,  at 
last  crystallized  itself  into  granite,  rendered  immortal 
the  great  truth  for  which  they  died — [applause] — and  it 
stands  there  to-day  ;  and  that  is  what  your  monument 
means. 

"  Now,  what  does  it  teach  ?  What  will  it  teach  ? 
Why,  I  remember  the  story  of  one  of  the  old  conquerors 
of  Greece  who,  when  he  had  travelled  in  his  boyhood  over 
the  battle-fields  where  Miltiades  had  won  victories,  and 
set  up  trophies — returning,  he  said  :  '  These  trophies  of 
Miltiades  will  never  let  me  sleep.'  Why  ?  Something 
had  taught  him  from  the  chiselled  stone  a  lesson  that  he 
could  never  forget.  And,  fellow-citizens,  that  silent  sen 
tinel,  that  crowned  granite  column,  will  look  down  upon 
the  boys  that  will  walk  these  streets  for  generations  tc 
come,  and  will  not  let  them  sleep  when  the  country 
;alls  them.  From  the  dead  lips  of  the  bugler  oil  the 
field  will  go  out  a  call  that  the  children  of  Lake  County 


SINCE    THE    CONVENTION.  507 

will  hear  after  the  grave  has  covered  us  all  and  our  im 
mediate  children.  That  is  the  teaching  of  your  monu 
ment.  That  is  its  lesson,  and  it  is  the  lesson  of  endur 
ance  for  what  we  believe,  and  it  is  the  lesson  of  sacrifices 
for  what  we  think ;  the  lesson  of  heroism  for  what  we 
mean  to  sustain ;  and  that  lesson  cannot  be  lost  to  a  peo 
ple  like  this.  It  is  not  a  lesson  of  revenge ;  it  is  not  a 
lesson  of  wrath  ;  it  is  the  grand,  sweet,  broad  lesson  of 
the  immortality  of  the  truth  that  we  hope  will  soon 
cover,  as  with  the  grand  shekinah  of  light  and  glory, 
all  parts  of  this  Republic  from  the  lakes  to  the  gulf. 
[Applause.] 

"  I  once  entered  a  house  in  old  Massachusetts,  where 
over  its  doors  were  two  crossed  swords.  One  was  the 
sword  carried  by  the  grandfather  of  its  owner  on  the 
field  of  Bunker  Hill,  and  the  other  was  the  sAvord  carried 
by  the  English  grandsire  of  the  wife  on  the  same  field 
and  on  the  other  side  of  the  conflict.  Under  those 
crossed  swords,  in  the  restored  harmony  of  domestic 
pence,  lived  a  happy  and  contented  and  free  family  un 
der  the  light  of  our  Republican  liberties.  [Applause.]  I 
trust  the  time  is  not  far  distant  when  under  the  crossed 
swords  and  the  locked  shields  of  Americans,  North  and 
South,  our  people  shall  sleep  in  peace  and  rise  in  liberty, 
love,  and  harmony  under  the  union  of  one  flag  of  the 
stars  and  stripes."  (Applause.) 

After  a  short  rest  at  his  home,  General  Garlield  for 
warded  to  Senator  Hoar,  the  chairman  of  the  Chicago 
Convention,  the  following  formal  letter  of  acceptance  of 
his  nomination  by  that  body  for  the  Presidency  of  the 
United  States : 


508  JAMES    A.  OARFIELB. 

"  MEXTOH,  Ohio,  July  10,  1880. 

"  DEAR  SIR  : — On  the  evening  of  the  8th  of  June  last 
I  had  the  honor  to  receive  from  you,  in  presence  of  the 
committee  of  which  you  were  chairman,  the  official  an 
nouncement  that  the  Republican  National  Convention  at 
Chicago  had  that  day  nominated  me  for  their  candidate 
for  President  of  the  United  States.  I  accept  the  nomi 
nation  with  gratitude  for  the  confidence  it  implies,  and 
with  a  deep  sense  of  the  responsibilities  it  imposes.  I 
cordially  endorse  the  principles  set  forth  in  the  platform 
adopted  by  the  convention  ;  on  nearly  all  of  the  subjects 
of  which  it  treats  my  opinions  are  on  record  among  the 
published  proceedings  of  Congress.  I  venture,  however, 
to  make  special  mention  of  some  of  the  principal  topics 
which  are  likely  to  become  subjects  of  discussion  without 
reviewing  the  controversies  which  have  been  settled  dur 
ing  the  last  twenty -years,  and  with  no  purpose  or  wish  to 
revive  the  passions  of  the  late  war.  It  should  be  said 
that  while  Republicans  fully  recognize  and  will  strenu 
ously  defend  all  the  rights  retained  by  the  people  and  all 
the  rights  reserved  to  the  States,  they  reject  the  per 
nicious  doctrine  of  State  supremacy,  which  so  long  crip 
pled  the  functions  of  the  National  Government,  and  at 
one  time  brought  the  Union  very  near  to  destruction. 
They  insist  that  the  United  States  is  a  nation,  with  am 
ple  power  of  self-preservation ;  that  its  constitution  and 
laws  made  in  pursuance  thereof  are  the  supreme  law  of 
the  land ;  that  the  right  of  the  nation  to  determine  tho 
method  by  which  its  own  legislation  shall  be  created, 
cannot  be  surrendered  without  abdicating  one  of  the  fun 
damental  powers  of  the  Government ;  that  the  national 


SINCE    THE    CONVENTION.  509 

laws  relating  to  the  election  of  representatives  in  Con 
gress  shall  neither  be  violated  or  evaded ;  that  every 
elector  shall  be  permitted  freely  and  without  intimidation 
to  cast  his  lawful  ballot  at  such  election,  and  have  it  hon 
estly  counted,  and  that  the  potency  of  his  vote  shall  not 
be  destroyed  by  the  fraudulent  vote  of  any  other  person. 
"  The  best  thoughts  and  energies  of  our  people  should 
be  directed  to  those  great  questions  of  national  well-being 
in  which  all  have  common  interest.  Such  efforts  will 
soonest  restore  perfect  peace  to  those  who  were  lately 
in  arms  against  each  other,  for  justice  and  good-will 
will  outlast  passion,  but  it  is  certain  that  the  wounds 
cannot  be  completely  healed  and  the  spirit  of  brother 
hood  cannot  fully  pervade  the  whole  country  until  every 
citizen,  rich  or  poor,  white  or  black,  is  secure  in  the  free 
and  unqualified  enjoyment  of  every  civil  and  political 
right  guaranteed  by  the  constitution  and  the  laws. 
Wherever  the  enjoyment  of  this  right  is  not  assured, 
discontent  will  prevail,  immigration  will  cease,  and  the 
social  and  industrial  forces  will  continue  to  be  disturbed 
by  the  migration  of  laborers  and  the  consequent  dimi 
nution  of  prosperity.  The  National  Government  should 
exercise  all  its  constitutional  authority  to  put  an  end  to 
these  evils,  for  all  the  people  and  all  the  States  are  mem 
bers  of  one  body,  and  no  member  can  suffer  without  in 
jury  to  all.  The  most  serious  evils  which  now  afflict  the 
South  arise  from  the  fact  that  there  is  .not  such  freedom 
and  toleration  of  political  opinion  and  action  that  the 
minority  party  can  exercise  an  effective  and  wholesome 
restraint  upon  the  party  in  power.  Without  such  re 
straint  party  rule  becomes  tyrannical  and  corrupt.  The 


010  JAMES    A.  CKARFI&LD. 

prosperity  which  is  made  possible  in  the  South  by  its 
great  advantages  of  soil  and  climate,  will  never  be  real 
ized  until  every  voter  can  freely  and  safely  support  any 
party  he  pleases. 

"  Next  in  importance  to  freedom  and  justice  is  popular 
education,  without  which  neither  justice  nor  freedom  can 
be  permanently  maintained.  Its  interests  are  entrusted 
to  the  States,  and  the  involuntary  action  of  the  people. 
Whatever  help  the  nation  can  justly  afford  should  be 
generously  given  to  aid  the  States  in  supporting  common 
schools,  but  it  would  be  unjust  to  our  people  and  danger 
ous  to  our  institutions  to  apply  any  portion  of  the  rev 
enues  of  the  nation  or  of  the  States  to  the  support  of 
sectarian  schools.  The  separation  of  the  Church  and  the 
State  in  everything  relating  to  taxation  should  be  abso 
lute.  On  the  subject  of  national  finances  my  views  have 
been  so  frequently  and  fully  expressed  that  little  is 
needed  in  the  way  of  additional  statement.  The  public 
debt  is  now  so  well  secured,  and  the  rate  of  annual  in 
terest  has  been  so  reduced,  by  refunding  that  rigid  econ 
omy  in  expenditures  and  the  faithful  application  of  our 
surplus  revenues  to  the  payment  of  the  principal  of  the 
debt  will  gradually  but  certainly  free  the  people  from  its 
burdens  and  close  with  honor  the  financial  chapter  of 
the  war.  At  the  same  time  the  Government  can  provide 
for  all  its  ordinary  expenditures,  and  discharge  its  sacred 
obligations  to  the. soldier  of  the  Union  and  to  the  widows 
and  orphans  of  those  who  fell  in  its  defence. 

"  The  resumption  of  specie  payments,  which  the  Re 
publican  party  so  courageously  and  successfully  accom 
plished,  has  removed  from  the  field  of  controversy  many 


THE    CONVENTION.  511 

questions  that  long  and  seriously  disturbed  the  credit  of 
the  Government  and  the  business  of  the  country.  Our 
paper  currency  is  now  as  national  as  the  flag,  and  re 
sumption  has  not  only  made  it  everywhere  equal  to 
coin,  but  has  brought  into  use  our  store  of  gold  and  sil 
ver.  The  circulating  medium  is  more  abundant  than 
ever  before,  and  we  need  only  to  maintain  the  equality 
of  all  our  dollars  to  insure  to  labor  and  capital  a  measure 
of  value,  from  the  use  of  which  no  one  can  suffer  loss. 
The  great  prosperity  which  the  country  is  now  enjoy 
ing  should  not  be  endangered  by  any  violent  changes  or 
doubtful  financial  experiments.  In  reference  to  our 
customs  laws  a  policy  should  be  pursued  which  will 
bring  revenues  to  the  Treasury,  and  will  enable  the  labor 
and  capital  employed  in  our  great  industries  to  compete 
fairly  in  our  own  markets  with  the  labor  and  capital  of 
foreign  producers.  We  legislate  for  the  people  of  the 
United  States,  not  for  the  whole  world,  and  it  is  our 
glory  that  the  American  laborer  is  more  intelligent  and 
better  paid  than  his  foreign  competitor.  Our  country 
cannot  be  independent  unless  its  people,  with  their 
abundant  natural  resources,  possess  the  requisite  skill 
at  any  time  to  clothe,  arm,  and  equip  themselves  for  war, 
and  in  time  of  peace  to  produce  all  the  necessary  im 
plements  of  labor.  It  was  the  manifest  intention  of  the 
founders  of  the  government  to  provide  for  the  common 
defence,  not  by  standing  armies  alone,  but  by  raising 
among  the  people  a  greater  army -of  artisans  whose  in 
telligence  and  skill  should  powerfully  contribute  to  the 

and  glocy  of  the  nation. 
•4  Fortunately  for  the  interests  of  commerce  there  is 


512  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

no  longer  any  formidable  opposition  to  appropriations  for 
the  improvement  of  our  harbors  and  great  navigable 
rivers,  provided  that  the  expenditures  for  that  purpose 
are  strictly  limited  to  works  of  national  importance.  The 
Mississippi  River,  with  its  great  tributaries,  is  of  such  vital 
importance  to  so  many  millions  of  people  that  the  safety 
of  its  navigation  requires  exceptional  consideration.  In 
order  to  secure  to  the  nation  the  control  of  all  its  waters, 
President  Jelferson  negotiated  the  purchase  of  a  vast  ter 
ritory  extending  from  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  to  the  Pacific 
Ocean.  The  wisdom  of  Congress  should  be  invoked  to 
devise  some  plan  by  which  that  great  river  shall  cease  to 
be  a  terror  to  those  who  dwell  upon  its  banks,  and  by 
which  its  shipping  may  safely  carry  the  industrial  pro 
ducts  of  twenty-five  millions  of  people.  The  interests  of 
agriculture,  which  is  the  basis  of  all  our  material  prosper 
ity,  and  in  which  seven-twelfths  of  our  population  are  ^n- 
gaged,  as  well  as  the  interests  of  manufactures  and  com 
merce,  demand  that  the  facilities  for  cheap  transportation 
shall  be  increased  by  the  use  of  all  our  great  water 
courses.  The  material  interests  of  this  country,  the  tra 
ditions  of  its  settlement  and  the  sentiment  of  our  people 
have  led  the  Government  to  offer  the  widest  hospitality 
to  emigrants  who  seek  our  shores  for  new  and  happier 
homes,  willing  to  share  the  burdens  as  well  as  the  bene 
fits  of  our  society,  and  intending  that  their  posterity  shall 
become  an  un distinguishable  part  of  our  population. 

"  The  recent  movement  of  the  Chinese  to  our  Pacific 
Coast  partakes  but  little  of  the  qualities  of  such  an  emi 
gration,  either  in  its  purposes  or  its  result.  It  is  too 
much  like  an  importation  to  be  welcomed  without  restric- 


SINCE   THE    CONVENTION.  513 

lion ;  too  much  like  an  invasion  to  be  looked  upon  with 
out  solicitude.  We  cannot  consent  to  allow  any  form  of 
servile  labor  to  be  introduced  among  us  tinder  the  guise 
of  immigration.  Recognizing  the  gravity  of  this  subject, 
the  present  administration,  supported  by  Congress,  has 
sent  to  China  a  commission  of  distinguished  citizens  for 
the  purpose  of  securing  such  a  modification  of  the  exist 
ing  treaty  as  will  prevent  the  evils  likely  to  arise  from 
the  present  situation.  It  is  confidently  believed  that 
these  diplomatic  negotiations  will  be  successful  without 
the  loss  of  commercial  intercourse  between  the  two  great 
powers,  which  promises  a  great  increase  of  reciprocal 
trade  and  the  enlargement  of  our  markets.  Should  these 
efforts  fail,  it  will  be  the  duty  of  Congress  to  mitigate 
the  evils  already  felt,  and  prevent  their  increase  by  such 
restrictions  as,  without  violence  or  injustice,  will  place 
upon  a  sure  foundation  the  peace  of  our  communities  and 
the  freedom  and  dignity  of  labor. 

"  The  appointment  of  citizens  to  the  various  executive 
and  judicial  offices  of  the  Government  is,  perhaps,  the 
most  difficult  of  all  duties  which  the  constitution  has  im 
posed  upon  the  executive.  The  convention  wisely  de 
mands  that  Congress  shall  co-operate  with  the  executive 
departments  in  placing  the  civil  eervice  on  a  better  basis. 
Experience  has  proved  that,  with  our  frequent  changes  oi 
administration,  no  system  of  reform  can  be  made  effective 
and  permanent  without  the  aid  of  legislation.  Appoint 
ments  to  the  military  and  naval  service  are  so  regulated 
by  law  and  custom  as  to  leave  but  little  ground  of  com 
plaint.  It  may  not  be  wise  to  make  similar  regulation? 
by  law  for  civil  service,  but  without  invading  the  author 

33 


514  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD. 

ity  or  necessary  discretion  of  the  executive,  Congress 
should  devise  a  method  that  will  determine  the  tenure  of 
office,  and  greatly  reduce  the  uncertainty  which  makes 
that  service  so  uncertain  and  unsatisfactory.  Without 
depriving  any  officer  of  his  rights^  as  a  citizen,  the  Gov 
ernment  should  require  him  to  discharge  all  his  official 
duties  with  intelligence,  efficiency,  and  faithfulness. 

"  To  select  wisely  from  our  vast  population  those  who 
are  best  fitted  for  the  many  offices  to  be  filled  requires  an 
acquaintance  far  beyond  the  range  of  any  one  man.  The 
executive  should  therefore  seek  and  receive  the  informa 
tion  and  assistance  of  those  whose  knowledge  of  the  com 
munities  in  which  the  duties  are  to  be  performed  best 
qualifies  them  to  aid  in  making  the  wisest  choice.  The 
doctrines  announced  by  the  Chicago  Convention  are  not 
the  temporary  devices  of  a  party  to  attract  votes  and 
carry  an  election.  They  are  deliberate  convictions  result 
ing  from  a  careful  study  of  the  spirit  of  our  institutions, 
^the  events  of  our  history,  and  the  best  impulses  of  our 
people.  In  my  judgment,  these  principles  should  control 
the  legislation  and  administration  of  the  Government.  In 
any  event  they  will  guide  my  conduct  until  experience 
points  out  a  better  way.  If  elected,  it  will  be  my  purpose 
-to  enforce  strict  obedience  to  the  constitution  and  the 
laws,  and  to  promote  as  best  I  may  the  interest  and  honor 
of  the  whole  country,  relying  for  support  upon  the  wisdom 
of  Congress,  the  intelligence  and  patriotism  of  the  people, 
-.and  the  favor  of  God. 

"  With  great  respect,  I  am,  very  truly  yours, 

«  To  Hon.  George  F.  HOAR,  "  J"  A' 

Chairman  of  the  Committee." 


SINCE    THE    CONVENTION.  515 

We  have  now  traced  the  career  of  General  Garfield 
from  his  birth  to  his  formal  acceptance  of  the  nomination 
of  his  party  for  the  Presidency.  It  is  a  grand  career, 
and  builds  up  a  noble  and  powerful  example  to  the  young 
men  of  his  country.  Here  we  must  leave  him.  That  he 
will  be  triumphantly  seated  in  the  Presidential  chair 
none  who  have  read  this  narrative  can  doubt;  and  that 
his  administration  will  be  pure  and  grand  is  a  certainty. 

In  person  General  Garfield  is  six  feet  high,  broad- 
shouldered,  and  strongly  built.  He  has  an  unusually 
large  head,  that  seems  to  be  three-fourths  forehead,  light 
brown  hair  and  beard,  large  light  blue  eyes,  a  prominent 
nose  and  full  cheeks.  He  dresses  plainly,  is  fond  of 
broad-brimmed  slouch  hats  and  stout  boots,  eats  heartily, 
cares  nothing  for  luxurious  living,  is  thoroughly  temper 
ate  in  all  respects  save  in  that  of  brain-work,  and  is 
devoted  to  his  wife  and  children,  and  very  fond  of  his 
country  home.  Among  men  he  is  genial,  approachable, 
companionable,  and  a  remarkably  entertaining  talker. 

General  Garfield  is  the  possessor  of  two  homes,  and 
his  family  migrates  twice  a  year.  On  the  corner  of  Thir 
teenth  and  I  streets  stands  his  Washington  home.  It 
is  a  very  modest  and  unpretentious  mansion  of  brick, 
plain  and  square  built,  after  the  manner  of  its  distin 
guished  owner  and  occupant.  Above  it,  to  the  north, 
towers  the  palatial  Franklin  school  building.  On  the 
west  is  that  lovely  stretch  of  rolling  turf  and  shade  and 
shrubbery  known  as  Franklin  Square.  The  residences  in 
the  immediate  vicinity  denote  a  respectable  but  by  no 
means  fashionable  neighborhood.  The  house  is  square, 
with  a  wing  on  the  east,  comprising  dining-room  and 


516  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

library.  The  parlor  side- windows  look  out  on  the  pleas 
ing  prospect  of  the  park,  while  the  front  commands  a 
corner  view  of  I  and  Thirteenth  streets. 

Above  all  other  places  of  interest  in  this  house,  how 
ever,  is  the  library.  Here  is  the  working-ground  of  a 
man  of  energy  and  ideas ;  here  the  student  and  scholar 
lives  and  has  being  in  the  exclusion  of  the  man ;  hero 
the  statesman  and  politician  takes  nourishment  and 
flourishes.  The  room  is  about  twenty-five  by  fourteen 
feet,  three  windows  opening  south  on  I  street,  one  to  the 
east.  The  pattern  carpet  leaves  about  three  feet  of 
stained  floor  about  the  margin.  In  the  centre  and  under 
the  heavy  chandelier  is  a  double  walnut  office-desk,  with 
an  addition  of  pigeon-holes  and  boxes  and  drawers  on  the 
end.  There  is  an  air  of  legal  brusqueness  everywhere, 
of  orderly  disorder,  as  if  the  owner  cared  less  for  general 
symmetry  than  for  immediate  convenience.  Half  a  dozen 
bookcases  occupy  the  available  space  against  the  walls, 
and  two  or  three  thousand  books  freight  their  shelves. 
No  two  of  these  cases  are  alike,  of  the  same  height,  width 
or  make.  It  is  as  if  the  accumulation  had  from  time  to 
time  overflown  the  limit  of  book-room  and  another  case 
had  been  hastily  procured  in  which  to  store  the  surplus, 
and  then,  when  that  was  full,  another  was  added,  and  so 
on.  Books,  books,  books  !  It  is  the  one  striking  feature 
of  Mr.  Garfield's  home.  They  confront  one  in  the  hall 
upon  entering,  in  the  parlor  and  sitting-room  and  in  the 
dining-room — yes,  and  even  in  the  bath-room,  where 
documents  and  speeches  are  corded  up  like  firewood.  I 
would  not  be  at  all  surprised  if  a  fair  library  could  be 
discovered  in  the  kitchen.  Among  all  these  books  there 


SINCE    THE    CONVENTION.  517 

is  not  a  trashy  volume.  They  are  law  and  history, 
biography,  poetry,  politics,  philosophy,  government,  and 
standard  works  of  all  sorts,  the  accumulation  of  years 
of  study  and  the  patient  research  of  the  scholar.  And 
these  are  but  a  portion  of  Mr.  Garfield's  collection,  a  con 
siderable  one  being  at  his  country  home  in  Ohio. 

Five  or  six  years  ago  the  little  cottage  at  Hiram  wa* 
sold,  and  for  a  time  the  only  residence  the  Garfields  had 
in  his  district  was  a  summer  house  he  built  on  Little 
Mountain,  a  bold  elevation  in  Lake  County,  which  com 
mands  a  view  of  thirty  miles  of  rich  farming  country 
stretched  along  the  shore  of  Lake  Erie.  Three  years 
ago  he  bought  a  farm  in  Mentor,  in  the  same  county, 
lying  on  both  sides  of  the  Lake  Shore  and  Michigan 
Southern  Railroad.  Here  his  family  spend  all  the  time 
when  he  is  free  from  his  duties  at  Washington.  The 
farm  contains  about  one  hundred  and  twenty  acres  of 
excellent  land,  in  a  high  state  of  cultivation,  and  the 
Congressman  finds  a  recreation,  of  which  he  never  tires, 
in  directing  the  field-work  and  making  improvements  in 
the  buildings,  fences,  and  orchards.  Cleveland  is  only 
twenty-five  miles  away ;  there  is  a  post  office  and  a  rail 
way  station  within  half  a  mile,  and  the  pretty  country 
town  of  Painesville  is  but  five  miles  distant.  One  of  the 
pleasures  of  summer  life  on  the  Garfield  farm  is  a  drive 
of  two  miles  through  the  woods  to  the  lake  shore  aad 
a  bath  in  the  breakers. 

On  this  farm  General  Garfield  has  built  him  a  new 
house,  which  attracts  considerable  attention  and  much 
curiosity  from  passers  by  on  the  Lake  Shore  Railroad. 
It  cannot  be  called  grand  in  any  sense  of  the  word,  but 


518  JAMES    A.    GARFIELD. 

it  will  be  a  pleasant  and  very  convenient  country  house, 
superior  to  the  majority  along  this  section  of  the  Ridge 
road.  It  is  generally  of  the  Gothic  style  of  architecture, 
but  mingled  with  other  styles,  so  as  to  form  what  con 
tractors  term  a  "  mixture."  A  roomy  porch  extends 
along  the  front  and  part  of  the  side  toward  Cleveland. 
Lattice  work  has  been  arranged  in  front  for  training 
vines.  The  house  is  sixty  feet  front  by  fifty  deep  and 
two  stories  and  a  half  high.  The  apartments  are  all 
roomy  for  a  country  house,  arid  the  wide  hallway  attracts 
attention  the  first  thing  on  entering.  General  Garfield 
has  marked  that  section  of  the  plan  where  the  pantry  is 
located,  "  Plenty  of  shelves  and  drawers,"  and  in  the 
rear  part  of  the  second  floor  of  the  diagram  is  written 
"  Snuggery  for  the  general."  The  last  mentioned  room 
is  rather  small,  measuring  only  13^  feet  by  14  feet.  It 
is  to  be  fitted  up  with  book-shelves,  but  Garfield  will 
still  continue  to  use  as  his  library  the  detached  building 
erected  a  year  or  two  since  in  the  yard  northeast  of  the 
house. 

Two  of  the  best  apartments  in  the  eastern  and 
front  part  of  the  edifice  are  being  especially  fitted  up 
for  occupancy  by  Mrs.  Garfield,  the  mother  of  the  gen 
eral.  The  front  room  has  a  large  old-fashioned  fireplace, 
and  the  pains  taken  to  make  everything  comfortable 
nere  plainly  show  the  tender  feelings  of  the  son  for  the 
aged  mother.  Dr.  Robinson  noticed  the  admiration  of 
the  writer  for  this  room,  and  said  :  i;  The  general  thinks 
everything  of  his  mother.  You  know  he  chopped  a 
hundred  cords  of  wood  once  for  $25,  and  took  the  money 
home  to  her." 


SINCE    THE    CONVENTION.  519 

There  are  few  of  the  timbers  of  the  old  house  (over 
which  the  new  has  been  constructed)  now  visible,  and 
probably  there  will  be  none  in  sight  when  the  carpets  are 
put  down.  The  cost  of  the  structure  will  be,  when  fin- 
ished,  between  $3,500  and  $4,000,  This- is  remarkably 
slight,  when  the  expense  of  bringing  such  workmen  as 
were  wanted  so  far  away  from  the  city  is  considered. 
The  work  has  been  hurried  forward  with  rapidity,  par 
ticularly  within  the  last  few  weeks,  as  it  was  intended  to 
got  it  as  nearly  finished  as  possible  before  the  general's 
return  from  Washington  previous  to  going  to  the  Chicago 
Convention.  Mrs.  Garfield  was  really  the  architect  of 
the  house.  A  man  in  Cleveland  drew  a  slight  sketch, 
and  Mrs.  Garfield  filled  it  out,  the  general  marking  in 
various  directions  with  bold  strokes  of  the  pen.  When 
the  ideas  of  the  wife  had  been  put  on  paper  the  general 
wrote  the  following  underneath,  as  a  gentle  hint  to  the 
builders  : 

"  These  plans  must  stand  as  above,  unless  otherwise 
ordered  hereafter.  If  any  part  of  them  is  impracticable, 
inform  me  soon  and  suggest  change. 

"  J.  A.  GARFIELD." 
"  WASHINGTON,  March  6,  1880." 

The  general  has  never  been  proud  or  "  stuck  up," 
the  neighbors  say,  although  they  thought  he  might  be 
come  so  when  he  first  moved  among  them.  His  wife 
they  characterize  as  a  "  perfect  lady,'1  who,  however,  is 
not  afraid  of  work. 

General  Garfield  has  five  children  living,  and  has  lost 
two,  who  died  in  infancy.  Tlie  two  elder  boys,  Harry 


520  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

and  James,  are  now  at  school  in  New  Hampshire.  Mary, 
or  Molly,  as  everybody  calls  her,  is  a  handsome,  rosy- 
cheeked  girl  of  about  twelve.  The  two  younger  boys  are 
named  Irwin  and  Abrain.  The  general's  mother  is  still 
living,  and  has  long  been  a  member  of  his  family.  She  is 
an  intelligent,  energetic  old  lady,  with  a  clear  head  and  a 
strong  will,  who  keeps  well  posted  in  the  news  of  the  day, 
and  is  very  proud  of  her  son's  career,  though  more  liberal 
of  criticism  than  of  praise. 

General  Garfield's  district  lies  in  the  extreme  north 
eastern  corner  of  Ohio,  and  now  embraces  the  counties  of 
Ashtabula,  Trumbull,  Geauga,  Lake,  and  Mahoning.  His 
old  home  county  of  Portage  was  detached  from  it  a  year 
ago.  With  the  exception  of  the  coal  and  iron  regions  in 
the  extreme  southern  part,  the  district  is  purely  a  rural 
one  and  is  inhabited  by  a  population  of  pure  New  Eng 
land  ancestry.  It  is  claimed  that  there  is  less  illiteracy 
in  proportion  to  the  population  than  in  any  other  district 
io  the  United  States. 


CHAPTER   XII. 

ASSASSINATION  OF   PRESIDENT    GARFIELD. 

The  Presidential  Election— GarfieJd  Elected— Life  at  Mentor  after  the  Elec 
tion — Departure  for  Washington — The  Inauguration — Brilliant  Scenes — 
The  new  Cabinet — Divisions  in  the  Republican  Party — Nomination  of 
Judge  Robertson — Resignation  of  the  New  York  Senators — The  Presi 
dent  endorsed  by  the  Senate  and  People — Promise  of  a  noble  Adminis 
tration — The  Star  Route  Scandal — Illness  of  Mrs.  Garfield — The  proposed 
New  England  Tour — The  President  Shot — Scenes  at  the  Depot — Removal 
to  the  White  House — Heroic  Courage  of  the  President — A  Brave  Fight — 
Arrival  of  Mrs.  Garfield — Anxiety  of  the  People — Statements  of  Eye- 
Witnesses — Daily  Progress  of  the  President's  Case — Hope  at  last — The 
Assassin — His  Crime  ancl  its  Motive — No  Conspiracy — Details  of  the 
Arrest— Guiteau's  Father  and  Brother  denounce  him. 

THE  Presidential  Election  of  1880  was  held  on  the  2d 
of  November,  and  the  popular  vote  was  as  follows  : 

For  James  A.  Garfield  (Republican) 4,437,345 

For  W.  S.  Hancock  (Democrat) 4,435,015 

For  J.  B.  Weaver  (Greenback) 305,931 

General  Garfield  thus  obtained  a  majority  of  2,330 
of  the  vote  of  the  people.  The  electoral  vote  was  as 
follows :  for  James  A.  Garfield,  214  ;  for  W.  S.  Han 
cock,  155;  thus  giving  to  General  Garfield  a  majority 
of  59  votes  in  the  Electoral  College.  These  figures 
indicate  unerringly  that  General  Garfield  was  the 
choice  of  the  majority  of  his  countrymen.  General 

521 


522  JAMES   A.    GARFIELD. 

Hancock  accepted  his  defeat  manfully,  and  was  among 
the  first  to  heartily  congratulate  his  successful  com 
petitor. 

On  the  first  Wednesday  of  December,  1880,  the 
Electoral  Colleges  of  the  various  States  met  and  cast 
their  votes,  as  provided  by  the  Constitution.  All  the 
returns  having  been  forwarded  to  the  Vice-President 
of  the  United  States,  at  Washington,  the  two  Houses 
of  Congress  met  in  the  Hall  of  the  United  States 
House  of  Representatives  on  the  second  Wednesday  in 
February,  1881,  for  the  purpose  of  counting  the  elec 
toral  vote.  The  certificates  of  the  Electoral  Colleges 
of  the  various  States  having  been  opened  and  read, 
the  Vice-President  announced  that  James  A.  Garfield 
had  been  duly  elected  President,  and  Chester  A. 
Arthur  Vice-President  of  the  United  States,  for  the 
term  of  four  years  from  the  4th  of  March,  1881.  The 
successful  candidates  were  subsequently  officially  noti 
fied  of  their  election. 

After  the  November  election,  General  Garfield  re 
mained  quietly  at  his  home  at  Mentor,  receiving 
thousands  of  visitors  from  all  shades  of  the  Republican 
party.  Once  he  made  a  visit  to  New  York  for  the 
purpose  of  consulting  with  the  leaders  of  his  party. 
Great  curiosity  was  manifested  in  all  parts  of  the 
country  to  learn  the  names  of  the  statesmen  he  had 
selected  as  members  of  his  Cabinet;  but  the  President 
elect  maintained  a  dignified  silence,  reserving  the 
announcement  of  the  names  of  his  constitutional  ad 
visers  until  after  his  entrance  upon  the  duties  of  his 
office. 


ASSASSINATION   OF   PRESIDENT   GARFIELD.  523 

At  length,  on  the  1st  of  March,  General  Garfield 
left  Mentor  for  Washington  to  be  inaugurated  Presi 
dent  of  the  United  States.  The  whole  route  was  a 
triumphal  progress.  At  all  the  principal  points  he 
was  received  by  enthusiastic  crowds,  and  at  several 
delivered  brief  but  eloquent  addresses.  Washington 
was  reached  on  the  2d  of  March,  and  the  President 
elect  met  with  a  reception  rarely  given  to  persons  even 
of  his  position. 

On  Friday,  March  4th,  the  inauguration  ceremonies 
took  place  upon  a  scale  of  unusual  magnificence.  Thou 
sands  of  strangers  crowded  the  city.  Military  and 
civic  organizations  had  been  arriving  for  days  pre 
viously,  and  on  the  morning  of  the  4th  of  March,  it 
was  believed  that  at  least  50,000  strangers  were  in 
the  city. 

Friday  dawned  bleak  and  stormy.  Big  flakes  of 
snow  went  scattering  through  the  chilling  air.  All 
the  roofs  and  trees  shed  trickling  streams  of  ice 
water.  But  between  ten  and  eleven  o'clock,  although 
the  high  wind  continued,  the  sun  began  to  show  it 
self  through  the  clouds.  All  Washington  was  astir  at 
an  early  hour,  and  men,  women,  and  children  hurried 
through  the  snow  and  slush  from  every  direction, 
every  one  intent  on  reaching  Pennsylvania  avenue  to 
witness  the  inaugural  procession,  or  to  the  Capitol. 
About  ten  o'clock  the  escort  of  Federal  troops  was 
formed  in  front  of  the  White  House,  and  at  half-past 
ten  the  procession  started  down  Pennsylvania  avenue 
for  the  Capitol.  The  in-coming  and  out-going  Presi 
dents  rode  in  a  four-horse  barouche,  with  the  gor- 


524  JAMES   A.    GARFIELD. 

geously  uniformed  First  Cleveland  troop  mounted  inv 
mediately  in  front. 

The  procession  presented  the  most  imposing  spec 
tacle  witnessed  in  Washington  since  the  grand  review 
of  troops  seventeen  years  ago,  when  the  victorious 
armies  of  the  Republic  returned  North  at  the  close 
ef  the  war.  At  the  head  were  two  platoons  of 
mounted  police,  and  the  grand  marshal,  General  W. 
T.  Sherman,  and  aids.  The  procession  was  divided 
into  five  divisions,  which  numbered  fully  15,000  men. 
The  first  division,  under  command  of  Major-General 
R.  B.  Ayres,  United  States  Army,  consisted  of  twelve 
companies  of  regular  artillery,  four  companies  of  ma 
rines,  a  battalion  of  Cleveland  troops,  cavalry;  Presi 
dent  and  party  in  carriages ;  Philadelphia  troops, 
cavalry;  Knights  Templars,  four  platoons;  Grand 
Army  of  the  Republic,  eight  platoons  ;  Boys  in  Blue, 
eight  platoons ;  Naval  Cadets ;  two  horse  batteries  of 
regulars ;  battalion  Washington  light  infantry,  four 
companies ;  Colonel  Moore,  Company  A,  fifth  battalion  ; 
Second  California  brigade;  Hampton  Cadets,  Virginia; 
Langston  Guards,  Norfolk,  Va. ;  Union  Blues,  Thomas- 
ville,  Ga. ;  Rome  Star  Guards,  Ga.;  National  Rifles 
(Washington),  Captain  Burnside;  Signal  Corps,  United 
States  Army;  and  the  Ninth  Regiment,  of  New  York. 

The  second  division,  commanded  by  Major-General 
John  F.  Hartranft,  was  composed  of  five  brigades  of 
Pennsylvania  militia. 

The  third  division,  commanded  by  Major-General 
Thomas  C.  Fletcher,  consisted  of  the  Grand  Army  of 
the  Republic,  Boys  in  Blue,  and  militia  from  New 


ASSASSINATION   OF   PRESIDENT   GARFIELD.  525 

York,  District  of  Columbia,  Pennsylvania,  New  Jersey, 
Delaware,  Ohio,  Michigan,  Wisconsin,  Indiana,  Illinois, 
Minnesota,  Iowa,  Kansas,  Missouri,  New  Hampshire, 
Connecticut,  Massachusetts,  and  veterans  from  the  Dis 
trict  of  Columbia  and  Pittsburg.  The  Governor  of 
Connecticut  and  staff  were  in  this  division. 

The  fourth  division,  under  the  command  of  Major- 
General  Charles  H.  Field,  was  composed  of  militia  from 
Maryland,  Virginia,  West  Virginia,  South  Carolina, 
Tennessee,  and  Florida. 

The  fifth  division,  under  the  command  of  Colonel 
Robert  Boyd,  was  composed  exclusively  of  civic 
societies. 

Along  the  route  of  the  procession,  from  stands 
erected  at  intervals,  thousands  upon  thousands  of 
people  gazed  upon  the  passing  pageant.  The  streets 
through  which  it  moved  were  lined  with  people. 
Pennsylvania  Avenue  presented  a  grand  sight.  Every 
window  had  its  occupants,  and  every  house  was  bright 
with  the  joyous  costumes  of  fair  women  and  beautiful 
children,  who  waved  handkerchiefs,  the  national  colors, 
and  white  hands,  as  the  man,  who  is  to  preside  over 
the  destinies  of  the  nation  for  the  next  four  years, 
passed  by.  All  available  space  was  occupied.  Even 
the  roofs  of  many  houses,  which  had  been  covered 
with  benches,  chairs,  etc.,  were  thronged  with  people. 
The  long  eastern  portico  of  the  Treasury  building 
was  filled  with  ladies  and  gentlemen,  and  a  stand 
erected  at  the  south  end  of  the  building  was  occupied 
by  at  least  3,000  clerks  of  the  department.  In  the 
two  squares  between  Thirteenth  and  Fourteenth 


526  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD. 

streets  were  two  stands  occupied  by  the  employes  of 
the  Bureau  of  Printing  and  Engraving,  and  of  the 
Interior  Departments,  the  former  numbering  about  600, 
and  the  latter  over  2,500. 

There  were  arches  at  the  intersection  of  the  cross 
streets  with  Pennsylvania  Avenue,  and  on  Fifteenth 
street,  between  the  Treasury  Department  and  the 
Corcoran  building,  was  a  great  triumphal  arch,  which 
presented  a  beautiful  appearance.  It  \vas  Gothic  in 
design,  and  one  end  was  surmounted  by  a  tower 
with  four  minarets,  from  which  floated  red  and  blue 
pennants.  On  the  other  end  was  a  flag-staff,  with  a 
blue -and -white  banner  waving  therefrom,  and  four 
lines  of  small  flags,  extending  from  the  topmost  point 
of  the  pole  to  the  arch  below.  The  entire  structure 
was  painted  to  imitate  brown  stone,  and  the  columns 
and  ornaments  Nova  Scotia  stone.  Thirty-eight 
windows  in  the  arch  and  towers  were  painted  in  imi 
tation  of  stained  glass.  In  the  centre  of  each  was  a 
red,  white  and  blue  shield,  on  which  was  the  name 
of  a  State.  Eight  similar  windows  were  marked  with 
the  names  of  the  eight  Territories.  Across  the  top 
of  the  arch  were  two  rows  of  cavalry  and  infantry 
guidons. 

The  Senate  reassembled  at  ten  o'clock.  The  floor 
was  covered  with  chairs  before,  between  and  behind 
the  rows  of  desks.  At  half-past  ten  Mrs.  Hayes,  Mrs. 
Garfield,  and  young  Mrs.  Garfield,  accompanied  by 
junior  members  of  the  Hayes  and  Garfield  families, 
entered  the  south  gallery.  Mrs.  Hayes  and  Mrs.  Gar- 
field  carried  bouquets.  At  the  same  time  the  doors 


ASSASSINATION   OF   PRESIDENT   GARFIELD.  527 

of  all  the  galleries  theretofore  closed  were  opened, 
and  the  galleries  were  quickly  filled  with  the  families 
of  Congressmen,  heads  of  departments,  diplomats,  and 
officers  of  the  army  and  navy.  All  the  ladies  wore 
handsome  toilets.  The  scene  was  a  brilliant  one. 

A  few  minutes  before  eleven,  General  Hancock, 
accompanied  by  General  Mitchell,  entered  with  Senator 
Blaine.  As  he  walked  across  the  Senate  the  galleries 
burst  into  loud  applause.  Senator  Conkling  was  the 
first  to  greet  him.  They  shook  hands  warmly.  Senator 
Thurman  grasped  his  hand  next.  The  whole  Senate 
followed  suit.  After  he  had  shaken  hands  with  all, 
he  was  conducted  to  a  seat  on  the  left  amid  renewed 
applause. 

Then  came  successively  Chief- Justice  Carter  and 
the  rest  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  District;  Judges 
Hunt,  Bancroft,  Davis  and  others  of  the  Court  of 
Claims ;  Secretary  of  State  Evarts ;  Governor  Bigelow 
of  Connecticut;  ex-Attorney-General  Williams,  Gen 
eral  Phil  Sheridan,  and  others.  At  twenty  minutes 
to  eleven  the  Senate  received  the  House  resolution 
asking  for  the  appointment  of  a  Senator  on  the  com 
mittee  to  wait,  with  members  appointed  on  the  part 
of  the  House,  on  the  President  and  tell  him  that 
Congress  had  finished  its  business  and  was  ready  to 
adjourn. 

At  eleven  o'clock  the  President  and  President-elect, 
each  accompanied  by  a  member  of  the  Committee  of 
Arrangements,  arrived  and  proceeded  to  the  President's 
room.  Vice-President-elect  Arthur,  accompanied  by  a 
member  of  the  Committee  of  Arrangements,  proceeded 


528  JAMES   A.   GARFJELD. 

to  the  Vice-President's  room.  The  Diplomatic  Corps 
assembled  in  the  marble  room  and  entered  the 
Senate  Chamber  in  a  body  at  fifteen  minutes  past 
eleven.  All  were  in  full  court  dress.  The  Japanese 
and  Chinese  legations  attracted  much  attention.  The 
corps  was  headed  by  its  dean,  Sir  Edward  Thornton, 
and  Secretary  Evarts.  At  half -past  eleven  Chief- 
Justice  Waite  and  the  Justices  of  the  Supreme  Court, 
accompanied  by  ex- Justices  Strong  and  Swayne,  and 
preceded  by  their  clerk,  appeared  in  the  Senate  and 
took  the  seats  provided  for  them. 

The  Presidential  procession,  headed  by  President 
Hayes  and  President-elect  Garfield,  finally  entered, 
under  escort  of  Senators  Pendleton,  Anthony,  Bayard, 
and  others,  of  the  Committee  of  Arrangements,  and 
two  minutes  later  was  followed  by  Vice-President 
elect  Arthur,  in  charge  of  a  committee  composed  of 
the  above-named  Senators,  all  present  in  the  cham 
ber  rising  upon  each  occasion.  Mr.  Wheeler  intro 
duced  the  Vice-President-elect,  who  addressed  to  the 
Senate  a  few  well-chosen  words,  and  then  turned  to 
Mr.  Wheeler  and  raised  his  right  hand.  The  out 
going  Vice-President  administered  the  oath  of  office 
to  his  successor,  and  immediately  afterwards  bade  fare- 
well  to  the  Senate  in  a  brief  address.  The  new  Senate 
was  then  organized;  after  which  the  Senate,  House, 
and  guests  proceeded  to  the  east  front  of  the  capitol. 
The  scene  presented  at  the  platform  was  impressive 
in  the  extreme.  The  crush  of  spectators  filled  the 
large  platform,  which  was  about  one  hundred  yards 
wide,  and  extending  out  on  each  side  past  the  two 


I 

1? 


WILLIAM  M.  HUNT,  PEES.  GARFIELD'S  SECRETARY  OP  THE  NAVY. 


ASSASSINATION   OF    PRESIDENT   GARFIELD.  529 

wings  of  the  building.  The  crowd  was  so  closely 
wedged  together  that  the  scene  from  above  presented 
a  solid  mass.  Directly  in  front  of  the  platform  were 
spectators  who  had  stood  patiently  there  in  the  cold 
and  wet  for  four  hours.  Behind  were  massed  the 
military.  The  cold  northeast  wind  had  softened,  and 
the  sombre  sky  had  given  way  to  the  bright  sunlight. 
The  change  was  auspicious. 

In  the  first  row  of  a  temporary  platform  sat  four 
Ohio  men — Chief-Justice  Waite,  in  his  gorgeous  gown 
of  silk ;  James  A.  Garfiold,  full-bearded,  big-ej-ed 
and  with  folded  arms;  Rutherford  B.  Hayes,  looking 
wearied;  and  old  Senator  Pendleton.  Behind  them  sat 
Mrs.  Hayes,  her  jet-black  hair  silvered  here  and  there 
with  white.  She  wore  a  round,  white,  fluffy  sort  of 
turban,  with  flowing  feathers,  and  a  seal-skin  sacque 
or  ulster,  and  a  black  silk  dress.  Next  her  sat  Aunt 
Eliza,  as  Mr.  Garfield  calls  his  mother,  a  very  aged 
lady  with  snow-white  hair.  She  seems  feeble,  and 
her  skin  is  furrowed  and  full  of  wrinkles.  She  wore 
a  black  silk  bonnet  and  a  black  silk  robe  of  some  kind. 
She  looked  warm  and  comfortable,  and  her  eyes  rested 
fondly  on  her  son,  and  her  cheeks  flushed  perceptibly 
wrhen  later  on  his  manly  utterances  were  cheered  to 
the  echo.  The  wife  of  the  President-elect  sat  next 
his  mother,  and  beyond  her  stood  their  children,  Vice- 
President  Arthur,  Speaker  Randall,  General  Swaim, 
and  others.  Back  of  them  were  Secretary  Evarts — 
large  hat  and  slender  figure — the  round  Derby  hat  and 
tall  person  of  Roscoe  Conkling,  the  Supreme  Court 
Judges,  the  Senators  and  Representatives. 

34 


530  JAMES   A.   GARFIELD. 

General  Garfield  read  his  inaugural  slowly  and 
effectively,  and  was  frequently  applauded.  When  he 
had  concluded,  he  turned  to  Chief-Justice  Waite  and 
said,  "  I  am  now  prepared  to  take  the  oath." 

The  Chief-Justice  was  attended  by  Mr.  McKinney, 
Clerk  of  the  Supreme  Court,  carrying  a  Bible  (Sab 
bath-school  edition).  Rising,  he  tendered  the  book  to 
the  President-elect,  and  administered  the  customary 
oath.  General  Garfield  kissed  the  page,  bowed  to  the 
Chief-Justice,  and  then  reverently  kissed  his  mother 
and  his  wife,  after  which  he  received  the  congratula 
tions  of  his  friends. 

The  ceremony  being  over,  the  President  and  Mr. 
Hayes  were  escorted  to  the  barouches,  and  the  grand  pro 
cession  down  the  avenue  to  the  White  House  began  to 
move.  Upon  his  arrival  there,  President  Garfield  took 
a  seat  upon  the  grand  stand,  in  company  with  Mr. 
Hayes,  and  the  procession  passed  in  review  before 
him.  Two  hours  later,  the  President  and  his  family 
entered  the  White  House. 

Immediately  after  his  inauguration  President  Gar- 
field  sent  to  the  Senate,  which  had  been  convoked  in' 
extra  session  by  President  Hayes,  the  names  of  the 
members  of  his  Cabinet.  They  were  promptly  con 
firmed.  They  were  as  follows : 

Secretary  of  State,  James  G.  Blaine,  of  Maine. 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  William  Windom,  of  Minnesota. 
Secretary  of  War,  Robert  T.  Lincoln,  of  Illinois. 
Secretary  of  the  Navy,  W.  II.  Hunt,  of  Louisiana. 
Secretary  of  the  Interior,  S.  J.  Kirkwood,  of  Iowa. 
Attorney-General,  Wayne  MacVeagh,  of  Pennsylvania. 
Postmaster-General,  Thomas  L.  James,  of  New  York. 


ASSASSINATION   OF   PRESIDENT   GARFIELD.  531 

Very  soon  after  entering  upon  his  duties,  President 
Garfield  found  that  the  executive  chair  was  by  no 
means  a  bed  of  roses.  The  Republican  party  soon  di 
vided  into  two  sections,  one  supporting  the  President, 
and  the  other,  known  as  the  u  Stalwarts,"  opposing 
him.  A  bitter  partisan  contest  set  in,  and  prolonged 
the  executive  session  of  the  Senate  to  a  very  late  day. 
The  quarrel  was  fiercest  over  the  appointment  of  a 
new  Collector  for  the  port  of  New  York,  and  culmi 
nated  in  the  resignation  of  Senators  Conkling  and 
Platt,  of  that  State.  The  resignation  was  based  upon 
the  ground  that  the  President  had  nominated  the 
Collector  for  the  port  of  New  York  without  consulting 
or  yielding  to  the  wishes  of  the  Senators  from  that 
State,  the  said  Senators  in  effect  claiming  the  right  to 
dictate  what  appointments  should  or  should  not  be 
made  in  that  State.  The  President,  however,  having 
with  him  the  support  of  the  great  mass  of  the  nation, 
without  regard  to  party,  pursued  with  unshaken  firm 
ness  the  course  he  had  determined  upon.  After  the 
resignation  of  Senators  Conkling  and  Platt,  the  nomi 
nation  of  Mr.  Robertson  was  confirmed  by  the  Senate, 
the  highest  legislative  body  in  the  Union  thus  uniting 
with  the  majority  of  the  citizens  of  the  country  in 
approving  the  course  of  the  President. 

As  the  time  wore  on,  President  Garfield  gained 
steadily  in  the  esteem  of  the  people.  His  purpose 
to  give  to  the  country  a  fair  and  just  administration 
of  the  Government  became  every  day  more  apparent, 
and  his  high  and  noble  qualities  became  each  day  more 
conspicuous.  People  began  to  feel  for  the  first  time  in 


532  JAMES   A.   GARFIELD. 

many  years  that  the  Executive  Chair  was  occupied  by 
a  man  capable  of  conceiving  a  pure  and  noble  standard 
of  duty,  and  possessed  of  the  firmness  and  strength  of 
will  necessary  to  carrying  it  out.  The  country  was 
prosperous,  and  there  was  every  reason  to  expect  a 
continuance  of  the  general  happiness. 

Soon  after  the  opening  of  President. Garfield's  admin 
istration,  the  Postmaster-General  discovered  that  cer 
tain  contracts  for  carrying  the  mails  on  what  are  known 
as  "  the  Star  Koutes  "  were  fraudulent,  and  the  persons 
interested  in  them  were  robbing  the  government  of 
immense  sums  of  money.  The  President,  Postmaster- 
General,  and  Attorney-General,  sustained  by  the  other 
members  of  the  Cabinet,  resolved  to  bring  the  crim 
inals  to  justice.  The  latter,  being  men  of  wealth  and 
position,  bitterly  resented  the  course  of  the  government, 
and  violently  denounced  it.  Nevertheless  the  President 
firmly  pursued  what  he  deemed  his  duty,  and  the  crim 
inals  were  only  prevented  from  being  brought  to  speedy 
trial  and  conviction  by  the  close  of  the  term  of  the 
court. 

During  the  late  spring  and  early  summer  the  Pres 
ident  suffered  a  severe  affliction  in  the  serious  illness 
of  his  wife  from  malarial  fever,  which  came  near  result 
ing  fatally.  The  White  House  is  situated  in  the  most 
unhealthy  section  of  Washington  City,  and  its  inmates 
are  every  summer  forced  to  retreat  to  a  purer  atmos 
phere.  As  soon  as  Mrs.  Garfield  was  able  to  be  moved, 
she  was  taken  to  Long  Branch,  where  she  speedily  re 
covered. 

On  the  morning  of  the  2d  of  July,  the  President, 


ASSASSINATION   OF    PRESIDENT    GARFIELD.  533 

with  a  considerable  party,  including  several  members 
of  the  Cabinet  and  ladies,  started  on  a  visit  to  New 
England.  During  the  trip  the  President  intended  to 
be  present  at  the  commencement  exercises  of  his  alma 
mater,  Williams  College,  in  Massachusetts.  The  party 
arrived  at  the  Baltimore  and  Potomac  depot  in  Wash 
ington  in  advance  of  the  President,  who  reached  the 
depot  shortly  after  with  Mr.  Blaine,  the  Secretary  of 
State,  who  came  simply  to  see  him  off  and  say  good 
bye.  In  passing  through  the  waiting-room  at  the  sta 
tion  the  President  was  fired  at  twice,  and  fell  terribly 
wounded.  The  correspondent  of  the  Philadelphia  Times 
thus  describes  the  tragedy : 

About  twenty  minutes  after  nine  o'clock  this  morn 
ing  the  people  on  Pennsylvania  avenue  were  startled 
by  the  sight  of  a  team  of  powerful  horses  driven  at 
full  speed  toward  the  White  House.  The  first  impres 
sion  was  that  it  was  a  runaway,  but  as  the  team  swept 
by,  the  fact  that  it  was  a  War  Department  covered 
wagon  and  the  driver,  of  grim  and  soldierly  bearing, 
sat  urging  his  horses  to  a  still  higher  speed,  was  a  puz 
zle  fo  everybody.  The  avenue  was  thronged  with  ve 
hicles,  and  the  soldier  driver  thundering  along  on  the 
dead  run  waved  them  aside,  while  the  people  on  the 
walks  closed  rapidly  in  behind  with  muttered  comment 
and  looks  of  astonishment.  The  impression  prevailed 
that  the  driver  was  drunk,  but  those  who  saw  the 
man's  grim  look  knew  that  he  was  on  some  great  pur 
pose. 

"You  are  wrong,"  said  my  companion  to  one   of 


534  JAMES   A.   GARFIELD. 

these  cursing  commentators.  "  Something  great  has 
happened  or  is  going  to  happen." 

The  words  were  scarcely  out  of  his  mouth  before  the 
President's  empty  carriage,  with  the  driver  on  the  box, 
came  bowling  along  at  the  same  break-neck  pace,  the 
driver  urging  his  animals  with  the  whip.  The  bewil 
dered  crowd,  who  had  just  rushed  into  the  street  to 
strain  their  eyes  and  shake  their  fists  after  the  rapidly- 
vanishing  wagon,  now  scattered  pell-mell  right  and  left 
to  give  way  to  this  second  apparition.  While  the  pop 
ulace  gathered  at  the  curb  and  vehicles  stood  stationary 
on  the  safe  side,  still  another  carriage,  containing  an 
attache  of  the  White  House,  whirled  by  at  a  rapid 
pace,  preceded  by  a  mounted  policeman  at  full  gallop. 
Then  everybody  knew  something  had  happened,  and 
that  this  something  was  to  the  President  of  the  United 
States  or  some  one  of  the  Presidential  party.  It  was 
generally  known  that  they  were  to  leave  the  city  by  the 
morning  train,  and  but  a  few  minutes  before  the  exec 
utive  carriage  and  others  containing  the  members  of  the 
party  had  passed  down  the  avenue. 

Little  time  elapsed  in  which  to  indulge  in  specula 
tion.  It  could  not  have  been  more  than  five  minutes 
when  the  intelligence  spread  that  President  Garfield 
had  been  assassinated.  No  one  could  trace  the  source 
of  this  rumor.  It  came  in  subdued  whispers.  It  seemed 
to  come  from  everywhere  and  spread  with  the  morn 
ing  breeze.  Proprietors  and  clerks  rushed  from  their 
stores  and  offices,  and  men,  women  and  children  quickly 
gathered  on  the  walks  and  thronged  the  corners  in  ex 
cited  groups.  Then  the  President's  carriage  came  tear- 


ASSASSINATION-  OF    PRESIDENT   GARFIELD.  535 

ing  dow.n  the  asphaltum  again  toward  the  depot.  In 
it  sat  Colonel  Corbin  of  the  War  Department  and  Sur 
geon-General  Barnes.  This  confirmed  the  stones  on 
the  street.  Then  Dr.  Bliss'  carriage  went  by,  and  by 
this  time  everybody  knew  the  President  of  the  United 
States,  for  the  second  time  in  the  history  of  the  country, 
had  been  assassinated.  This  was  within  ten  minutes 
of  the  occurrence. 

The  excitement  was  intense.  There  were  no  loud 
voices,  but  everybody  ran  hither  and  thither  without 
method.  Men  forgot  hat  and  coat,  and  ran  into 
streets  and  wandered  about,  apparently  anxious  only 
to  be  near  somebody  else,  but  shocked  and  bewildered 
with  the  startling  rumors  beyond  concerted  action. 
About  this  time  a  disorderly  character  was  run  in  at 
the  Tenth  district  station  house,  and  evidently  under 
the  impression  that  this  might  be  the  assassin  of  the 
President,  a  half-frantic  mob  rushed  in  from  all  sides, 
then  fell  rapidly  away  again,  disappointed.  As  soon 
as  the  public  had  fairly  recovered  its  senses,  there  was 
a  general  move  for  the  scene  of  the  tragedy,  the  Balti 
more  and  Potomac  depot. 

The  shooting  occurred  at  9.20,  in  the  Baltimore  and 
Potomac  depot.  The  assassin  was  Charles  Guiteau. 
The  story  is  full  of  exciting  interest. 

Mr.  Gar  fie  Id  arose  this  morning  at  about  half-past 
seven,  and  took  his  breakfast  at  eight  with  his  oldest 
son.  At  about  nine  Mr.  Blaine  called,  and  a  few 
minutes  after  the  President's  carriage  was  announced. 
The  President  and  Secretary  Blaine  took  seats  in  the 
carriage,  and  were  driven  down  the  avenue.  It  was 


536  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

about  the  first  time  that  the  President's  new  horses 
and  carriage  had  been  out.  They  were  driven  by 
Smith,  the  colored  man  who  has  for  twelve  years  been 
the  White  House  coachman.  There  was  no  footman 
on  the  box,  but  the  equipage  was  very  showy,  and 
attracted  general  admiration.  At  about  a  quarter  past 
nine  the  carriage  arrived  at  the  Baltimore  and  Potomac 
station.  It  had  been  arranged  that  the  President  and 
several  members  of  his  official  household  should  leave 
on  the  limited  express  at  half-past  nine.  The  Presi 
dent's  party  was  to  go  first  to  Long  Branch,  and  thence 
through  New  England. 

When  the  President  and  Mr.  Blaine  arrived  at  the 
station,  they  were  told  that  they  had  ten  minutes  be 
fore  the  train  would  go,  and  so  the  two  friends  sat  in 
the  carriage  and  conversed  together  for  about  five 
minutes.  Warned  by  an  attending  policeman  that 
little  time  was  left,  they  got  out  of  the  carriage  and 
entered  the  ladies'  room  of  the  station,  and  arm-in 
arm  walked  into  the  main  room  through  which  they 
had  to  pass  to  get  to  the  train,  Mr.  Garfield  expressed 
his  regret  that  Mr.  Blaine  was  not  going  with  him, 
and  the  later  replied  that  they  would  soon  meet  in 
Augusta. 

There  was  not  a  large  crowd  at  the  station.  Per 
haps  half  a  hundred  had  gone  to  the  station  from 
instinct  of  curiosity,  for  it  was  known  the  President 
and  certain  members  of  the  Cabinet  would  leave  on 
the  limited  express.  A  few  newspaper  reporters  were 
on  hand,  and  a  score  or  more  of  personal  friends,  who, 
like  Mr.  Blaine,  had  come  to  bid  the  President  and 


ASSASSINATION    OF    PRESIDENT    GARFIELD.  537 

his  party  good-bye.  Secretary  Windom,  Postmaster- 
General  James  and  Secretary  Hunt  had  arrived  before 
the  President.  They  were  accompanied  by  their  wives 
and  other  members  of  their  families.  Colonel  Rock 
well,  who  acts  as  a  sort  of  personal  aide  to  the  Presi 
dent,  was  also  in  advance  of  his  chief,  accompanied 
by  his  son,  Don  Rockwell,  and  by  the  President's  son 
Harry. 

The  President  and  Mr.  Elaine  had  traversed  half  of 
the  main  hall  of  the  station,  when  Guiteau  walked  out 
deliberately  with  a  cocked  revolver.  He  gave  no 
warning,  and  said  not  a  word,  but  presenting  his  pistol 
fired  at  the  President's  heart.  Whether  on  account  of 
defective  aim,  or  because  the  President  was  in  motion, 
is  not  known,  but  the  shot,  instead  of  going  into  the 
President's  heart,  went  into  the  upper  part  of  his  arm, 
making  a  harmless  wound.  The  assassin,  with  the 
same  devilish  deliberation,  next  tried  to  shoot  the 
President  in  the  stomach,  but  the  first  shot  caused  the 
President  to  turn  slightly,  and  the  second  fire,  only  an 
instant  after  the  first,  struck  him  in  the  side  or  back, 
near  the  back-bone.  At  this  the  President  fell  heavily. 
Mr.  Blaine,  almost  paralyzed  by  the  sudden  event, 
hesitated  a  moment  between  succoring  his  friend  and 
securing  the  assassin.  He  called  loudly  for  help,  and 
the  assassin  was  secured. 

The  horrible  occurrence  caused  the  crowd  to  fall 
back  at  first  in  terror,  but  the  waiting-woman  of  the 
station  at  once  went  to  the  stricken  man's  assistance. 
Few  realized  what  had  occurred.  Two  shots  had 
been  heard,  but  no  unusual  noise  had  preceded  or 


538  JAMES   A.    GARFIELD. 

followed  the  event.  But  the  sad  news  spread  rap 
idly. 

The  President  lay  helpless  on  the  floor,  the  blood 
flowing  from  both  his  wounds  most  copiously.  Some 
minutes  elapsed  before  those  present  regained  their 
senses.  Nobody  seemed  to  know  what  to  do.  Mr. 
Windom,  Mr.  James,  and  Mr.  Hunt  came  in  and  viewed 
the  prostrate  figure.  Mr.  Windom  shed  tears  and  could 
not  control  his  emotion.  Mr.  James  was  more  prac 
tical.  He  and  Mr.  Elaine  soon  secured  a  mattress,  and 
not  long  afterwards  the  wounded  President  was  taken 
up-stairs  and  placed  upon  a  bed. 

The  scene  at  the  bedside  was  most  affecting.  The 
President  lay  upon  his  back,  his  wounds  bleeding  pro 
fusely.  His  coat,  vest  and  trousers  had  been  cut  away, 
and  the  half-dozen  surgeons,  who  by  this  time  had 
arrived,  pronounced  the  injury  of  the  most  serious 
character.  The  sudden  shock  ha«i  affected  the  Presi 
dent's  stomach,  and  he  vomited  quite  freely.  He  did 
not,  however,  lose  consciousness.  About  his  bed  were 
gathered  his  Cabinet,  and  some  of  his  best  friends. 
He  said  nothing,  but  he  recognized  every  one  with  his 
eye.  At  one  time  he  put  his  arm  around  Blame,  and 
said  :  "  You  know  how  I  love  you,  Blaine." 

The  President's  grief-stricken  son,  Harry,  stood  by 
the  side  of  the  bed,  holding  his  fathers  hand,  and 
crying  as  though  his  heart  would  break,  and  calling 
aloud  :  "  My  poor  father  !  my  poor  father  ! "  There 
were  few  present  who  did  not  weep. 

Before  long  the  surgeons  decided  that  the  President 
could  be  removed  to  his  home.  An  army  ambulance 


ASSASSINATION   OF    PRESIDENT   GARFIELD.  539 

was  at  hand,  and  four  stalwart  figures  bore  the  bleed- 
ing  President  from  the  station  and  placed  him  in  the 
covered  vehicle.  Two  or  three  trusted  friends  attended 
him  in  the  ambulance,  and  five  thousand  sympathiz 
ing  friends — men,  women,  children  of  all  ages,  black 
and  white — followed  the  ambulance  on  the  run  until 
it  reached  the  White  House.  The  wagon  was  driven 
to  the  south  entrance,  and  as  the  President  was  lifted 
out  he  recognized  Mr.  Crook,  his  financial  clerk,  and 
Mr.  Pruden,  his  private  secretary,  in  an  upper  window, 
and,  smiling,  saluted  them  with  his  uninjured  arm. 
He  was  taken  to  his  wife's  chamber,  overlooking  the 
Potomac,  and  disrobed.  He  complained  of  fatigue  and 
was  allowed  to  rest.  Two  attempts  were  made  to  find 
the  ball — one  at  the  station  and  one  at  the  White 
House — but  without  result. 

George  W.  Adams,  one  of  the  proprietors  of  the 
Evening  Star,  of  Washington,  was  at  the  depot  when 
the  shooting  occurred.  lie  says  that  the  President  had 
just  alighted  from  his  carriage  to  take  the  cars  for  the 
North.  Secretary  Hunt  and  Mrs.  Hunt,  Secretary 
Windom  and  Mrs.  Windorn,  Postmaster-General  James 
and  the  rest  of  the  party  had  taken  their  seats  in  the 
car ;  Colonel  Jamieson,  of  the  Post-Office  Department, 
who  was  to  have  charge  of  the  transportation  of  the 
party,  was  standing  at  the  gate  leading  to  the  cars. 
He  heard  a  shot,  quickly  followed  by  another.  There 
was  a  rush  to  the  ladies'  room,  from  whence  the  sounds 
came.  President  Garfield  was  found  lying  on  the 
floor,  having  fallen  to  the  left.  Secretary  Blaine  came 
out  of  the  room,  following  a  man  and  calling :  "  Rock- 


540  JAMES   A.    GARFIELD. 

well!  where  is  Rockwell?"  The  man  was  seized  by 
officers  Kearney  and  Parks,  the  depot  policemen.  The 
President  was  taken  up-stairs.  Dr.  Bliss  arrived  soon 
afterwards.  It  was  soon  discovered  that  both  shots  had 
taken  effect.  One  struck  him  in  the  right  arm,  below 
the  shoulder;  the  other  went  in  at  the  right  side  of 
the. back,  between  the  hip  and  kidney.  It  then  passed 
forward  and  went  down  into  the  groin.  It  was  probed 
for,  but  could  not  be  found.  The  shooting  occurred 
when  the  President  and  Secretary  Elaine  were  walking 
arm-in-arm  through  the  ladies'  room.  Secretary  Blaine 
was  not  going  with  the  party,  but  came  down  to  bid 
the  President  good-bye.  He  said :  "  The  President 
and  I  were  walking  arm-in-arm  towards  the  train ;  I 
heard  two  shots,  and  saw  a  man  run ;  I  started  after 
him,  but  saw  that  he  was  grabbed.  As  he  got  out  of 
the  room  I  came  to  the  President,  and  found  him 
lying  on  the  floor.  The  floor  was  covered  with  the 
President's  blood.  A  number  of  people  who  were 
around  shortly  afterwards  had  some  of  that  blood  on 
their  persons.  I  think  I  know  the  man ;  I  think  his 
name  is  Guiteau.  When  arrested  he  said :  '  I  did  itr 
and  want  to  be  arrested;  I  am  a  Stalwart,  and  Arthur 
is  President  now ;  I  have  a  letter  here  that  I  want 
you  to  give  to  General  Sherman ;  it  will  explain  every 
thing  ;  take  me  to  the  police  station.' ' 

When  Guiteau  had  fired  his  second  shot  and  made 
for  the  B-street  entrance  of  the  depot,  where  hack  195 
waited,  he  found  his  plan  of  escape  wouldn't  work. 
Depot  Policeman  Parks  sprang  between  him  and  the 
exit,  and  the  assassin  then  turned  the  other  way. 


ASSASSINATION    OF    PRESIDENT   GARFIELD.  541 

Here  he  was  confronted  by  Officer  Kearney,  and  both 
officers  seized  him  at  once.  As  they  dragged  him 
through  the  crowd  he  flourished  a  sealed  letter  in 
one  hand  and  shouted  in  a  highly  dramatic  manner: 
"  Arthur  is  President  of  the  United  States  now.  I  am 
a  Stalwart.  This  letter  will  tell  you  everything.  I 
want  ycfu  to  take  it  to  General  Sherman." 

He  was  deprived  of  his  pistol  on  arrest.  It  is  an 
ugly-looking  weapon,  of  what  is  known  as  the  five-bar 
relled  British  bull-dog  pattern,  of  44  calibre,  with  a 
white  bone  handle,  and  had  three  loads  undischarged. 
He  did  not  throw  it  away,  but  flourished  it  in  his  hand 
when  he  ran,  everybody  about  the  waiting-room  dodg 
ing  from  in  front  of  it  without  regard  to  appearances. 

When  the  wounded  President  reached  the  Executive 
Mansion  he  was  taken  to  his  chamber  and  made  as 
comfortable  as  possible.  Immense  crowds  surrounded 
the  grounds,  but-  were  not  allowed  inside.  The  fol 
lowing  physicians  were  called  in:  Doctors  Bliss,  Ford, 
Huntingdon,  Woodward,  U.  S.  A.,  Townsend,  Lincoln, 
Reyburn,  Norris,  Purvis,  Patterson,  Surgeon -General 
Barnes  and  Surgeon -General  Wales.  The  President 
was  conscious  and  did  not  complain  of  suffering.  He 
dictated  the  following  telegram  to  his  wife : 

MRS.  GARFIELD,  Elberon,  Long  Branch  : 

The  President  wishes  me  to  say  to  yon  from  him  that  he  has  been  seriously 
hurt.  How  seriously  he  cannot  yet  say.  He  is  himself  and  hopes  you  will 
come  to  him  soon.  He  sends  his  love  to  you.  A.  F.  ROCKWELL. 

Meanwhile  there  was  the  greatest  anxiety  as  to  the 
President's  condition  throughout  the  city.  Immediately 
after  the  shooting  his  pulse  went  down  to  53,  and  his 


542  JAMES   A.   GARFIELD. 

face,  as  he  was  moved  to  the  White  House,  was  of  an 
ashen  hue.  His  pulse  recovered  to  63  and  the  color 
returned  somewhat  to  his  face  when  taken  to  his  room. 
Several  attempts  were  made  to  probe  for  the  balls  dur 
ing  the  early  part  of  the  afternoon,  but  they  were  un 
successful. 

As  the  afternoon  wore  on  the  President's  symptoms 
grew  worse,  and  it  was  telegraphed  all  over  the  world 
tii at  there  was  but  very  slight  ground  for  hope.  The 
President  conversed  freely  with  those  about  him,  and 
was  very  anxious  for  the  arrival  of  his  wife.  She  left 
Long  Branch  shortly  before  one  o'clock  on  a  special 
train  placed  at  her  disposal  by  the  Pennsylvania  Rail 
road.  The  distance  is  about  200  miles,  and  she  reached 
Washington  in  less  than  six  hours.  From  Gray's  Ferry 
to  Bay  View,  a  distance  of  96  miles,  the  train  traveled 
in  100  minutes.  What  a  journey  that  was  to  one  sor 
rowing,  grief-stricken  woman !  She  was  accompanied 
by  a  special  agent  of  the  railroad  and  members  of  her 
own  family.  From  Long  Branch  to  Philadelphia  the 
distance  was  made  with  but  a  single  stop.  She  was 
shown  no  despatches  at  Philadelphia.  Members  of  the 
party,  with  trembling  hands,  received  a  despatch  saying 
the  President's  condition  was  encouraging,  yet  what 
hope  could  be  given  her  where  all  was  uncertainty 
even  to  the  President's  physicians?  Mrs.  Garfield 
arrived  at  about  half-past  six.  The  President  was 
conversing  with  Secretary  Hunt  and  others  around 
his  bedside,  and  his  quickened  ear  caught  the  sound 
of  the  carriage  wheels  below.  "  That  is  she,"  he  said, 
turning  his  face  with  a  glad  smile  toward  his  watchers, 


ASSASSINATION   OF    PRESIDENT   GARFIELD.  543 

tind  so  it  was.  Attorney-General  MacVeagh  assisted 
Mrs.  Garfield  to  alight  and  conducted  her  up-stairs  to 
her  husband.  She  was  weeping.  Her  eyes  were  red 
and  swollen,  but  she  bore  herself  with  much  fortitude. 
"  She's  a  plucky  little  woman,"  said  the  President,  when 
he  was  questioned  as  to  the  propriety  of  her  being  shown 
to  his  bedside,  and  so  she  proved  herself.  She  took  off 
her  things  as  she  went  up,  and  going  to  the  bedside 
spoke  cheerfully  and  hopefully  of  his  recovery.  Dr. 
Bliss  had  said  :  "  You  have  one  'chance  of  recovery." 
"  I  embrace  that  chance,"  replied  the  President. 

A  large  crowd  assembled  outside  the  grounds  early 
in  the  day,  and  throngs  of  excited  and  anxious  people 
paraded  up  and  down  all  the  afternoon,  catching  greed 
ily  at  every  rumor  that  came  from  within  the  gates. 
The  crowd  was  greatly  augmented  at  night,  and  the 
anxiety  increased  with  each  report  of  his  condition. 
Up  in  the  White  House  offices  assembled  a  large  body 
of  special  correspondents,  some  about  the  doors  of  the 
private  secretary,  in  whispering  groups  near  the  great 
windows,  and  writing  out  their  notes  at  various  official 
desks.  Reports  of  the  situation  came  out  every  min 
ute  or  two,  and  were  greatly  conflicting.  The  most 
hopeful  took  their  cue  from  Dr.  Bliss,  who  appeared  to 
be  the  most  sanguine  of  those  in  attendance.  He 
thought  the  President  improving.  A  number  of  prom 
inent  Washington  ladies  and  the  ladies  of  various  high 
official  households  sat  in  the  ante-rooms  below  stairs 
waiting  to  hear  various  bulletins  as  they  came  from 
the  wounded  President's  chamber.  Of  all  these  people 
watching  and  waiting,  not  one  was  as  cheerful  and  self- 


544  JAMES    A.   GARF1ELD. 

possessed  as  the  wounded  President.  He  bore  his  suf 
fering  without  a  murmur,  had  a  word  and  a  smile  for 
every  man  who  entered  and  a  joke  for  the  ladies.  Mrs. 
Garfield  sat  at  his  bedside,  "  as  lively  as  a  cricket,"  as 
Mr.  Blaine  put  it.  In  the  library  was  a  remarkable 
group.  Around  the  colored-globed  lamp  on  the  round 
table  sat  Mr.  Blaine,  dictating  despatches.  On  the  op 
posite  side  was  the  Postmaster-General,  who,  with  Rob 
ert  Lincoln,  enjoyed  their  cigar  while  waiting  for  returns 
from  the  sick-room.  Secretary  Windom  could  be  seen 
through  the  open  folding-doors,  pacing  slowly  and  medi 
tatively  up  and  down  the  corridor.  Attorney-General 
MacVeagh,  the  smallest  figure  in  the  group,  stood  look 
ing  on  with  hands  folded  behind  his  back.  There  was 
Mrs.  Hunt  on  a  sofa  on  one  side,  talking  in  whispers  to 
Mrs.  James,  while  on  the  opposite  side,  over  against  the 
wall,  sat  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  alone  with  his  cigar. 
Young  Harry  Garfield  stood  looking  into  the  lamp  with 
out  a  word.  It  was  a  group  for  an  artist ;  and  all  the 
while  all  eyes  sought  the  open  door  of  the  wounded 
President's  chamber.  All  remained  until  a  late  hour, 
and  retired  with  a  more  hopeful  feeling. 

At  seven  o'clock  Secretary  Blaine  telegraphed  to  Vice- 
President  Arthur,  in  New  York,  that  the  President  had 
recognized  his  wife  and  had  conversed  with  her,  but 
most  of  his  physicians  thought  he  was  sinking  rapidly. 
At  7.40  there  was  a  change.  The  President's  voice  was 
strong,  and  he  talked  freely  with  those  around  him. 
This  was  regarded  as  a  change  for  the  better,  and  the 
bulletin  when  posted  caused  intense  satisfaction,  for  the 
sympathies  of  the  people  were  wholly  with  the  wounded 


ONE  OF  THE    BULLETS. 


ASSASSINATION   OF   PRESIDENT   GARFIELD.  545 

President.  At  8.30,  however,  came  the  news  that  "  the 
President  is  again  sinking,  and  there  is  little  if  any 
hope;"  and  the  hopes  of  the  people  fell. 

There  was  another  gleam  of  hope  a  few  minutes 
later.  It  was  announced  that  the  President  was  sleep 
ing  pleasantly  and  was  more  comfortable.  Pulse,  128; 
temperature,  99.1,  slightly  above  normal;  respiration, 
22  and  more  regular. 

At  9.20  the  President,  it  was  given  out,  had  rallied 
a  little  within  the  past  three-quarters  of  an  hour,  and 
his  symptoms  were  a  little  more  favorable.  He  contin 
ued  brave  and  cheerful.  About  the  time  he  began  to 
rally,  he  said  to  Dr.  Bliss : 

"Doctor,  what  are  the  indications?" 

Dr.  Bliss  replied  :  "  There  is  a  chance  of  recovery." 

"  Well,  then,"  replied  the  President  cheerfully,  "  we 
will  take  that  chance." 

At  10.20  the  President's  symptoms  continued  to 
grow  more  favorable,  and  to  afford  more  ground  for 
hope.  His  temperature  was  then  normal ;  his  pulse 
had  fallen  four  beats  since  the  last  official  bulletin,  and 
the  absence  of  blood  in  the  discharges  from  the  bladder 
showed  that  that  organ  was  not  injured,  as  had  been 
feared. 

Mrs.  Gar  field,  although  still  weak  from  her  recent 
illness,  and  shocked  by  the  suddenness  of  the  grief 
which  has  come  to  her,  has  behaved  since  her  arrival 
with  a  courage  and  self-control  equal  to  those  of  her 
husband.  Not  only  has  she  not  given  way  to  the 
terror  and  grief  which  she  necessarily  feels,  but  she 
has  been  constantly  by  the  President'^  side,  encour- 

35 


546  JAMES    A.   GARFIELD. 

aging  him  with  her  presence  and  sympathy,  And  giving 
efficient  aid,  so  far  as  it  has  been  in  her  power,  to  the 
attending  physicians.  Shortly  after  ten  o'clock  Secre 
tary  Elaine  cabled  the  foreign  Ministers  that  at  that 
hour  the  President's  condition  had  improved.  In  the 
judgment  of  all  the  attending  physicians  the  change 
was  marked  and  hopeful. 

So  passed  the  first  night  after  the  shooting. 

Writing  the  next  evening,  the  same  correspondent 
says : 

"  This  waiting  crowd  before  the  White  House  gates 
is  representative  of  all  the  people  one  meets  on  the 
streets.  Men  ask  each  other  for  the  news.  Strangers, 
who  have  never  seen  each  other  before,  stop  and  talk 
about  the  crime  and  its  probable  consequences.  There 
is  not  so  much  noise  as  in  other  cities.  There  is  not 
so  much  blustering  about  making  onslaughts  and  fur 
nishing  twenty  thousand  men  to  sack  Washington ; 
but  there  is  a  deeper  feeling,  a  feeling  more  akin  to 
horror,  than  the  Federal  capital  has  experienced  since 
the  assassination  of  Mr.  Lincoln.  The  President  him 
self  is  full  of  splendid  courage.  His  nerve  is  remark 
able,  and  has  done  much  to  sustain  him.  His  grasp  is 
as  strong  as  ever.  His  eyes  are  bright,  and  he  talks 
to  those  about  him  cheerfully.  Sometimes  he  con 
trives  to  joke  with  the  doctors,  but  he  realizes  very 
clearly  the  straits  that  he  is  in.  He  said  to  Secretary 
Elaine  to-day:  '  I  know  well  enough  there  is  now  some 
hope,  but  I  want  you  to  tell  me  frankly  when  there  is 
no  hope.  I  can  stand  it.  Tell  me  frankly,  for  I  may 
not  be  able  to  trust  my  own  judgment.'  Last  evening 


ASSASSINATION   OF   PRESIDENT   GARFIELD.  547 

he  had  given  up  hope,  but  he  was  cheerful,  neverthe 
less,  even  when  he  told  his  boy  that  he  probably 
should  not  live.  There  is  no  thought  of  giving  up  so 
long  as  the  end  can  be.  fought  off,  and  the  physicians 
have  a  remarkably  strong  hope  in  the  grit  and  deter 
mination  of  their  patient.  They  have  telegraphed  to 
Drs.  Frank  H.  Hamilton,  of  New  York,  and  D.  Hayes 
Agnew,  of  Philadelphia,  to  join  them  in  their  consul 
tations." 

At  this  hour,  ten  o'clock  P.  M.,  there  are  many  vis 
itors  at  the  White  House — members  of  the  Cabinet, 
Vice-President  Arthur,  General  Sherman,  several  Sen 
ators,  high  officials  of  the  government,  and  intimate 
friends  of  the  President  and  family.  They  are  sitting 
in  the  room  of  Private  Secretary  Brown,  and  in  the 
Cabinet  room.  Most  of  the  rooms  of  the  President's 
suite  are  not  open.  There  is  every  effort  to  have 
quiet  throughout  the  Executive  Mansion.  Although 
there  is  not  nearly  so  much  bustle  and  excitement  as 
last  night,  yet  there  is  a  good  deal  of  going  and  coming. 
Whether  there  is  reason  for  it  or  not,  there  is  an  in 
creasing  feeling  of  apprehension.  Members  of  the 
Cabinet  are  less  cheerful  than  they  were  during  the 
day.  Secretary  Elaine  looks  much  broken.  He  is 
grief-stricken,  and  weighed  down  with  dread  of  the 
worst.  Vice-President  Arthur  was  visibly  agitated 
when  he  entered  the  White  House  to-night.  He  was  in 
formed  by  Secretary  Blaine  that  Mrs.  Garfield  was  desir 
ous  of  seeing  him.  He  was  received  by  her  with  marked 
consideration.  His  expressions  of  heartfelt  sorrow  were 
affecting  and  impressive  in  the  extreme.  At  a  late 


548  JAMES   A.    GARFIELD. 

hour  to-night  there  are  large  crowds  upon  the  streets. 
About  a  thousand  people  are  in  front  of  the  White 
House  grounds.  There  are  many  more  people  out 
than  at  this  hour  last  night.  There  is  much  less 
cheerfulness,  and  an  increasing  fear  of  fatal  results. 
This  is  caused  chiefly  from  the  fact  that  the  President 
does  not  improve  rapidly,  but  is  remaining  in  much 
the  same  condition  as  some  time  ago. 

The  4th  of  July  dawned  gloomily  at  the  White 
House.  It  was  a  night  of  suspense  and  agony  there 
which  preceded  the  dawning  of  the  nation's  anniver 
sary.  It  seemed  as  though  the  shadow  of  death  had 
settled  there,  and  that  death  itself  might  come  before 
morning.  As  the  sun  went  down  on  the  peaceful 
Sunday  evening,  there  was  hope  that  the  President's 
favorable  symptoms  might  become  certain  symptoms 
for  recovery;  but  suddenly — almost  as  suddenly  as 
the  shot  which  pierced  him — there  was  a  change,  and 
it  was  an  unfavorable  one.  The  pulse  was  accelerated 
by  a  fever  which  would  have  burned  his  life  away  if 
not  reduced.  Those  ominous  prickly  sensations  in  the 
feet  and  legs,  characterized  by  the  President  himself 
as  "tiger  clawing,"  showed  that  the  nerves  were  pro 
testing  at  some  great  injury  done  to  one  of  the  largest 
of  them,  or  to  their  centre,  the  spinal  cord.  It  was  a 
grave,  critical  time.  The  silent  physicians,  as  they 
bent  over  the  bedside  testing  the  pulse,  the  respira 
tion,  and  the  temperature  of  the  blood,  knew  that  just 
now  medical  skill  was  of  no  avail.  Restoration  from 
relapse  was  to  be  the  work  of  nature  alone. 

The  President,  his  mental  faculties  undisturbed  by 


ASSASSINATION   OF    PRESIDENT   GARFIELD.  549 

the  great  shock,  by  the  terrible  track  of  a  bullet  and 
its  irritating  presence  in  his  vital  organs,  with  a  calm 
ness  that  was  heroic,  expressed  his  own  opinion  of  his 
coming  fate.  That  was  the  first  time  he  had  confessed 
death  since  he  had  remarked  at  the  depot  that  the 
wound  was  fatal.  Nature  did  what  was  hoped  it  would 
do,  though  for  three  hours  or  more  nature  struggled 
terribly  with  death.  At  length  deatli  was  vanquished; 
but  for  how  long?  Would  there  be  another  struggte, 
when  nature,  taxed  beyond  the  power  of  resistance, 
would  succumb?  The  physicians,  as  they  silently 
moved  from  the  sick-chamber  to  the  adjoining  dark 
ened  room  where  sat  the  Cabinet,  strangely  mute,  ex 
pressed  this  idea  to  them.  It  was  needless  for  the 
Cabinet  to  inquire.  They  glanced  up  with  imploring 
look,  and  their  glance  asked  the  question  more  eagerly 
than  words  could  ever  do.  Not  more  painful  than  the 
pale  face  of  the  President  was  the  sorrow-stricken  look 
of  these  men  who  but  a  day  or  two  ago  were  gathered 
with  the  President  around  the  Cabinet  table. 

Secretary  Elaine  had  aged  in  a  night  and  a  day  from 
a  man  in  his  prime  to  a  tottering,  feeble  old  man. 
The  quick  step,  the  active,  springy  movement  which 
used  to  characterize  the  Secretary  of  State,  was  gone, 
and  when  he  came  from  the  chamber  it  seemed  as 
though  he  must  have  support  or  he  would  fall.  He 
waited  only  for  the  arrival  of  General  Arthur,  who 
had  been  sent  for,  intending  after  having  seen  the 
Viee-President,  to  retire.  Exhausted  nature  was  warn 
ing  him,  and  so  his  physician  told  him,  that  the  strain 
must  be  relaxed,  or  the  consequences  might  be  severe 


550  JAMES   A.    GARFIELD. 

to  him.  There  was  the  Postmaster-General,  who  had 
not  even  removed  his  clothing,  sitting  by  one  of  the 
windows,  silent  as  one  in  the  presence  of  death. 
There  was  the  venerable  Secretary  of  the  Interior, 
pacing  slowly  back  and  forth,  now  in  the  light  of  the 
moon,  as  it  streamed  in  the  open  window,  and  now  in 
the  darkness  of  the  shadows.  There  was  the  Attorney- 
General,  seemingly  the  most  calm  and  self-possessed  of 
all,  conversing  in  whispers  with  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  at  infrequent  intervals.  The  Secretary  of 
War,  now  passing  through  a  second  experience  of  this 
kind,  stepped  in  for  a  moment,  asking  a  single  ques 
tion,  and  then  retiring  with  silent  tread. 

Thus  were  the  Cabinet  in  that  outer  room,  waiting 
for  any  announcement.  They  hoped,  but  they  feared. 
It  was  as  still  as  death.  The  breeze  that  came  up  from 
the  Potomac  rustled  the  window  draperies,  but  that 
was  all  the  noise  there  was.  At  intervals  of  a  few 
minutes  some  one  appears  from  the  sick-chamber. 
Sometimes  a  simple  shake  of  the  head  would  indicate 
no  change — at  least,  no  change  for  the  better.  Some 
times  the  question  would  be  asked  :  "  How  is  he  now, 
doctor  ? "  and  the  reply  would  be  :  "  No  change,"  or, 
"About  the  same."  This  meant  that  his  pulse  was 
running  still  at  120  or  thereabouts. 

Vice-President  Arthur  came  a  little  before  ten. 
The  first  person  to  meet  him  as  he  entered  the  room 
where  the  Cabinet  was,  was  the  Secretary  of  State. 
The  Vice-President  took  the  proffered  hand  in  both  of 
kis,  and  said : 

"How  is  the  President?" 


ASSASSINATION    OF    PRESIDENT   GARFIELD.  551 

"  No  better,  I  fear,"  replied  the  Secretary,  "  and  1 
am  very  glad  you  have  come." 

The  Vice-President  conversed  for  "a  few  moments. 
He  then  requested  to  see  Mrs.  Garfield,  and  when  he 
took  her  hand  the  Vice-President  was  weeping.  He 
clasped  botli  her  hands  in  his,  and,  almost  overcome 
with  emotion,  expressed  in  beautiful  sentiments  his 
sympathy  for  her. 

There  were  no  dry  eyes  in.  the  room  at  this  meeting. 
"It  was,"  said  the  Postmaster-General,  "one  of  the 
most  touching  and  affecting  sights."  The  interview 
was  brief,  Mrs.  Garfield  inquiring  after  the  health  of 
the  Vice-President,  and  expressing  her  own  firm  con 
viction  that  in  the  providence  of  God  her  husband 
would  be  spared.  After  that  General  Arthur  con 
versed  with  the  Cabinet  for  a  while,  and  then  withdrew. 
Only  the  briefest  conversation  passed  respecting  any 
official  act.  Secretary  Elaine  said  that  it  was  the 
opinion  of  the  Cabinet  that  in  case  of  the  death  of 
the  President,  at  whatever  hour,  General  Arthur 
ought  to  take  the  oath.  General  Arthur  replied: 
"  I  shall  be  ready  to  fulfil  the  obligations  imposed 
upon  me  by  the  Constitution  if  they  should  unhap 
pily  arise,  and  await  the  advice  and  notification  of 
the  Cabinet." 

The  hours  of  evening  waned,  and  there  was  no  im 
provement  in  the  condition  of  the  President;  every 
symptom  was  watched,  every  movement  observed. 
Constant  records  of  the  pulse  were  taken.  At  one 
o'clock  the  physicians  discovered  symptoms  of  tympa 
nitis,  or  bloating  of  the  abdomen — a  symptom  dreaded 


552  JAMES   A.    GARF1ELD. 

but  expected — a  symptom  which  is  the  advanced  sign 
of  coming  peritonitis,  and  peritonitis  precedes  either 
mortification  or  erysipelas,  which  are  advance  agents 
of  death.  The  only  hope  was  that  the  symptoms 
might  disappear.  Slight  as  this  hope  was  it  was 
made  the  most  of  by  Secretary  Hunt,  who  expressed 
the  opinion  that  if  the  President  kept  alive  until  ten 
o'clock  to-day  he  would  recover.  But  Colonel  Inger- 
soll,  with  tears  streaming  down  his  cheeks,  took  the 
hand  of  Secretary  Elaine,  saying : 

"  My  dear  Elaine,  his  death  is  only  a  matter  of 
time." 

"God  help  the  country!"  quick  as  a  flash  said  the 
Secretary,  in  his  familiar,  nervous  and  impressive  man 
ner,  looking  at  Ingersoll. 

"Oh,  no;  you  must  not  think  it  is  so  bad  as  that." 

The  Secretary  of  State  then  went  away,  being  al 
most  driven  from  the  house  by  the  physicians,  who 
warned  him  that  he  must  take  needed  rest. 

Mrs.  Elaine  remained  at  the  bedside  of  the  President 
much  of  the  time.  She  sat  with  her  hand  in  his,  and 
the  President  would  catch  short  naps. 

The  President  at  times  seemed  desirous  of  talking, 
but  he  was  not  permitted  to  do  so.  Mrs.  Elaine  her 
self  cautioned  him  against  speaking.  She  told  him 
that  rest  was  necessary,  and  Dr.  Bliss  reminded  him 
that  he  must  not  waste  his  strength  even  by  convers 
ing.  At  two  o'clock  the  physicians  said  that  whatever 
happened  the  President  would  not  die  before  morning. 
Then  the  wearied  members  of  the  Cabinet  went  to  their 
homes  to  sleep  the  sleep  of  exhaustion.  They  left  word 


ASSASSINATION   OF    PRESIDENT   GARFIELD.  553 

to  be  called,  however,  in  case  of  the  immediate  prospect 
©f  death.  The  White  House  was  now  deserted,  except 
by  those  who  were  to  remain  through  the  night. 

Dr.  Agnew  arrived  from  Philadelphia  in  an  early 
train,  and  reached  the  Executive  Mansion  about  five 
this  morning.  He  spent  the  time  from  that  hour  until 
the  arrival  of  Dr.  Hamilton,  of  New  York,  who  reached 
here  at  seven,  in  familiarizing  himself  with  the  prog 
ress  of  the  case  as  shown  by  the  official  bulletins.  Upon 
the  arrival  of  Dr.  Hamilton,  at  about  seven  o'clock,  an 
examination  and  consultation  by  all  the  attending  phys 
icians  was  at  once  commenced.  It  was  immediately  after 
this  consultation  that  the  first  bulletin  of  the  morning 
was  issued.  It  was  as  follows : 

WASHINGTON,  July  4 — 8.15  A.  M. 
The  condition  of  the  President  is  not  materially  dif 
ferent  from  that  reported  in  the  last  bulletin  (12.10  A. 
M.)     He  has  dozed  at  intervals  during  the  night,  and 
at  times  has  continued  to  complain  of  the  pain  in  his 
feet.  The  tympanitis  reported  has  not  sensibly  increased. 
Pulse,  108 ;  temperature,  99.4  ;  respiration,  19. 
D.  W.  BLISS,  J.  K.  BARNES, 

J.  J.  WOODWARD,  ROBERT  REYBURN, 

F.  H.  HAMILTON,  N.  Y.         D.  II.  AGNEW,  Phila. 

We  held  a  consultation  with  the  physicians  in  charge 
of  the  President's  case  at  seven  A.  M.,  and  approve  in 
every  particular  of  the  management  and  of  the  course 
of  treatment  which  has  been  pursued. 

FRANK  H.  HAMILTON,  of  New  York, 
D.  HAYES  AGNEW,  of  Philadelphia. 


554  JAMES    A.   GARFIELD. 

Official  bulletins  were  issued  several  times  each  day 
during  the  President's  prostration. 

The  5th  of  July,  though  it  showed  some  improve 
ment  in  the  President,  was  still  a  day  of  deep  anxiety 
throughout  the  country.  Throughout  the  White  House 
during  the  day  there  was  a  solemn  and  oppressive  quiet. 
The  reports  of  the  physicians,  while  they  excited  no 
new  alarm,  yet  were  not  such  as  to  remove  the  dread 
ful  overshadowing  anxiety  and  uncertainty.  It  was  a 
day  of  watching  and  waiting.  The  busiest  persons  were 
the  telegraph  messengers,  who  have  been  kept  running 
night  and  day  delivering  and  receiving  messages.  The 
number  of  private  telegrams  received  and  forwarded 
to-day  is  almost  beyond  precedent  in  Washington.  The 
anxiety  throughout  the  country  appears  to  be  increas 
ing.  Persons  who  have  arrived  here  from  various  cit 
ies  and  sections  express  their  surprise  that  everything 
is  so  comparatively  quiet  in  Washington.  Others  are 
further  surprised  that  there  is  so  little  disposition  here 
to  hold  the  Stalwarts  indirectly  responsible  for  Gui- 
teau's  terrible  crime.  They  can  scarcely  believe  that 
nearly  all  the  officers  and  clerks  are  at  their  desks  to 
day,  and  that  the  government  business,  with  the  excep 
tion  of  that  requiring  the  attention  of  Cabinet  officers, 
is  going  on  as  usual.  Several  members  of  the  Cabinet 
went  to  their  offices  this  morning  to  attend  to  important 
matters  which  could  not  be  delayed,  but  they  did  not 
remain  long.  Overcome  by  anxiety  and  fatigue,  they 
found  themselves  in  great  need  of  rest.  Secretary  Win- 
dom  was  compelled  to  go  home  and  seek  rest.  When 
the  departments  closed  at  four  o'clock  the  streets  be- 


ASSASSINATION   OF    PRESIDENT   GARFIELD.  555 

came  full  of  people,  who  gathered  about  the  latest  bul 
letins  and  eagerly  read  the  announcement  that  the  con 
dition  of  the  President  throughout  the  day  had  not  been 
unfavorable.  The  last  official  bulletin  of  last  night  had 
been  unfavorable.  The  news  of  a  change  in  the  Pres 
ident's  condition  had  not  been  issued  officially,  so  that 
the  people  here  did  not  know  of  it.  When,  therefore, 
they  read  this  morning's  announcement  it  was  a  glad 
surprise.  Very  few  were  at  the  gates  to-day,  for  it  was 
not  a  holiday,  but  when  the  sun  went  down — the  hot 
test  sun  that  Washington  has  seen  this  summer — the 
old  crowd  gathered  together  again  and  strained  their 
anxious  eyes  toward  the  White  House. 

Inside  the  house  it  has  been  a  quiet  day.  The  Cab 
inet  officers,  certain  that  there  was  no  immediate  dan 
ger,  went  to  their  offices  and  houses.  The  ladies  re 
mained  and  rendered  what  services  were  required.  The 
President  resumed  his  cheerfulness  and  his  pleasant  talk, 
until  he  was  told  by  General  Swain  that  he  must  cease 
talking,  or  he  would  shut  the  door  to  every  one,  when 
the  President  sighed,  and  said  he  supposed  he  must 
obey.  "I  am  very  anxious  to  live,  indeed,"  said  the 
President,  "and  if  necessary,  I  would  let  them  cut  my 
limb  off'  inch  by  inch.  Still,  if  I  have  to  die,  I'm  ready 
to  go."  Every  once  in  a  while  Private  Secretary  Brown 
enters  the  room,  and  the  President  is  always  glad  to  have 
him  at  his  bedside.  Besides  Mr.  Brown  and  the  nurses, 
Mrs.  Garfield  is  the  only  person  allowed  in  the  sick 
room,  except  occasionally  any  of  the  Cabinet  ladies. 
The  President  always  welcomes  his  wife  with  a  smile, 
and  she  speaks  to  him  encouragingly.  Said  a  Cabinet 


556  JAMES   A.    GARFIELD. 

officer :  "  She  is  like  a  rod  of  iron,  and  she  is  as  all 
good  wives  would  be  on  such  an  occasion."  So  far, 
seven  o'clock,  it  has  been  the  brightest  day  Washington 
has  had  since  the  shooting. 

There  is  more  and  more  doubt  of  the  conspiracy 
theory.  None  of  the  Cabinet  officers  approve  it,  and 
the  President  himself  does  not  believe  in  it.  When 
Mrs.  Garfield  read  to  him  a  suggestion  in  a  newspaper 
to  the  effect  that  there  was  a  conspiracy,  he  said :  "  No, 
no  ;  there  has  been  no  conspiracy.  This  is  the  deed 
of  an  individual." 

The  events  of  the  6th  of  July  are  thus  summed  up 
by  the  correspondent  of  the  New  York  Tunes : 

"  The  weary  vigil  at  the  Executive  Mansion  was  con 
tinued  last  night;  but  those  engaged  in  watching  the 
brave  patient  were  inspired  by  hope,  and  this  made 
their  mournful  task  lighter  than  it  has  been  heretofore. 
Drs.  Bliss  and  Woodward  took  turns  in  watching  at 
the  bedside  of  the  wounded  President,  and  Mrs.  Blaine 
remained  with  him  until  about  midnight,  ministering 
to  his  wants  as  only  a  tender  and  sympathetic  woman 
can.  As  no  unfavorable  change  had  appeared  at  twelve 
o'clock,  Mrs.  Blaine  left  the  White  House  to  seek  the 
rest  which  she  so  much  needed.  She  left  full  of  hope, 
and  confident  that  the  President's  life  would  be  saved. 
Mrs.  Dr.  Edson,  of  this  city,  a  most  estimable  lady 
and  competent  nurse,  relieved  Mrs.  Blaine,  and  re 
mained  in  the  sick-room  until  this  morning.  The 
night  was  very  warm,  the  thermometer  at  one  o'clock 
this  morning  registering  84°.  A  very  slight  breeze 
was  blowing,  but  it  came  from  the  north,  and  did  not 


ASSASSINATION   OF   PRESIDENT   GARFIELD.  557 

penetrate  to  the  President's  room.  He  was  constantly 
fanned  by  those  in  attendance  on  him,  however,  and 
if  he  suffered  any  inconvenience  from  the  heat,  he 
made  no  complaints,  and  certainly  no  evil  effects  fol 
lowed.  At  10.30,  as  the  President  had  displayed  signs 
of  restlessness,  one-quarter  of  a  grain  of  morphine  was 
administered  hypoderrnically,  and  after  that  he  slept 
very  well  for  a  man  in  his  condition,  and  rested  com 
fortably  throughout  the  night.  His  naps  lasted  from 
ten  to  twenty  minutes,  broken  by  waking  seasons  of 
about  the  same  duration  until  daylight.  During  his 
waking  hours  he  was  cheerful  and  inclined  to  talk, 
but  his  attendants  insisted  on  his  obeying  the  order  of 
the  physicians,  and  talking  was  not  encouraged.  Upon 
waking  from  one  of  his  naps,  he  turned  to  Mr.  Crump, 
a  steward  of  the  White  House,  who  has  been  a  constant 
attendant  upon  him  since  his  illness,  and  said,  smiling: 
'  It's  too  bad  we  couldn't  hold  a  Cabinet  meeting  to 
day.'  Yesterday  was  the  regular  day  for  the  meeting 
of  the  Cabinet,  and  the  fact  that  it  had  been  missed 
seemed  to  weigh  upon  the  mind  of  the  President.  The 
thought  was  a  momentary  one,  however,  and  he  soon 
turned  over  and  dozed  off  again. 

"  Mrs.  Garfield  passed  the  night  in  bed.  She  is 
anxious  to  be  with  her  husband  all  the  time,  but  her 
own  health  is  very  precarious,  and  the  doctors  insist 
that  she  shall  take  her  regular  rest  at  night.  She  is 
the  only  one  of  the  President's  family  who  has  been 
allowed  to  enter  the  sick-room  since  Sunday.  The 
doctors  refuse  to  allow  anybody  to  see  the  President 
except  those  who  are  required  to  attend  upon  him. 


558  JAMES   A.   GARF1ELD. 

To  this  rule,  Mrs.  Garfield  is  the  only  exception. 
She  arose  soon  after  sunrise  to-day,  and  has  been  in 
and  out  of  the  President's  room  all  day.  She  remains 
only  a  few  minutes  at  each  visit,  and  does  not  talk  to 
her  husband,  except  to  ask  the  stereotyped  question  : 
(  How  do  you  feel  now,  dear?'  to  which  the  President 
responds.  Perfect  quiet  is  the  great  medicine  for  Gen 
eral  Garfield,  and  both  he  and  Mrs.  Garfield  recognize 
the  authority  of  the  surgeons,  and  obey  their  orders. 
The  President  is  a  good  patient,  and  very  little  trouble 
is  given  by  him.  He  seems  to  recognize  that  many  of 
the  chances  of  his  recovery  depend  upon  his  own 
obedience  to  orders,  and  although  he  is  strongly  in 
clined  to  talk  at  all  times,  when  he  is  awake,  and 
especially  when  Mrs.  Garfield  is  with  him,  he  stops 
himself  like  an  obedient  schoolboy  the  moment  the 
warning  finger  of  Dr.  Bliss  is  raised.  He  is  bearing 
himself  with  great  fortitude,  and  Mrs.  Garfield  has 
exhibited  a  coolness  and  courage  in  this  crisis  for  which 
her  oldest  and  most  intimate  friends  had  scarcely  given 
her  credit. 

"  During  the  night  the  President  partook  of  small 
quantities  of  chicken  soup  at  intervals,  and  it  remained 
in  his  stomach  without  difficulty.  His  pulse  and  his 
temperature  continued  gradually  to  lower,  and  every 
symptom  was  of  a  nature  to  gratify  the  surgeons  and 
add  to  the  hope  which  they  had  felt  since  the  first 
favorable  change  took  place  on  Monday  night.  At 
about  eight  o'clock  this  morning  people  began  to  gather 
in  front  of  the  gate  to  the  grounds  of  the  Executive 
Mansion  in  anticipation  of  the  bulletin  which  was 


ASSASSINATION   OF   PRESIDENT   GARFIELD.  559 

promised  for  8.30.  The  crowd,  however,  was  not  nearly 
BO  large  as  it  has  been  for  the  last  four  days,  and  the 
faces  of  the  men  showed  that  they  were  full  of  hope. 
The  bulletin,  when  it  came,  was  calculated  to  add  to 
the  hopes  of  the  people.  The  President,  it  said,  had 
passed  a  most  comfortable  night,  and  slept  well ;  his 
pulse  had  been  reduced  from  108  at  nine  o'clock  last 
night  to  98,  a  fall  during  the  night  of  10.  This  was 
encouraging,  but  the  temperature  of  the  President  was 
still  more  so.  It  registered  98A° — within  three-tenths 
of  a  degree  of  being  normal.  His  respiration  was 
recorded  at  23.  Upon  the  receipt  of  this  inspir 
ing  intelligence  the  crowd  dispersed  with  beaming 
faces.  The  news  was  spread  throughout  the  city,  and 
men  worked  better  at  their  various  vocations  for  the 
knowledge  of  the  President's  steady  improvement. 
The  Cabinet  officers  began  to  arrive  at  the  White 
House,  and  all  were  overjoyed  at  the  glad  tidings. 
Postmaster-General  James  was  one  of  the  first  to  arrive. 
He  grasped  the  hand  of  Private  Secretary  Brown,  and 
with  the  one  exclamation,  '  Thank  God!'  passed  into 
the  Cabinet  room.  Secretaries  Blaine,  Hunt,  Lincoln, 
Windom,  Kirkwood,  and  Attorney-General  McVeagh, 
with  the  ladies  of  the  Cabinet,  were  early  at  the 
Executive  Mansion,  and  all  went  away  to  their  several 
departments  with  faces  wreathed  in  hopeful  smiles. 
Among  the  other  visitors  were  President  Hinsdale,  of 
Hiram  College,  General  Sherman,  Adjutant-General 
Drum,  Judge  Field,  Judge  Harlan,  and  G.  W.  Phillips, 
an  old  friend  of  the  President.  None  were  allowed  to 
get  nearer  to  the  sick-chamber  than  the  Cabinet-room, 


560  JAMES   A.   GARFIELD. 

bat  all  received  such  solid  foundations  for  hope,  that 
they  left  the  White  House  with  feelings  of  gratitude 
and  joy. 

61  During  the  day  the  President  has  rested  uncom 
monly  well,  and  his  symptoms  have  continued  to  be 
of  the  most  favorable  character.  He  has  slept  a  great 
deal,  and  his  naps  have  been  natural  and  refreshing. 
After  awakening  from  one  of  them,  he  said  to  Colonel 
Rockwell,  who  was  sitting  by  the  bed  fanning  him : 
6 1  have  a  great  many  dreams,  but  they  are  all  such 
stuff  as  dreams  are  made  of/  He  rested  quietly  for 
a  few  minutes,  and  then  suddenly  inquired  of  Colonel 
Rockwell :  '  Have  you  heard  any  news  from  Williams 
yet?'  This  is  Commencement  Day  at  Williams  Col 
lege,  and  it  was  while  starting  on  his  journey  to  be 
present  at  the  exercises  that  the  President  was  shot. 
'  Oh,  yes,'  said  Colonel  Rockwell,  '  we  have  news  from 
there.'  The  .President  looked  at  him  for  an  instant 
with  his  large,  sympathetic  eyes,  and  then  said,  inter 
rogatively,  *  Tenderness?'  The  question  struck  the 
colonel  as  so  laconic,  that  he  imitated  its  brevity  and 
answered  in  one  word, '  Immeasurable.'  The  President 
smiled  as  though  greatly  pleased,  turned  over,  and 
dozed  off  again  almost  instantly. 

"One  of  the  most  hopeful  features  of  the  case  is 
the  fact  that  the  wounded  man  still  retains  strength 
enough  to  move  himself.  At  about  one  o'clock  this 
morning  he  exclaimed  :  '  Oh,  I  am  very  weak ! '  and 
asked  Colonel  Rockwell  and  General  Swaim  to  raise 
his  feet  and  place  them  on  a  pillow,  that  he  might 
rest  more  easily.  Very  tenderly  the  two  men  raised 


.  ' 


• 


JAMES  AND   HENRY  A.   GARFIELD, 
SONS  OF  THE   PRESIDENT. 


ASSASSINATION    OF    PRESIDENT    GARFIELD.  561 

his  right  foot,  but  they  had  scarcely  deposited  it  on 
the  pillow  when  his  left  foot  dropped  by  its  side. 
He  had  raised  it  himself  and  placed  it  in  the  desired 
position.  The  two  gentlemen  looked  at  him  with 
astonishment  for  a  moment,  and  then  Colonel  Rock 
well  began  to  laugh.  'Oh,  yes;  you're  very  weak,' 
he  exclaimed.  The  President  smiled,  but  said  nothing. 
He  is  undoubtedly  very  weak  for  a  man  of  his  physique, 
but,  compared  to  most  men  in  his  position,  he  is  re 
markably  strong.  During  the  morning  he  was  given 
for  nourishment  chicken  broth,  made  more  nutritious 
by  the  addition  of  raw  egg  albumen.  This  did  not 
satisfy  his  cravings,  and  about  noon  he  said  that  he 
was  hungry,  and  wanted  a  beefsteak.  A  mouthful  of 
sirloin  steak  was  broiled  and  given  to  him.  He  mas 
ticated  it  and  swallowed  all  the  juice.  He  was  about 
to  swallow  the  fibre,  but  the  thought  struck  him  that 
this  might  not  be  advisable,  and  he  said  to  Dr.  Bliss: 
4  Doctor,  shall  I  swallow  it?'  'Do  as  you  please,'  was 
the  answer.  He  hesitated  for  a  moment,  and  then 
said :  '  I  guess  I  had  better  not,'  and  ejected  the 
fibre." 

The  same  correspondent  thus  describes  the  events 
of  the  7th  of  July: 

"  The  President  passed  a  very  quiet  night,  sleeping 
a  great  part  of  the  time,  and  his  sleep  was  refreshing. 
His  longest  sleep  was  one  hour,  between  eleven  and 
twelve,  but  throughout  the  night  he  caught  snatches 
of  sleep  lasting  from  ten  to  twenty  minutes,  and  very 
seldom  remained  awake  more  than  ten  minutes  at  a 
time.  The  artificial  coolness  produced  by  the  blankets 

36 


562  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD. 

absorbing  the  ice-water  did  much  to  conduce  to  his 
comfort,  and  fans  were  used  throughout  the  night  to 
keep  him  cool.  Mrs.  Dr.  Edson  watched  with  him 
until  midnight,  and  after  that  he  was  left  wholly  in 
the  hands  of  his  male  attendants,  Colonel  Rockwell, 
General  Swaim,  and  Mr.  Crump,  the  steward  of  the 
White  House.  The  ladies  of  the  Cabinet  left  early 
in  the  evening,  there  being  no  necessity  for  their 
further  attendance.  During  his  waking  hours  in  the 
night  he  occasionally  took  nourishment  in  the  form 
of  chicken  broth,  with  the  white-  of  raw  eggs.  He 
retained  this  in  his  stomach  without  difficulty.  Drs. 
Bliss  and  Reyburn  remained  in  the  White  House 
during  the  night,  and  occasionally  visited  the  patient, 
but  their  professional  services  were  not  required  ex 
cept  as  watchers.  His  pulse  and  temperature  were 
increased  slightly  during  the  night,  but  this  was  ex 
pected  by  the  physicians,  and  gave  them  no  uneasi 
ness.  The  period  of  the  surgical  fever  has  not  yet 
passed,  and  the  variations  in  the  pulse  and  tempera 
ture  were  natural  and  anticipated. 

"  The  quiet  humor  of  the  President  has  been  as 
manifest  since  the  shooting  as  it  was  when  he  was 
perfectly  healthy.  Since  he  has  been  confined  to  his 
bed  he  has  been  allowed  liberal  quantities  of  cracked 
ice,  and  ice-water  in  limited  amounts  has  been  given 
to  him  whenever  he  asked  for  it.  At  five  o'clock  this 
morning,  after  awaking  from  one  of  his  short  naps, 
he  was  given  two  ounces  of  chicken  broth.  After  he 
had  eaten  it  Mr.  Crump  took  the  bowl  away,  and, 
.Beating  himself  by  the  bed,  began  to  fan  General  Gar- 


ASSASSINATION   OF   PRESIDENT   GARFIELD.  563 

field  vigorously.  The  President  at  this  time  was 
thirsting  for  water,  and  after  looking  at  Mr.  Crump 
quizzically  for  a  few  moments,  he  said:  ' Crump,  after 
the  chicken  broth,  what  comes?  The  steward  made 
no  answer,  apparently  forgetting  for  the  moment  that 
the  President  was  accustomed  to  drink  after  eating. 
After  a  brief  silence  General  Garfield  said,  interroga 
tively,  '  Medicine  water  ?'  Crump  took  the  hint  and 
gave  him  a  sip  of  water,  and  after  drinking  it  the 
President  gratified  the  steward  by  clapping  his  hands 
in  applause.  The  President  slept  about  two-thirds  of 
the  night,  and  his  sleep  seemed  to  do  him  good. 

"  At  seven  o'clock  Dr.  S.  A.  Boynton,  who  attended 
Mrs.  Garfield  during  her  recent  illness,  arrived,  and 
was  allowed  to  see  the  President.  General  Garfield 
shook  hands  with  him.  Giving  him  a  firm  grasp,  he 
said  to  the  doctor  :  '  What  news  do  you  bring  me  T 
Dr.  Boynton  answered':  '  I  bring  you  only  good  news/ 
'  What  do  you  think  of  my  chances?'  asked  the  Presi 
dent,  in  a  calm  and  very  low  voice.  '  I  think  your 
chances  are  good ;  I  think  that  you  will  pull  through/ 
answered  Dr.  Boynton.  '  Well,  I  think  I  shall,  too/ 
said  the  President.  At  this  point  Dr.  Woodward 
stepped  to  the  bedside  and  forbade  General  Garfield 
to  talk  any  more.  '  Mr.  President/  he  said,  'you  are 
feeling  very  much  refreshed  now  after  the  sleep  that 
you  have  had,  but  if  you  keep  on  talking  you  will 
injure  yourself,  and  may  undo  all  the  work  that  we 
have  done/  He  then  explained  to  the  President  that 
in  talking  he  moved  the  diaphragm,  and  this  moved 
the  liver,  and  was  liable  to  injure  his  prospects  of 


564  JAMES   A.    GARFIELD. 

recovery.  c  But  I  move  the  diaphragm/  said  the 
President,  '  every  time  that  I  breathe.'  The  doctor 
explained  again  that  in  breathing  the  movement  of 
the  diaphragm  was  very  gentle,  while  in  talking  it 
was  violent.  The  President  then  promised  that  he 
would  talk  no  more  except  by  permission  of  his  doc 
tors,  and  he  has  kept  his  word  since." 

At  nine  o'clock  in  the  morning  the  first  official  bul 
letin  was  issued.  It  was  of  a  very  favorable  nature, 
recording  the  pulse  of  the  President  at  94,  his  tempera 
ture  at  99  1-10°,  and  his  respiration  at  23.  The  noon 
bulletin  showed  that  the  pulse  of  the  patient  had  risen 
6  beats,  being  recorded  at  100,  and  his  temperature 
had  also  risen,  being  registered  at  100  8-10°.  His  con 
dition,  however,  was  still  favorable,  and  these  slight 
changes  in  pulse  and  temperature  were  not  looked  upon 
by  the  physicians  with  any  alarm.  At  noon  he  asked 
for  some  toast,  but  the  surgeons  thought  it  best  to  give 
him  oat-meal  gruel,  and  of  this  he  partook  frequently 
during  the  afternoon.  Yellowishness  of  the  skin  de 
veloped  yesterday.  This  is  one  of  the  symptoms  of  a 
wounded  liver,  but  it  has  not  increased  during  the  day, 
and  the  doctors  are  not  in  the  least  alarmed  by  it.  At 
three  o'clock  a  patent  hospital  bed  arrived  at  the  Execu 
tive  Mansion  from  Boston.  Dr.  Bliss  refused  to  allow 
the  President  to  be  placed  upon  it.  When  his  bed  was 
changed  yesterday  he  was  carried  in  a  linen  sheet  to 
the  new  couch.  The  work  was  done  very  carefully, 
but  the  motion  and  the  excitement  increased  his  pul 
sation,  and  Dr.  Bliss  says  he  will  not  risk  moving 
him  again  until  he  is  better.  The  head  of  the  bed 


ASSASSINATION   OF    PRESIDENT   GARF1ELD.  565 

upon  which  he  is  resting  now  is  above  the  window-sill 
of  his  room,  so  that  he  can  see  the  trees  in  the  grounds 
of  the  White  House,  the  Printing  Bureau,  and  the 
Washington  Monument,  while  the  Potomac  forms  a 
beautiful  background  to  the  picture.  During  the  after 
noon  a  despatch  was  received  from  S.  M.  Shoemaker, 
of  Baltimore,  offering  to  lend  a  thoroughbred  Alderney 
cow  to  the  President,  so  that  he  might  have  pure  milk 
during  his  illness.  The  offer  was  accepted  on  behalf 
of  General  Garfield  by  Private  Secretary  Brown,  and 
the  cow  will  arrive  here  to-morrow.  She  will  be  pas 
tured  in  the  grounds  of  the  Executive  Mansion. 

At  4.30  a  thunder  cloud  broke  over  the  city,  and  for 
half  an  hour  the  wind  blew  at  a  terrific  rate  of  speed, 
the  lightning  flashed,  the  thunder  rolled,  and  the  rain 
poured  down  in  torrents.  The  storm  aroused  the 
President,  and  during  its  continuance  he  was  very  un 
easy.  "  Oh,  how  it  lightens !  "  he  exclaimed,  and  when 
ever  a  flash  occurred  his  eyes  twitched  nervously,  and 
he  turned  his  head  from  the  window.  The  storm  lasted 
about  half  an  hour,  and  it  left  Washington  cooler  than 
it  has  been  for  several  days.  The  excitement  resulted 
in  raising  the  President's  pulse  somewhat,  but  the  cool 
atmosphere  which  has  followed  the  storm  will  be  greatly 
to  his  benefit.  As  soon  as  the  storm  was  over  he 
dropped  into  a  gentle  sleep.  To-morrow  Jenning's  re 
frigerating  apparatus  will  be  introduced  to  the  room  of 
the  President. 

The  bulletin  issued  at  nine  o'clock  to-night  reports 
General  Garfield's  condition  as  still  favorable.  The 
surgical  fever  has  not  yet  left  him,  however,  and  his 


566  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD. 

pulse,  when  the  bulletin  was  written,  stood  at  106 ;  his 
temperature  at  100  2-10°,  and  his  respiration  at  23. 

A  sentry  paces  slowly  across  the  sidewalk  in  front  of 
the  main  carriage  entrance  to  the  White  House  grounds. 
He  is  in  full  uniform, and  he  carries  an  unsheathed 
sabre  against  his  shoulder.  The  bright,  polished  steel 
gleams  in  the  sunshine,  and  the  glint  from  the  blade 
striking  on  the  eye  adds  an  annoyance  to  the  many 
which  the  sojourners  in  this  overheated  city  have  been 
doomed  to  endure  for  several  days  past.  Beads  of  per 
spiration  roll  down  the  face  and  neck  of  the  soldier,  for 
his  position  during  most  of  the  day  is  a  very  exposed 
one,  and  the  fiery  sunlight  has  there  full  sway.  The 
soldier  has  comrades  within  the  gates.  Peering  through 
the  iron  railings,  ^ou  can  see  them  lounging  on  the 
grass  under  the  shade  of  trees  and  near  the  passage 
way  on  the  east  side.  Muskets  or  rifles  with  bayonets 
attached  are  stacked  in  soldierly  fashion  in  little  piles 
here  and  there.  There  are  two  companies  of  regular 
troops,  the  members  of  which  relieve  one  another  in 
mounting  guard.  Their  vigil  never  ceases.  Day  and 
night  are  one  to  them.  Their  drill  is  the  same  as 
though  they  were  pickets  and  an  enemy  lay  a  short 
distance  away.  And  so  it  is  about  the  jail  on  the  out 
skirts  of  the  city,  where  lies  the  assassin  Guiteau.  It 
was  General  Sherman  who  took  upon  himself  the  respon 
sibility  of  mounting  guard  in  this  wise.  After  he  had 
made  his  disposition  of  the  troops  and  saw  them  in 
position,  he  is  said  to  have  turned  around  to  a  by 
stander — an  old  friend  of  his — and  to  have  said  grimly, 
but  with  a  look  of  great  satisfaction :  "  Now  this  is 


ASSASSINATION   OF   PRESIDENT   GARFIELD.  567 

peace.  Those  men  don't  represent  war ;  they  represent 
peace."  He  subsequently  explained  to  Major  Brock, 
the  Superintendent  of  Police,  that  he  had  placed  the 
troops  as  stated  simply  to  save  the  police  from  doing 
the  extra  work  they  would  otherwise  have  been  called 
upon  to  perform.  Major  Brock  was  satisfied,  but  lie 
still  places  a  policeman  or  two  on  the  grounds,  and  he 
himself  calls  occasionally  to  see  that  everything  goes 
smoothly.  For  a  time,  and  while  the  absurd  story  of 
conspiracy  was  afloat,  he  used  to  call  quite  frequently, 
but  his  visits  have  latterly  been  at  much  longer  inter 
vals.  It  is  a  policeman,  however,  who  opens  the  only 
gate  which  now  affords  passage  to  the  White  House. 
He  is  just  inside  the  iron  doors.  In  front  of  him,  and 
on  the  outside,  paces  the  first  sentry.  The  latter's 
duty  is  ornamental,  save  in  one  respect — he  is  the 
representative  of  authority.  He  has  never  been  called 
upon  to  do  what  policemen  have  to  do  when  processions 
or  shows  pass  through  the  streets — to  prevent  the 
populace  from  crowding  into  a  space  they  are  not  en 
titled  to  enter.  No  one  presses  against  the  soldier. 
No  matter  what  the  eagerness  or  the  anxiety  has  been 
to  get  the  latest  or  earliest  news  of  the  President's 
condition,  or  how  large  the  assemblage  has  been,  the 
people  have  kept  their  distance  obediently.  There 
has  been  no  jostling,  no  confusion.  An  instinctive  de 
corum  governs.  Whenever  a  bulletin  is  prepared  one 
copy  is  pasted  to  a  tree  just  a  little  to  the  left  of  the 
gate  and  a  tritle  outside  of  the  railing  surround  ing  the 
grounds.  Many  persons  simply  look  at  these  bulletins 
and  pass  on,  but  others,  and  they  have  been  at  time* 


568  JAMES   A.   GARFIELD. 

very  numerous,  wait  at  their  posts  and  watch  eagerly 
for  other  information.  Men  who  know  some  of  the 
doctors  ask  of  these  and  share  whatever  informa 
tion  is  obtained  with  others  less  fortunately  situated. 
Others  in  their  eagerness  have  heretofore  accosted 
every  one  who  came  out  of  the  White  House.  Since 
what  was  deemed  the  crisis  has  been  passed  these  mani 
festations  of  anxiety  have  been  muc'h  less  noticeable. 
Still,  the  number  of  persons  who  do  make  inquiry  arid 
the  personal  anxiety  they  display  are  noteworthy  inci 
dents  in  the  history  of  this  remarkable  time. 

A  carriage  dashes  up  through  the  asphalted  street 
and  to  the  portals.  In  it  is  a  Cabinet  Minister  or 
some  one  holding  near  relations  to  the  Presidential 
household.  There  is  no  need  for  the  crowd  to  open 
ranks.  The  passageway  is  clear.  The  policeman  and 
the  sentry  look  simply  at  the  driver  of  the  vehicle. 
He  is  recognized,  the  gates  open,  and  the  carriage 
bowls  along  over  the  sandy  and  watered  road  leading 
in  a  semi-circle  to  the  steps  of  the  White  House  porch. 
Those  who  come  on  foot  enter  at  the  same  gates  and 
cross  the  sandy  track  to  the  pavement,  also  leading  to 
the  front  of  the  mansion.  At  first  the  carriages  used 
to  be  driven  up  to  the  steps  of  the  mansion  and  under 
the  covered  porchway,  but  of  late  they  have  stopped 
short  of  that  place,  perhaps  because  there  is  there  a 
piece  of  hard  asphalturn  on  which  the  horses'  hoofs 
strike  with  a  sharp  clatter.  Just  within  the  porch  is 
the  vestibule,  whose  flooring  of  tiles  returns  the  sound 
of  footfall  with  a  sharp  emphasis.  The  vestibule  is  a 
kind  of  lounging-place  for  newspaper  men.  Here  it 


ASSASSINATION    OF    PRESIDENT    GARFIELD  569 

is  that  many  of  them  intercept  ingoing  and  outcoming 
persons,  doctors,  Cabinet  members,  distinguished  visi 
tors,  and  the  like.  To  the  left,  in  the  direction  of  the 
East  Room,  is  the  staircase  leading  to  the  upper  floor. 
Two  officers  of  the  household  are  here  in  attendance 
from  early  morning  till  late  at  night.  With  them  is 
to  be  seen  often  a  colored  servitor,  tall  and  erect,  with 
an  honest,  intensely  black  and  generally  happy-looking 
face.  His  features  were  saddened  when  men  first  bore 
the  wounded  body  of  his  master  up  the  steps  of  the 
mansion.  But  a  day  or  two  later,  when  the  doctors 
began  to  give  out  some  good  news,  his  face  began  to 
shine  with  joy  as  he  told  those  about  him  that  "  he 
felt  as  if  he  could  fly."  And  if  his  flying  could  have 
helped  the  President,  there  is  no  doubt  that  he  would 
have  made  the  attempt,  even  though  he  had  no  better 
place  to  start  from  than  the  unfinished  top  of  the  ugly 
shaft  of  the  Washington  Monument,  which  looms 
up  like  a  huge  whitewashed  chimney  back  of  the 
mansion. 

It  takes  one  card  to  gain  admission  thus  far.  The 
visitor  must  have  another  to  proceed  further  unless  he 
is  a  Cabinet  officer,  one  of  the  doctors,  or  a  person  em 
ployed  about  the  household.  To  the  left  is  the  famous 
East  room  where  the  Presidential  receptions  are  held. 
That  room  was  closed  on  Sunday.  Since  then,  how 
ever,  it  has  been  opened  to  assist  in  promoting  a  free 
circulation  of  the  air,  which  is  certainly  a  necessity, 
inasmuch  as  the  thermometer  has  within  the  past  forty- 
eight  hours  closely  approached  100°  in  its  markings. 
The  thermometer  is  an  official  one,  and  hangs  suspended 


570  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD. 

from  a  nail  in  the  sash  of  one  of  the  front  windows. 
Close  to  it  is  a  huge  ice-water  reservoir,  which  requires 
frequent  replenishing.  Ice-water,  even  of  the  peculiar 
whitish  tint  which  all  water  here  has,  is  indeed  greatly 
in  demand.  The  first  anteroom  up  the  stairs  has 
another  reservoir,  and  a  pitcher  of  the  same  chilling 
beverage  is  to  be  found  in  the  room  of  the  President's 
private  secretary,  which  is  the  Mecca  or  ultima  thule 
of  nearly  all  even  of  the  favored  visitors. 

Up  two  flights  of  heavily  carpeted  stairs,  which,  carry 
one  up  only  one  story,  and  then  around  a  landing,  arid 
the  visitor  finds  himself  in  a  dark  antechamber.  Here 
one  or  two  of  the  household  servants  are  to  be  seen. 
They  probably  have  some  function,  but  the  casual 
visitor  is  not  likely  to  learn  what  that  is.  Up  two 
steps  and  to  the  right  is  the  room  of  Mr.  J.  Stanley 
Brown,  the  President's  private  secretary.  It  is  entered 
by  a  swinging  door.  Within  the  room  are  a  number 
of  tables,  bookcases,  a  few  chairs,  and  a  lounge.  It 
is  lighted  by  day  by  large  windows  in  the  rear  or 
south  side  of  the  mansion.  At  night  a  large  chan 
delier  and  drop-lights  give  the  needed  illumination. 
It  is  from  this  room  that  most  of  the  news  about 
the  President's  condition  comes,  and  through  this 
room  pass  the  consulting  doctors,  and  others  whose 
labor  requires  their  attendance  in  the  wounded  man's 
chamber.  Cabinet  Ministers  come  here  and  pass 
through  a  little  door  to  the  right  to  the  chamber  in 
which  the  consultations  of  the  President's  advisers 
are  usually  held.  Mr.  Garfield's  son  Harry  occasionally 
shows  himself  here,  also.  The  presiding  spirit  of  the 


ASSASSINATION   OF    PRESIDENT   GARFIELD.  571 

apartment  is  Mr.  Brown,  who,  though  very  young, 
has  shown  himself  possessed  of  many  rare  and  en 
viable  qualities.  He  has  the  entre*e  to  the  chamber 
where  the  President  lies,  and  by  reason  of  his  posi 
tion  is  called  upon  constantly  to  disclose  information 
for  bulletins  for  publication  in  newspapers  and  for  the 
benefit  of  friends.  For  several  days  he  had  hardly 
any  sleep  at  all.  He  remained  awake  in  his  anxiety 
for  his  suffering  chief,  eager  to  do  what  he  could  to 
keep  the  latter  from  worrying.  No  body-servant,  no 
nurse,  no  relative  could  be  more  solicitous.  He  has 
looked  after  inquiries  and  routine  business  from  the 
outside,  and  has  been  in  personal  attendance  on  the 
President  without  regard  to  his  own  health,  much 
less  comfort.  Yet,  despite  all  this,  he  has  borne  him 
self  with  surprising  evenness  of  temper.  No  one  has 
heard  him  say  an  ill-natured  or  an  angry  word,  or  has 
seen  him  display  any  petulance.  His  good  nature  is 
something  which  never  deserts  him.  It  is  said  that 
the  President  regards  him  with  the  same  affection 
and  esteem  as  though  he  were  one  of  his  own  children. 
Be  this  as  it  may,  hundreds  can  bear  testimony  that  if 
he  had  really  been  bound  by  ties  of  blood  to  the  Presi 
dent  he  could  not  have  acted  with  more  tenderness, 
better  judgment,  or  less  regard  for  self  than  he  has 
done  and  is  doing.  It  may  be  that  he  is  simply  fol 
lowing  the  example  of  his  employer.  He  could  not 
pattern,  so  all  here  say,  after  a  better  model. 

Bulletins  are  multiplied  by  a  copying  process,  and 
there  is  quite  a  pile  of  copies  of  each  one.  Among  the 
first  distributed  is  that  to  the  New  York  Associated 


572  JAMES    A.    GARF1ELD. 

Press,  which  keeps  an  agent  in  the  White  House,  with 
a  telegraph  instrument  connecting  by  direct  wire  with 
New  York  city.  An  agent  is  on  duty  day  and  night. 
Latterly,  as  the  President's  symptoms  have  become 
more  and  more  favorable,  the  duties  of  the  agent  have 
become  less  onerous.  But  at  the  start  and  for  the 
first  three  days  the  bulletins  were  never  more  than 
fifteen  minutes  apart.  The  operator's  room  is  east  of 
Mr.  Brown's  room.  His  bulletins  have  not  all  been 
official.  Indeed,  very  few  of  them  have  been.  The 
official  bulletins  are  those  to  which  the  names  of  several 
attending  doctors  are  attached.  The  other  bulletins 
were  the  result  of  interviews,  and  gave,  as  quickly  as 
could  be  ascertained,  the  very  latest  indications  from 
the  President's  chamber. 

The  room  in  which  the  President  lies  is  in  the  south 
west  corner  of  the  building,  and  in  order  to  reach  it 
one  must,  after  reaching  the  private  secretary's  apart 
ment,  pass  in  succession  through  the  Cabinet  and  the 
doctors'  rooms.  Members  of  the  Cabinet  and  their 
wives  have  been  in  constant  attendance.  At  the  out 
set,  indeed,  and  especially  during  the  first  two  nights, 
several  of  them  remained  awake  by  turns  all  night 
long.  It  would  be  invidious  to  make  any  compari 
sons  as  to  the  respective  services  of  these  estimable 
ladies.  Mrs.  Blaine,  Mrs.  James,  and  Mrs.  Hunt  not 
only  watched,  but  they  at  times  made  suggestions 
which  the  most  experienced  physicians  found  useful. 
It  must  not  be  supposed,  however,  that  the  President 
has  had  no  other  watchers,  for  that  is  not  the  case. 
Under  General  Swairn's  able  direction  everything  has 


ASSASSINATION   OF    PRESIDENT    GARFIELD.  573 

been  done  to  give  relief  to  the  wounded  man,  who 
has  had  skilful,  sleepless  watchers  constantly  at  his 
bedside.  The  doctors  themselves  have  been  in  the 
adjoining  apartment,  and  at  least  four  of  them  have 
always  been  on  the  spot  and  prepared  for  any  emer 
gency.  At  first  the  demands  on  their  time  and  atten 
tion  made  themselves  severely  felt,  but  within  the  last 
day  or  two  they  have  by  turns  managed  to  get  the  rest 
they  so  sadly  needed.  As  has  already  been  stated  in 
these  despatches,  the  only  person  whose  visits  to  the 
sick-room  have  been  unrestricted  has  been  the  wife 
of  the  wounded  man.  The  physicians,  seeing  her  in 
telligent  bearing  and  conduct,  and  observing  the  cheer 
and  confidence  which  husband  and  wife  imparted  to  one 
another  merely  by  their  mutual  presence,  speedily  put 
Mrs.  Garfield,  and  rightly,  too,  in  the  category  of  the 
aids  to  nature.  Their  mutual  affection  has  been  more 
potent  than  the  doctors'  physic. 

The  members  of  the  President's  Cabinet  have  been 
conspicuous  actors  in  the  scenes  which  the  Executive 
Mansion  has  been  witnessing  within  the  last  six  days. 
At  the  outset,  with  them,  as  with  their  wives,  the  rule 
was  sleepless  nights.  Messrs.  Elaine  and  James  espe 
cially  showed  the  effects  of  their  watching.  Both  these 
gentlemen  have  been  very  kind  and  courteous  in  an 
swering  the  inquiries  of  anxious  friends  and  of  the 
public  in  general,  and  they  have  won  the  good  opinion 
of  numberless  persons,  not  least  among  whom  are  the 
newspaper  correspondents.  Within  a  day  or  two  Messrs. 
Blaine  and  James  have  brightened  up  again,  and  look 
natural  once  more.  Each  is  called  upon  daily  to  an- 


574  JAMES   A.   GARFIELD. 

swer  many  despatches,  and  does  so  cheerfully,  especially 
since  their  news  has  been  all  of  a  favorable  character. 
Messrs.  Windom,  Kirkwood,  Hunt,  and  Lincoln  have 
also  done  all  in  their  power  which  they  have  been 
called  upon  to  do,  and  are  no  less  deserving  of  praise. 
When  the  balance-sheet  of  these  trying  days  conies  to 
be  taken  it  will  be  found  necessary  to  transfer  many 
mutual  debts  of  kindnesses,  courtesies,  good  feelings, 
and  good  wishes. 

On  the  eighth  \he  President  passed  a  more  com 
fortable  day,  and  more  hopeful  symptoms  were  ob 
served.  He  slept  well,  ate  with  relish,  and  digested  his 
food. 

The  news  of  the  attempt  upon  the  President's  life 
was  at  once  telegraphed  from  Washington  to  all  parts 
of  the  Union,  and  to  Europe.  Everywhere  it  created 
the  most  intense  grief  and  indignation.  In  almost 
every  city,  town,  and  village  in  the  Union  business  was 
well  nigh  entirely  suspended.  Vast  crowds  surrounded 
the  bulletin-boards  of  the  newspapers,  awaiting  in 
silence  the  receipt  of  the  numerous  bulletins  from 
Washington.  When  they  announced  a  change  for  the 
better  a  ringing  cheer  would  rise  from  the  crowds ;  but 
when  an  unfavorable  bulletin  arrived  it  was  received 
with  profound  and  sorrowful  sadness.  The  most  earnest 
sympathy  with  the  illustrious  sufferer,  and  the  warmest 
admiration  for  the  firmness  and  courage  with  which  he 
bore  his  sufferings,  were  everywhere  manifested.  From 
Europe  numerous  messages  of  sympathy  with  the 
President  and  his  family,  and  horror  at  the  crime,  were 
received  at  the  White  House, 


ASSASSINATION   OF   PRESIDENT   GARFIELD.  575 

At  first  the  attempted  assassination  was  widely  be 
lieved  to  be  the  result  of  a  conspiracy,  but  at  length  it 
became  apparent  to  the  Government  and  to  the  people, 
that  it  was  but  the  cold-blooded  act  of  a  confirmed 
villain.  The  man  who  fired  the  dastardly  shot  was 
Charles  Jules  Guiteau,  of  Illinois.  He  is  a  short,  thick 
set,  solid-looking  man,  about  forty-five,  bald-headed, 
with  a  rim  of  sandy  hair  and  sandy  moustache.  He 
speaks  French  and  German  fluently,  which  tends  to  con 
fuse  his  real  nationality.  He  dresses  decently  and  has 
the  general  appearance  of  a  respectable  beat  who  lives 
by  his  wits.  Guiteau  is  a  familiar  figure  about  Washing 
ton  and  is  known  about  the  White  House,  where  he 
has  been  frequently  pointed  out  to  reporters  as  one  of 
the  regular  haunters  of  the  antechambers.  He  was 
generally  regarded  by  attaches  as  a  harmless  nuisance. 
He  was  first  observed  about  the  1st  of  March,  and  be 
gan  to  haunt  the  White  House  immediately  after  the 
inauguration.  He  was  an  applicant  for  the  Consulship 
at  Marseilles,  France,  and  pretended  to  be  recom 
mended  by  John  A.  Logan  and  other  prominent  poli 
ticians  of  Illinois. 

His  favorite  method  was  to  call  and  present  his  card, 
whereon  he  would  often  write  little  notes  like  the 
following,  which  would  appear  to  give  some  insight  to 
his  distemper: 

"  I  regret  the  trouble  you  are  having  with  Senator 
Colliding.  You  are  right  and  should  maintain  your 
position.  You  have  my  support  and  that  of  all 
patriotic  citizens.  1  would  like  an  audience  of  a  few 
moments." 


576  JAMES    A.   GARFIELD. 

Of  course  these  notes  were  never  seen  by  the  Presi 
dent.  Very  often  he  would  sit  about  the  anteroom 
for  hours  and  say  nothing,  and  at  others  he  was  insolent 
toward  the  White  House  officials.  The  latter  inter 
fered  with  his  carrying  off  White  House  stationery, 
which  he  resented.  The  last,  collision  of  this  nature 
occurred  about  ten  days  ago,  since  when  he  has  changed 
his  haunt  from  the  President's  Mansion  to  the  War 
Department  library.  Of  late  he  has  had  no  particular 
abiding  place,  sleeping  in  the  public  parks.  He  has 
been  seen  to  go  out  with  a  small  parcel  under  his 
arm  and  change  his  linen  behind  a  tree  in  the  public 
grounds. 

That  the  assassination  of  Garfield  had  been  delib 
erated  on  and  carefully  planned  by  him  is  plainly  ap 
parent  from  the  dramatic  manner  of  its  execution  and 
the  papers  prepared  beforehand.  He  had  arranged 
with  the  colored  driver  of  hack  195,  named  Aquilla 
Barton,  to  drive  him  away  from  the  depot  the  instant 
the  bloody  deed  was  accomplished.  The  hackman  is 
a  very  smart  colored  man  and  says  he  was  approached 
by  Guiteau,  who  was  a  perfect  stranger  to  him,  and 
asked  if  he  had  a  team  that  would  go  very  fast ;  he 
should  need  one  pretty  soon.  The  hackman  said  he 
had  and  asked  him  where  he  wanted  to  go.  The 
stranger  replied  that  he  wanted  to  go  to  the  cemetery 
and  would  give  him  two  dollars  to  drive  him  there  as 
fast  as  the  horses  could  go.  He  then  gave  directions 
for  the  hack  to  stand  at  B-street  door  and  take  him 
up  at  a  given  signal  and  drive  away  without  stopping 
to  ask  questions. 


GUITEAU,  THE  ASSASSIN. 


ASSASSINATION   OF    PRESIDENT   GARF1ELD.  577 

There  was  nothing  in  his  manner,  according  to  the 
hackman,  to  give  any  suspicion  of  the  real  intentions 
of  the  assassin.  He  had  even  explained  to  the  hack- 
man  that  he  had  engaged  another  man  (Taylor)  the 
night  before  to  do  the  job,  but  he  had  not  turned  up  and 
that  was  why  he  now  called  on  Barton. 

"  If  I'd  knowed  what  he  was  up  to,"  said  Barton, 
"  I'd  a  drove  him  to  the  cemetery  right  thar." 

Both  of  these  hackmen  were  arrested  this  evening 
by  order  of  District  Attorney  Corkhill  and  placed 
under  surveillance  until  they  can  be  thoroughly 
examined. 

When  Guiteau  had  fired  his  second  shot  and  made 
for  the  B-street  entrance  of  the  depot,  where  hack  19-5 
waited,  he  found  his  plan  of  escape  wouldn't  work. 
Depot  Policeman  Parks  sprang  between  him  and  the 
exit  and  tl*e  assassin  then  turned  the  other  way. 
Here  he  was  confronted  by  Officer  Kearney,  and  both 
officers  seized  him  at  once.  As  they  dragged  him 
through  the  crowd  he  flourished  a  sealed  letter  in  one 
hand  and  shouted  in  a  highly  dramatic  manner : 
"Arthur  is  President  of  the  United  States  now.  1  am 
a  Stalwart.  This  letter  will  tell  you  everything.  I 
want  you  to  take  it  to  General  Sherman."  The  letter 
in  question  was  taken  from  him  at  police  headquarters, 
and  is  the  one  addressed  to  the  White  House. 

He  was  deprived  of  his  pistol  on  arrest.  It  is  an 
ugly-looking  weapon,  of  what  is  known  as  the  five- 
barreled  British  bull-dog  pattern,  of  44-calibre,  with  a 
white  bone  handle,  arid  had  three  loads  undischarged. 
He  did  not  throw  it  away,  but  flourished  it  in  his  hand 

37 


578  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD. 

when  he  ran,  everybody  about  the  waiting-room 
dodging  from  in  front  of  it  without  regard  to  ap 
pearances. 

Besides  the  letter  above  mentioned  Guiteau  had 
left  a  parcel  of  papers  at  the  news-stand  in  the  depot. 
There  were  two  large  packages.  An  examination  of 
these  mysterious  documents  was  made  by  District- 
Attorney  Corkhill  and  Colonel  W.  A.  Cook,  his  assist 
ant.  Tney  also  sent  for  Byron  Andrews,  who  is 
mentioned  in  the  assassin's  letter.  Mr.  Andrews  is 
the  correspondent  in  charge  of  the  Washington  bureau 
of  the  Chicago  Liter-  Ojeau.  In  his  own  defence  An 
drews  makes  the  following  statement : 

"  It  was  reported  on  the  street  that  a  package  of 
papers  was  found  on  the  person  of  Guiteau  addressed 
to  me.  On  hearing  this  rumor  I  repaired  at  once  to 
the  City  Hall  and  found  District- Attorney  Corkhill  in 
possession  of  the  documents.  I  then  made  a  sworn 
statement  that  I  did  not  know  Guiteau ;  never  heard 
of  him  until  to-day,  and  had  no  knowledge  of  any  of 
his  operations.  The  District  Attorney  thought  best 
not  to  deliver  the  documents  addressed  to  me.  He 
let  me  see  the  contents  of  a  personal  note  to  me,  which 
was  written  on  a  single  sheet  of  paper  and  enclosed  in 
a  small  envelope,  which  was  found  in  the  package. 
The  contents  were  about  like  this:  'I  am  a  stranger  to 
you ;  you  don't  know  me.  I  know  you  by  reputation 
as  a  journalist.  I  have  chosen  you  as  the  person  to 
whom  I  will  commit  the  accompanying  documents  for 
distribution.  I  wish  you  to  see  that  a  proper  state 
ment  of  the  aflliir  goes  to  the  American  press/  Then 


ASSASSINATION   OF    PRESIDENT  GARFIELD.  579 

he  signs  his  name  and  says  he  is  from  Free  port,  Illi 
nois.  I  never  heard  of  him,"  repeated  Mr.  Andrews, 
"  and  did  not  know  there  was  such  a  man  living  as 
Guiteau." 

Mr.  Andrews  is  well  and  favorably  known  to  all 
correspondents  on  the  row.  No  one  doubts  his  state 
ment  who  knows  him.  The  reason  he  was  selected  as 
the  custodian  of  the  assassin's  papers  is  probably  due 
to'the  fact  that  he  was  the  representative  of  the  only 
Stalwart  paper  in  Chicago. 

The  arrest  was  made  so  promptly  that  the  prisoner 
was  on  the  way  to  police  headquarters  before  the  crowd 
about  the  depot  fairly  caught  an  idea  of  the  great  crime 
which  had  been  perpetrated.  Officers  escorted  Guiteau 
to  police  headquarters,  three  squares  down  Pennsyl 
vania  avenue.  Before  they  had  covered  half  the  dis 
tance,  however,  the  news  had  overtaken  them.  A 
great  crowd  soon  gathered  in  and  about  the  vicinity 
of  headquarters,  and  the  shouts  of  "  Lynch  him ! " 
"Tear  down  the  building!"  "Hang  him!"  made  it 
soon  apparent  to  the  police  that  the  place  could  not 
be  made  strong  enough  to  hold  the  assassin  against  any 
ordinarily  excited  mob,  thousands  flocking  in  every 
moment  from  every  direction,  especially  from  the  scene 
of  the  assassination.  A  hack  was  therefore  imme 
diately  procured  and,  surrounded  by  a  large  body  of 
police,  the  prisoner  thrown  therein,  and  rapidly  driven 
through  the  howling  mob  before  it  had  made  up  its 
mind  to  a  plan  of  operations,  and  away  to  the  jail  on 
the  bank  of  the  Anacostia. 

Lieutenant  Eckloff,  who  rode  to  jail  with  Guiteau, 


580  JAMES   A.   GARFIELD. 

states  that  on  the  way  down  he  conversed  freely  about 
the  matter,  saying  that  his  only  purpose  was  to  unite 
the  Republican  party.  On  arriving  at  the  jail  the 
jailors,  finding  what  the  matter  was,  said  they  had 
seen  him  before,  and,  while  they  were  discussing  where 
they  had  seen  him,  the  prisoner  said  : 

"  I  can  tell  you  when  it  was.  I  was  down  here  last 
Saturday  and  got  your  permission  to  look  over  the 
jail,  as  I  wanted  to  see  what  kind  of  place  I  had  to 
come  to." 

Then  the  keepers  remembered  him.  He  was  then 
locked  up.  The  prisoner  stated  to  Detective  McEl fresh 
he  contemplated  this  act  six  weeks  ago  and  had  made 
preparations  for  it.  Detective  McElfresh  asked  him  if 
he  was  an  American.  He  replied  : 

"  Yes ;  born  and  raised  in  this  country  and  a  citizen 
of  Chicago." 

Mr.  McElfresh  asked  what  political  party  he  belonged 
to  and  the  reply  was : 

"  I  am  a  Stalwart  of  the  Stalwarts.  I  have  shot 
Garfield  to  make  Arthur  President.  What  are  you  ?  " 
inquired  the  prisoner. 

He  was  informed  that  his  escort  was  a  detective. 

"All  right,"  said  Guiteau.  "Give  me  a  room  in  the 
third  story  and  I  will  arrange  with  General  Sherman 
to  make  you  Chief  of  Police." 

There  was  nothing  in  his  manner  to  lead  to  the  be 
lief  that  he  was  insane  except  every  now  and  thea 
such  expressions.  There  is  much  doubt  expressed  on 
this  point,  a  good  many  being  of  the  opinion  that  his 
insanity  business  is  but  a  new  copy  of  the  old  dodge 
to  escape  the  penalty  of  murder. 


ASSASSINATION   OF   PRESIDENT   GARFIELD.  581 

The  following  letter  was  taken  from  the  prisoner's 
pocket  at  police  headquarters : 

"July  2, 1881. 

"To  THE  WHITE  HOUSE  :  The  President's  tragic  death 
was  a  sad  necessity,  but  it  will  unite  the  Republican 
party  and  save  the  republic.  Life  is  a  flimsy  dream 
and  it  matters  little  when  one  goes.  A  human  life  is 
of  small  value.  During  the  war  thousands  of  brave 
boys  went  down  without  a  tear.  I  presume  the  Presi 
dent  was  a  Christian  and  that  he  will  be  happier  in 
Paradise  than  here.  It  will  be  no  worse  for  Mrs.  Gar- 
field,  dear  soul,  to  part  with  her  husband  this  way 
than  by  natural  death.  He  is  liable  to  go  at  any  time, 
anyway.  I  had  no  ill  will  toward  the  President.  His 
death  was  a  political  necessity.  I  am  a  lawyer,  a  theo 
logian  and  a  politician.  I  am  a  Stalwart  of  the  Stalwarts. 
I  was  with  General  Grant  and  the  rest  of  our  men  in 
New  York  during  the  canvass.  I  have  some  papers 
for  the  press  which  I  shall  leave  with  Byron  Andrews 
and  his  cojournalists,  at  1420  New  York  avenue,  where 
all  the  reporters  can  see  them.  I  am  going  to  the  jail. 

"CHARLES  GUITEAU." 

Byron  Andrews,  who  is  the  Washington  correspond 
ent  of  the  Chicago  Liter-Ocean,  says  that  while  it  is 
true  a  package  of  papers  is  in  the  hands  of  the  police, 
accompanied  by  a  note  addressed  to  himself,  he  has  no 
personal  acquaintance  with  Guiteau,  and  never  heard 
of  his  existence  until  this  morning.  From  what  he 
has  gathered  from  the  police  Andrews  believes  that 
Guiteau's  home  is  in  Freeport,  Illinois. 

The  following  letter  was  found  on  the  street  shortly 
after  Guiteau's  arrest.  The  envelope  was  unsealed  and 
was  addressed :  "  Please  deliver  at  once  to  General 


582  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD. 

Sherman  (or  his  first  assistant  in  charge  of  the  War 
Department) : " 

"  To  GENERAL  SHERMAN  :  I  have  just  shot  the  Presi 
dent.  I  shot  him  several  times,  as  I  wished  him  to 
go  as  easily  as  possible.  His  death  was  a  political 
necessity.  I  am  a  lawyer,  theologian  and  politician. 
I  am  a  Stalwart  of  the  Stalwarts.  I  was  with  General 
Grant  and  the  rest  of  our  men  in  New  York  during 
the  canvass.  I  am  going  to  the  jail.  Please  order  out 
your  troops  and  take  possession  of  the  jail  at  once. 
"Very  respectfully, 

"CHARLES  GTJITEAU." 

On  receiving  the  above  General  Sherman  gave  it  the 
following  indorsement : 

"  HEADQUARTERS  OF  THE  ARMY, 
"WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  July  2,  1881—11.35  A.  M. 
"  This  letter  .  .  .  was  handed  me  this  minute  by 
Major  William  J.  Twining,  United  States  Engineers, 
Commissioner  of  the  District  of  Columbia,  and  Major 
William  G.  Brock,  Chief  of  Police.     I  don't  know  the 
writer,  never  heard  of  or  saw  him  to  my  knowledge, 
and  hereby  return  it  to    the  keeping  of  the  above- 
named  parties  as  testimony  in  the  case. 

"  W.  T.  SHERMAN,  General." 

The  father  and  brother  of  the  assassin  give  the 
following  accounts  of  him  : 

The  brother,  John  W.  Guiteau,  of  Boston,  says : 
Charles  Julius  was  born  in  Freeport,  Illinois,  in  1841 
or  1842.  He  was  one  of  the  children  of  L.  W.  Guiteau, 
late  cashier  of  Second  National  Bank,  of  Freeport,  Illi 
nois.  Mr.  Guiteau,  Sr.,  died  recently,  aged  seventy 


ASSASSINATION   OF    PRESIDENT   GARFIELD.  583 

years,  and  was  one  of  the  oldest  and  most  esteemed 
citizens  of  the  place.  As  a  youth  Charles  Julius  is  re 
ported  to  have  been  a  good,  tractable  boy,  with  nothing 
to  mark  him  as  either  better  or  worse  than  the  average 
of  his  associates.  Several  years  before  he  became  of 
age,  and  while  preparing  for  college  at  the  University 
of  Michigan,  he  conceived  the  idea  of  joining  the  Oneida 
Community,  and  did  so.  He  dwelt  there  for  some 
years,  arid  subsequently  left  because  he  could  not  live 
up  to  the  restrictions  of  the  order.  Full  of  anger,  he 
threatened  to  issue  a  publication  exposing  the  peculiari 
ties  of  the  Community,  but  was  prevented  from  doing 
that  by  an  article  written  by  John  H.  Noyes,  the 
recognized  head  of  the  Community.  Immediately  after 
ward  he  entered  upon  the  study  of  law  in  the  oilice  of 
George  Scovill,  a  brother-in-law,  in  Chicago.  He  was 
admitted  to  the  bar  in  that  city  about  eighteen  years 
ago,  but  is  said  to  never  have  had  other  than  small 
office  practict^  in  way  of  bill  collecting  and  such  like 
small  work./  It  is  reported  that  he  was  prosecuted 
and  fell  into  bad  odor  in  that  city  on  account  of  col 
lecting  sums  of  money  which  he  failed  to  turn  over  to 
owners.  He  eventually  had  to  leave  town. 

The  assassin  has  been  travelling  throughout  New 
England  more  or  less  for  a  year  or  two  past  as  a  lec 
turer,  and  assuming  the  title  of  reverend  he  advertised 
himself  as  a  lawyer  and  theologian.  lie  once  claimed 
to  be  an  honorable,  and  his  brother  telling  him  that 
he  had  no  claim  to  such  title,  having  never  borne  po 
litical  honors,  he  replied  that  any  lawyer  was  an  honor 
able,  and  he  knew  a  lawyer  in  Chicago  who  had  been 


5S4  JAMES   A.   GARFIELD. 

in  the  State  Prison  who  advertised  himself  as  an 
honorable.  This  and  the  matter  of  numerous  unpaid 
board  bills  in  Boston  led  to  a  wordy  controversy,  which 
resulted  in  Charles  being  expelled  from  his  brother's 
house,  and  subsequently  violently  ejected  from  his  office, 
as  he  would  neither  take  advice  nor  mend  his  evil  ways 
and  fraudulent  practices.  This  was  about  fourteen 
months  ago.  Charles  has  been  in  jail  in  New  York 
for  debt.  He  has  been  shown  up  by  Chicago  and  New 
York  papers  for  irregularities,  and  has  sued  them  in 
return  for  libel,  with  no  favorable  result  to  himself. 
At  one  time  he  formed  a  scheme  to  buy  the  Chicago 
Inter- Ocean,  and  asked  the  president  of  the  Second 
National  Bank  of  Freeport,  Illinois,  to  loan  him  $25,- 
000  with  which  to  purchase  it,  promising  the  president 
of  the  bank  as  an  inducement  that  he  would  secure 
his  election  as  Governor  of  Illinois.  The  project  was 
not  entertained.  In  numerous  places  Charles  Julius 
has  lectured  to  very  small  audiences,  advertising  him 
self  as  Charles  J.  Guiteau,  the  celebrated  Chicago 
lawyer  of  eminence  and  ability,  etc.,  and  skipping  out 
without  paying  his"  hotel  and  other  bills.  The  brother 
above  quoted  says  that  he  never  knew  that  Charles 
\viis  a  drinker  or  given  to  any  ruinous  species  of  dis 
sipation  ;  that  he  has  seen  little  of  him  for  twenty 
years,  but  has  often  heard  from,  or,  rather,  of  him;  that 
he  has  long  considered  him  crazy,  and  expected  sooner 
or  later,  if  he  lived,  thnt  he  would  bring  up  in  a  lunatic 
asylum  or  meet  a  worse  fate. 

The  following  is  an  extract  from  a  letter,  dated  March 
30,  1873,  from  the  father  of  the  assassin  to  John  W. 


ASSASSINATION   OF   PRESIDENT    GARFIELD.  585 

Guiteau,  his  brother,  in  this  city,  in  which  he  refers  to 
bis  son  Charles  as  follows : 

"  I  have  been  ready  to  believe  him  capable  of  almost 
any  folly,  stupidity  or  rascality.  The  one  possible  ex 
cuse  that  I  can  render  for  him  is  that  he  is  insane. 
Indeed,  if  I  were  called  as  witness  upon  the  stand  I  am 
inclined  to  think  I  should  testify  that  he  is  absolutely 
insane  and  is  hardly  responsible  for  his  acts.  My  own 
impression  is  that  unless  something  shall  stop  him  in 
his  folly  and  mad  career  he  will  become  hopelessly 
insane  and  a  fit  subject  for  the  lunatic  asylum.  Be 
fore  I  finally  gave  him  up  I  had  exhausted  all  my 
powers  of  reason  and  persuasion  as  well  as  other  re 
sources  in  endeavoring  to  control  his  actions  and 
thoughts,  but  without  avail.  I  found  he  was  deceitful 
and  could  not  be  depended  upon  in  anything;  stub 
born,  wilful,  conceited  and  at  all  times  outrageously 
wicked,  apparently  possessed  of  the  devil.  I  saw  him 
once  or  twice  when  it  seemed  to  me  he  was  willing  to 
do  almost  anything  wicked  he  should  happen  to  take 
fancy  to.  You  will  remember,  perhaps,  at  the  last 
conversation  we  had  about  him,  I  told  you  to  keep 
clear  of  him  and  not  have  anything  to  do  with  him. 
Should  anybody  ask  about  him  now  I  should  be  com 
pelled  to  say  to  them  that  I  thought  he  was  insane,;  or 
at  least  a  monomaniac,  and  should  there  leave  it  and 
say  no  more  about  him.  His  insanity  is  of  such  a 
character  that  he  is  as  likely  to  become  a  sly,  cunning 
desperado  as  anything.  Could  I  see  him  I  might  pos 
sibly  make  another  and  vigorous  effort  to  change  the 
whole  channel  of  his  thoughts  and  feelings.  If  I  could 


586  JAMES    A.   GARFIELD. 

not  do  that  I  should  have  no  hope  whatever  of  being 
able  to  do  him  any  good.  I  made  up  my  mind  long 
ago  never  to  give  him  another  dollar  in  money  until  I 
should  be  convinced  he  was  thoroughly  humbled  and 
radically  changed.  I  am  sometimes  afraid  he  would 
steal,  rob,  or  do  anything  before  his  egotism  and  self- 
conceit  shall  be  knocked  out  of  him,  and  perhaps  even 
all  that  will  not  do  it.  So  I,  you  see,  regard  his  case  as 
iiopeless  or  nearly  so,  and,  of  course,  know  no  other 
way  but  to  dismiss  him  entirely  from  my  mind  and 
leave  him  entirely  in  the  hands  of  his  Maker,  with  a 
very  faint  hope  that  he  can  be  changed  either  in  this 
world  or  the  next." 

The  following  statement  concerning  the  shooting 
was  furnished  to  the  press  by  District-Attorney  Cork- 
hill,  on  the  14th  of  July,  in  order  to  correct  certain 
erroneous  assertions  which  had  been  made  relative  to 
Guiteau  and  his  crime : 

"  The  interest  felt  by  the  public  in  the  details  of  the 
assassination  and  the  many  stories  published  justify  me 
in  stating  that  the  following  is  a  correct  and  accurate 
statement  concerning  the  points  to  which  reference  is 
made : 

"The  assassin,  Charles  J.  Guiteau,  came  to  Waslu 
ington  city  on  Sunday,  March  6,  1881,  and  stopped  at 
the  Ebbitt  House,  remaining  only  one  day.  He  then 
secured  a  room  in  another  part  of  the  city  and  has 
boarded  and  roomed  at  various  places,  the  full  details 
of  which  I  have.  On  Wednesday,  May  18,  1881,  the 
assassin  determined  to  murder  the  President.  He  had 
neither  money  nor  pistol  at  the  time.  About  the  last 


ASSASSINATION   OF    PRESIDENT   GARFIELD.  587 

of  May  he  went  into  O'Meara's  store,  corner  of  Fifteenth 
and  F  streets,  in  this  city,  and  examined  some  pistols, 
asking  for  the  largest  calibre.  He  was  shown  two, 
similar  in  calibre  and  only  different  in  the  price.  On 
Wednesday,  June  8,  he  purchased  the  pistol  which  he 
used,  for  which  he  paid  $10,  he  having  in  the  meantime 
borrowed  $15  of  a  gentleman  in  this  city  on  the  plea 
that  he  wanted  to  pay  his  board  bill.  On  the  same 
evening  about  seven  o'clock  he  took  the  pistol  and  went 
to  the  foot  of  Seventeenth  street  and  practised  firing' 
at  a  board,  firing  ten  shots.  He  then  returned  to  his 
boarding  place  and  wiped  the  pistol  dry  and  wrapped 
it  up  in  his  coat,  and  waited  his  opportunity. 

"On  Sunday  morning,  June  12,  he  was  sitting  in 
Lafayette  Park,  and  saw  the  President  leave  for  the 
Christian  Church,  on  Vermont  avenue,  and  he  at  once 
returned  to  his  room,  obtained  his  pistol,  put  it  in  his 
hip-pocket  and  followed  the  President  to  church.  He 
entered  the  church,  but  found  he  could  not  kill  him 
there  without  danger  of  killing  some  one  else.  He  no 
ticed  that  the  President  sat  near  a  window.  After 
church  he  made  an  examination  of  the  window,  and 
found  he  could  reach  it  without  any  trouble,  and  that 
from  this  point  he  could  shoot  the  President  through 
the  head  without  killing  any  one  else.  The  following 
Wednesday  he  went  to  the  church,  examined  the  loca 
tion  and  the  window,  and  became  satisfied  he  could 
accomplish  his  purpose,  and  he  determined,  therefore, 
to  make  the  attempt  at  the  church  the  following  Sun 
day.  He  learned  from  the  papers  that  the  President 
would  leave  the  city  on  Saturday,  the  18th  of  June, 


5S8  JAMES   A.   GARFIELD. 

with  Mrs.  Garfield,  for  Long  Branch.  He  therefore 
determined  to  meet  him  at  the  depot.  He  left  his 
boarding  place  about  five  o'clock  Saturday  morn 
ing,  June  18,  and  went  down  to  the  river,  at  the 
foot  of  Seventeenth  street,  and  fired  five  shots  to 
practice  his  aim  and  be  certain  his  pistol  was  in  good 
order. 

"  He  then  went  to  the  depot  and  was  in  the  ladies' 
waiting-room  of  the  depot,  with  his  pistol  ready,  when 
the  Presidential  party  entered.  He  says  Mrs.  Garfield 
looked  so  weak  and  frail  that  he  had  not  the  heart  to 
shoot  the  President  in  her  presence,  and  as  he  knew 
lie  would  have  another  opportunity  he  left  the  depot. 
He  had  previously  engaged  a  carriage  to  take  him  to 
the  jail.  On  "\Vednesday  evening  the  President  and 
his  son,  and,  I  think,  United  States  Marshal  Henry, 
went  out  for  a  ride.  The  assassin  took  his  pistol  and 
followed  them  and  watched  them  for  some  time  in 
hopes  the  carriage  would  stop,  but  no  opportunity  was 
given.  On  Friday  evening,  July  1,  he  was  sitting  on 
the  seat  in  the  park  opposite  the  White  House  when 
he  saw  the  President  come  out  alone ;  he  followed  him 
down  the  avenue  to  Fifteenth  street,  and  then  kept  on 
the  opposite  side  of  the  street  up  Fifteenth  until  the 
President  entered  the  residence  of  Secretary  Elaine. 
He  waited  at  the  corner  of  Mr.  Morton's  late  residence, 
corner  Fifteenth  and  H  streets,  for  some  time,  and  then, 
as  he  was  afraid  he  would  attract  attention,  he  went 
into  the  alley  in  the  rear  of  Mr.  Morton's  residence, 
examined  his  pistol  and  waited.  The  President  and 
Secretary  Blaine  came  out  together,  and  he  followed 


ASSASSINATION   OF    PRESIDENT   GARFIELD  589 

them  on  foot  to  the  gate  of  the  White  House,  hut  could 
get  no  opportunity  to  use  his  weapon. 

"  On  the  morning  of  Saturday,  July  2,  he  breakfasted 
at  the  Riggs  House  about  seven  o'clock.  He  then 
walked  up  into  the  park  and  sat  there  for  an  hour. 
He  then  took  a  one-horse  avenue  car  and  rode  to  Sixth 
street,  got  out  and  went  into  the  depot  and  loitered 
there,  had  his  shoes  blackened,  engaged  a  hnckman  for 
$2  to  take  him  to  the  jail,  went  into  the  water-closet 
and  took  his  pistol  out  of  his  hip-pocket  and  unwrapped 
the  paper  from  around  it,  which  he  had  put  there  for 
the  purpose  of  preventing  the  perspiration  from  the 
body  dampening  the  powder,  examined  his  pistol  care 
fully,  tried  the  trigger,  and  then  returned  and  took  a 
seat  in  the  ladies'  waiting-room,  and  as  soon  us  the 
President  entered  advanced  behind  him  and  fired  two 
shots.  These  facts,  I  think,  can  be  relied  upon  as 
accurate,  and  I  give  them  to  the  public  to  contradict 
certain  false  rumors  in  connection  witli  this  most 
atrocious  of  atrocious  crimes." 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

THE  PRESIDENT'S  ILLNESS. 

Second  Week  of  the  President's  Illness — Alarming  Symptoms— Cause  of  the 
Relapse — Struggle  between  Life  and  Death — A  Painful  Operation — Loca 
ting  the  Bullet — The  Induction  Balance — Progress  of  the  Case — Hopes 
of  Recovery — Courage  of  the  President — He  desires  to  leave  Wash 
ington — Sympathy  of  Foreign  Powers — Letter  from  Mr.  Gladstone — 
Another  Painful  Operation — Another  Relapse — Dangers  of  Malaria — An 
anxious  Sunday — A  Period  of  Danger — Sympathy  from  China — A  New 
Complication — Inflammation  of  the  Parotid  Gland — Progress  of  this  Feat 
ure  of  the  Case — Incidents  in  the  Sick  Room — The  President  holding  his 
own— The  Surgeons  decide  upon  Removal — An  Alarming  Relapse — 
Another  bad  Saturday — A  Fight  for  Life — A  Message  from  Queen 
Victoria — Scenes  at  the  Sufferer's  Bedside — An  Interview  with  his 
Children — A  Change  for  the  Better — Continued  Improvement — Dr.  Bliss' 
Opinions — Scenes  in  and  about  the  White  House — Preparations  for 
Removing  the  President  to  Long  Branch — Public  Prayers  for  the  Presi 
dent — He  parts  with  his  Sons — The  Preparations  for  Removal  to  Long 
Branch  Continued — Action  of  the  Pennsylvania  Railroad — The  Cottage 
at  Long  Branch — The  Departure  from  Washington — Incidents  of  the 
Journey — Arrival  at  Long  Branch — The  President  in  his  new  Quarters — 
Success  of  the  Journey — A  Change  for  theTJfetter — The  First  Week  by 
the  Seaside — A  Touching  Incident — Renewed  Signs  of  Danger. 

FROM  the  8th  of  July  the  President  remained  very 
much  in  the  same  condition  as  that  which  had  marked 
the  first  week  after  the  attempt  upon  his  life.  On  the 
whole  there  seemed  a  steady  progress  towards  improve 
ment,  but  at  times  there  were  changes  which  sorely 
tried  the  skill  and  courage  of  the  attending  physicians. 

(590) 


ASSASSINATION   OF   PRESIDENT   GARFIELD.  591 

All  through  this  anxious  period  President  Garfield 
displayed  the  highest  personal  courage  and  firmness, 
submitting  himself,  with  childlike  faith,  to  the  directions 
of  his  physicians,  but  at  the  same  time  bearing  up 
against  every  discouraging  symptom  with  a  courage 
and  determination  that  both  astonished  and  encouraged 
his  medical  attendants.  One  of  the  chief  hindrances 
to  his  recovery  was  found  to  be  the  intense  heat  of  the 
summer,  but  he  bore  all  the  discomforts  arising  from  it 
with  patience  and  cheerfulness.  To  mitigate  the  torrid 
temperature  a  refrigerating  apparatus  was  introduced 
into  the  sick-room.  It  worked  successfully,  and  by 
moans  of  it  the  physicians  were  generally  able  to  reduce 
the  temperature  to  an  endurable  degree  without  sub 
jecting  their  patient  to  the  dangers  of  draughts  or 
sudden  changes  of  temperature.  In  short,  an  equable 

decree   of  coolness  was  maintained    in    the    chamber 

<_> 

throughout  the  President's  stay  at  the  White  House. 

On  the  llth  of  July,  slightly  unfavorable  symptoms 
manifested  themselves,  the  pulse  growing  higher,  and 
an  increased  degree  of  fever  setting  in.  This  caused 
grave  anxiety  to  the  physicians,  but  on  the  morning  of 
the  12th  a  change  for  the  better  was  noticed. 

"  The  next  week  passed  very  much  like  the  preced 
ing  one.  On  the  18th  of  July  there  was  a  slight  change 
for  the  worse,  but  on  the  19th  the  President  again 
rallied.  The  real  cause  of  the  relapse  was  due  to  too 
much  exertion,  too  much  food,  and  the  manipulations 
of  a  colored  barber.  "  The  President  had  been  allowed," 
says  the  same  correspondent,  writing  on  the  19th  of 
July,  "  to  eat  what  he  chose,  and  having  a  good 


592  JAMES   A.   GARFIELD. 

appetite  had  chosen  food  in  quality  and  quantity  such  as 
only  should  have  been  given  to  a  convalescent.  By  some 
misunderstanding  between  the  patient  and  the  doctors, 
a  barber  had  been  called  in  and  had  manipulated  him 
rather  roughly.  It  appears  that  the  doctors  arrived  in 
the  middle  of  the  ceremony,  and  seeing  the  President's 
evident  weariness,  stopped  the  proceedings  immediately, 
much  to .  the  barber's  disgust.  The  President  to-day 
spoke  of  the  incident  of  yesterday,  and  appeared  very 
much  amused  to  think  of  it.  He  was  bright  and 
cheerful,  as  usual,  and  when  Mrs.  Garfield  came  in  and 
read  the  papers  to  him  at  his  request,  he  was  in  high 
good  humor.  Among  other  things  she  read  the  fact 
that  Sitting  Bull  was  starving,  when  the  President 
playfully  suggested  that  they  should  send  him  some  of 
his  oat-meal,  to  which  he  has  taken  a  great  prejudice." 

On  the  26th  of  July,  the  same  correspondent  wrote 
as  follows  of  the  condition  of  the  President : 

"  As  was  the  case  at  the  same  hour  yesterday,  there 
was  a  very  gloomy  look  prevalent  at  the  White  House 
this  morning.  The  President  had  passed  a  bad  night. 
His  fever  had  gone  down  early  in  the  evening,  but  had 
greatly  arisen  towards  midnight.  This  was  followed  by 
renewed  symptoms  of  the  chills,  but  happily  these  un 
favorable  symptoms  passed  off,  and  there  was  no  recur 
rence  of  the  chilis.  The  patient  did  not  get  much  sleep 
after  twelve  o'clock.  Dr.  Agnew,  of  Philadelphia,  ar 
rived  about  one  o'clock  in  the  morning  and  was  received 
at  the  depot  by  Private  Secretary  Brown,  who  escorted 
him  to  the  residence  of  Attorney  General  MacVeagh, 
whose  guest  he  is  now.  He  did  not  visit  the  White 


ASSASSINATION    OF    PRESIDENT    GARFIELD.  593 

House  till  this  morning  about  eight  o'clock,  shortly 
after  which  the  first  consultation  of  the  day  was  held. 
There  was  a  very  eager  demand  on  the  part  of  the  pub 
lic  for  news  from  the  Executive  Mansion,  a  demand 
which  was  not  satisfied  till  a  late  hour.  The  physicians 
declined  to  talk,  and  the  very  little  that  had  leaked  out 
through  unofficial  sources  was  not  at  all  satisfactory. 
Half  an  hour  later  it  was  reported  that  the  President  was 
even  much  worse  than  reported  on  the  bulletins.  These 
reports  again  flew  over  the  city  and  travelled  about 
the  departments  with  such  rapidity  that  before  eleven 
o'clock  the  interest  of  day  before  yesterday  was  reawak*- 
ened.  One  of  these  reports  was  that  mortification  had  set 
in,  another  that  it  had  been  found  necessary  to  remove  a 
section  of  the  rib,  and  still  another  that  the  physicians- 
were  probing  for  the  ball  and  had  cut  it  out.  These  ugly 
rumors  were  quickly  followed  by  the  more  serious  one, 
that  the  President  was  dying.  No  one  knows  whence 
this  sprung,  but  the  fact  that  the  United  States  flag 
Hying  over  the  Departments  of  Justice  was  at  half-mast 
appeared  to  justify  the  report  in  the  minds  of  those  at 
a  distance  who  heard  it.  It  appeared,  however,  that 
the  flag  was  lowered  in  respect  to  the  memory  of  the 
late  Justice  Clifford.  The  truth  was,  that  shortly  after 
the  issuance  of  the  morning  bulletin  the  President  was 
again  attacked  with  vomiting,  which  was  followed  by 
an  alarming  febrile  rise.  The  indications  were  that  the 
wound  was  partially  closed,  the  discharge  of  pus  hav 
ing  become  very  slight.  Upon  examination  it  was  de 
cided  that  a  pus  cavity  was  again  in  process  of  forma 
tion,  and  immediate  steps  were  taken  for  the  relief  of 

38 


594  JAMES    A.   GARFIELD. 

the  patient.  The  flexible  tube,  which  had  been  passed 
from  the  incision  to  the  juncture  of  the  track  of  the 
ball  and  the  broken  rib,  was  removed  by  Dr.  Agnew, 
and  a  finger  inserted  into  the  incision  and  the  cause  of 
the  irritation  instantly  discovered.  Small  pieces  of 
splintered  bone  were  felt  and  were  removed,  but  not 
without  some  difficulty.  A  portion  of  the  fractured 
rib,  measuring  half  an  inch  in  length,  was  one  of  these 
pieces. 

"The  operation  was  a  very  painful  one  and  took  some 
time  to  complete  it.  Most  of  the  pieces  were  removed 
by  the  finger,  but  one  of  the  fragments  was  lifted  by 
means  of  an  instrument  called  an  elevator.  The  opera 
tion  was  performed  by  Dr.  Agnew,  and  borne  remark 
ably  well  by  the  President.  A  straight  tube  was 
inserted  through  the  incision  to  the  spot  where  the  pus 
cavity  and  the  pieces  of  broken  rib  were  discovered. 
The  original  wound  will  now  be  permitted  to  heal,  and 
the  lower  orifice  be  depended  upon  for  the  discharge 
•of  the  pus.  This  incision  opens  a  more  direct  com 
munication  with  the  channel  of  the  ball  and  the  spot 
where  the  rib  is  fractured.  It  appears  that  none  of 
the  physicians  had  anticipated  an  additional  crisis  this 
morning,  but  when  it  came  they  were  ready  and  coped 
with  it  successfully.  The  effect  upon  the  President 
of  this  secondary  operation,  if  it  may  be  called  such, 
was  to  afford  immediate  relief.  There  was  no  percep 
tible  rise  in  temperature  at  the  close,  although  it  took 
nearly  two  hours.  On  the  contrary,  the  relief  to  the 
President  became  immediately  apparent.  Within  an 
hour  afterwards  he  was  asleep,  and  slept  very  well  at 


ASSASSINATION   OF    PRESIDENT   GARFIELD.  595 

intervals  during  the  day.  It  is  thought  by  the  physi 
cians  that  the  fractured  rib  has  been  a  great  source  of 
irritation  and  largely  the  cause  of  the  chills  and  fever. 
It  is  possible  there  are  still  other  small  pieces  of  bone 
yet  to  come,  but  these  will  work  out  of  their  own  accord. 
Dr.  Agnew  succeeded  in  pressing  the  broken  portions 
of  the  rib  back  into  their  normal  position,  where,  if 
all  the  parts  are  removed,  they  will  quickly  knit.  By 
noon  the  President  was  said  to  be  quite  comfortable 
and  all  the  physicians  appeared  to  be  satisfied.  Cheer 
fulness  again  returned  to  the  occupants  of  the  White 
House."  ^ 

From  the  period  of  the  wounding  of  President  Gar- 
field,  his  physicians  had  recognized  that  one  of  the 
gravest  dangers  attending  his  recovery  was  the  pres 
ence  of  the  bullet  in  his  body.  It  was  deemed  best, 
in  his  exhausted  condition,  not  to  attempt  its  removal, 
which  would  require  a  painful  operation,  but  to  allow 
it  to  remain,  trusting  that  it  would  in  time  become  en 
cysted,  and  so  cause  the  patient  but  little  trouble  until 
renewed  strength  should  enable  him  to  bear  the  re 
moval  of  it.  Several  attempts  were  made  to  find  the 
exact  location  of  the  ball,  the  most  successful  being  by 
means  of  the  "  Induction  Balance,"  invented  by  Pro 
fessor  Alexander  Graham  Bell.  On  the  1st  of  August 
the  instrument  was  applied  with  great  success,  and  the 
exact  location  of  the  ball  was  definitely  ascertained. 
This  instrument,  modified  so  as  to  impart  to  it  the 
highest  degree  of  sensitiveness,  was  used  in  the  search 
for  the  leaden  ball.  Its  nature  is  such  that  it  is  not 
easily  understood  except  by  electricians.  It  consists  of 


596  JAMES   A.   GARFIELD. 

a  battery,  two  coils  of  insulated  wire,  a  circuit-breaker, 
and  a  telephone.  The  ends  of  the  primary  coil  are 
connected  with  a  battery,  and  those  of  the  secondary 
coil  are  fastened  to  the  posts  of  the  telephone.  This 
latter  connection  renders  audible  any  faint  sound  pro 
duced  by  the  circuit-breaker,  or  any  change  in  the  pitch 
of  that  sound.  The  coils  may  be  so  placed  in  their  re 
lations  to  each  other  that  no  sound  is  made  by  the 
circuit-breaker.  They  are  then  said  to  be  balanced, 
and  the  wires  are  extremely  sensitive  to  the  disturbing 
presence  of  any  other  piece  of  metal.  A  bullet  like 
that  with  which  the  President  was  shot,  before  it  was 
flattened,  will,  when  placed  within  two  and  one-half 
inches  of  the  most  sensitive  point  on  the  pair  of  coils, 
cause  a  faint  protest  against  the  disturbance  to  arise 
in  the  telephone.  A  flattened  bullet  of  the  same  bulk, 
when  presented  with  its  flat  surface  toward  the  coils, 
will  make  its  presence  felt  at  a  distance  of  nearly  five 
inches.  When  its  sharp  edge  is  turned  toward  the 
plane  of  the  coils,  no  sound  is  produced  beyond  the 
distance  of  one  inch. 

With  these  facts  in  view,  the  experiments  to  locate 
the  position  of  the  bullet  in  the  President's  body  were 
begun.  The  patient  was  bolstered  up  in  bed,  and  he 
watched  the  proceedings  with  mute  interest.  His 
physicians  stood  around.  Professor  Bell  stood  with  his 
back  toward  the  President,  holding  the  telephone  to  his 
ear,  while  Mr.  Taintor,  Professor  Bell's  assistant,  moved 
the  coils  over  that  portion  of  the  abdomen  where  the 
leaden  ball  was  thought  to  be  imbedded.  When  the 
sensitive  centre  of  the  instrument  was  immediately 


ASSASSINATION   OF   PRESIDENT   GARFIELD.  597 

over  the  black  and  blue  spot  that  appeared  shortly 
after  the  President  was  wounded,  Professor  Bell  said : 
"  Stop  !  there  it  is." 

The  experiment  was  repeated  several  times — once 
with  Mrs.  Garfield  listening  at  the  telephone;  and  she 
told  the  President  when  the  coils  had  been  brought  to 
the  spot  where  the  presence  of  the  bullet  had  previously 
caused  the  delicate  instrument  to  give  forth  a  singing 
sound.  From  these  tests  it  was  inferred  that  in  any 
event  the  bullet  was  less  than  five  inches  from  the 
surface,  and  that  if  it  was  only  slightly  flattened,  or  if 
its  edge  was  turned  obliquely  toward  the  surface,  it 
might  be  much  nearer  to  the  skin.  The  conclusion 
reached  was  that  if  it  should  become  necessary  to  re 
move  the  bullet  at  any  time,  this  might  be  speedily 
accomplished  by  two  quick  cuts  with  the  surgeon's 
lancet. 

The  days  passed  on,  presenting  very  few  changes. 
The  general  course  of  the  patient's  illness  seemed  to 
offer  strong  grounds  for  hope  of  recovery.  Yet  he 
was  terribly  ill  all  the  while,  and  each  day's  events 
were  but  a  record  of  a  manful  battle  for  life,  assisted 
by  all  that  medical  or  surgical  skill  could  devise. 
Throughout  the  whole  of  the  trying  period  the  Presi 
dent  maintained  his  calm  courage  and  cheerfulness, 
and  was  hopeful  when  even  his  most  trusted  medical 
attendants  were  wrestling  with  despair. 

On  the  2d  of  August  the  correspondent  of  the  Phila 
delphia  Times  wrote : 

"  There  is  nothing  new  or  striking  in  the  news  from 
the  White  House  to-day.  The  President  passed  a  very 


598  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD. 

agreeable  night,  sleeping  most  of  the  time,  and  awoke 
feeling  refreshed.  The  morning  bulletin  showed  that 
everything  was  favorable,  and  that  the  patient  was 
comfortable  and  cheerful.  He  was  again  raised  into 
a  semi-sitting  posture,  and  remained  in  this  position 
until  after  he  had  taken  his  breakfast.  This  meal 
included  coffee  and  a  small  piece  of  rare  beefsteak,  and 
toast  saturated  with  milk.  The  surgeons  continue  to 
give  him  koumiss  occasionally  in  the  place  of  an  equal 
quantity  of  milk,  and  the  President  is  said  to  evince  a 
singular  fondness  for  this  Tartar  stimulant.  He  is 
not  permitted  to  retain  the  sitting  posture  long  enough 
to  be  tired,  though  the  change  is  so  agreeable  that 
he  is  able  to  stand  it  about  half  the  time  during  the 
day." 

The  wounding  of  President  Garfield  was  telegraphed 
all  over  the  world,  and  everywhere  aroused  the 
warmest  manifestations  of  sympathy.  All  the  foreign 
ministers  to  the  United  States  received  orders  to  express 
to  the  Secretary  of  State,  and  through  him  to  the 
family  of  the  President,  the  earnest  sympathy  of  their 
governments  with  the  illustrious  sufferer,  and  their 
hearty  detestation  of  the  crime  of  which  he  was  the 
victim.  The  Queen  of  England  manifested  the  liveliest 
sympathy,  and  in  repeated  despatches  to  her  minister 
at  Washington,  sought  to  know  the  condition  of  the 
President,  and  sent  the  most  sympathizing  messages  to 
Mrs.  Garfield.  England's  great  heart  went  out  warmly 
to  the  wounded  ruler,  and  numerous  public  meetings 
in  Great  Britain  sent  resolutions  of  sympathy  and 
respect  for  the  victim,  and  horror  at  the  crime.  One 


ASSASSINATION    OF    PRESIDENT    GARFIELD.  599 

of  the  most  gratifying  of  these  evidences  of  friendship 
was  embodied  in  the  following  letter  from  the  Prime 
Minister  of  Great  Britain  to  Mrs.  Gar  field  : 

"LONDON,  July  21st,  1881. 

"  DEAR  MADAME  : — You  will,  I  am  sure,  excuse  me, 
though  a  personal  stranger,  for  addressing  you  by 
letter  to  convey  to  you  the  assurances  of  my  own 
feelings  and  those  of  my  countrymen  on  the  occasion 
of  the  late  horrible  attempt  to  murder  the  President 
of  the  United  States  in  a  form  more  palpable  at  least 
than  that  of  messages  conveyed  by  telegraph.  Those 
feelings  have  been  feelings  in  the  first  instance  of 
sympathy,  and  afterwards  of  joy  and  thankfulness 
almost  comparable,  I  venture  to  say  only  second,  to 
the  strong  emotions  of  the  great  nation  of  which  he 
is  the  appointed  head.  Individually,  I  have,  let  me 
beg  you  to  believe,  had  my  full  share  in  the 
sentiments  which  have  possessed  the  British  nation. 
They  have  been  prompted  and  quickened  largely  by 
what  I  venture  to  think  is  the  ever-growing  sense  of 
harmony  and  mutual  respect  and  affection  between 
the  countries,  and  of  a  relationship  which,  from  year 
to  year  becomes  more  and  more  a  practical  bond  of 
union  between  us.  But  they  have  also  drawn  much 
or  their  strength  from  a  cordial  admiration  of  the 
simple  heroism  which  has  marked  the  personal 
conduct  of  the  President,  for  we  have  not  yet  wholly 
lost  the  capacity  of  appreciating  such  an  example  of 
Christian  faith  and  manly  fortitude.  This  exemplary 
picture  has  been  made  complete  by  your  own  con- 


600  JAMES    A.    GARFIELD. 

tribution  to  its  noble  and  touching  features,  on  which 
I  only  forbear  to  dwell  because  I  am  directly  address 
ing  you.  I  beg  to  have  my  respectful  compliments 
and  congratulations  conveyed  to  the  President,  and  to 
remain,  dear  madame,  with  great  esteem,  your  most 
faithful  servant, 

"W.  E.  GLADSTONE." 

Secretary  Elaine  sent  an  appropriate  reply,  saying  : 

"  I  am  requested  by  Mrs.  Garfield  to  say  that  among 
the  many  thousand  manifestations  of  interest  and  ex 
pressions  of  sympathy  which  have  reached  her,  none 
has  more  deeply  touched  her  heart  than  the  kind 
words  of  Mr.  Gladstone." 

On  the  8th  of  August  the  surgeons  made  another 
examination  of  the  wound  with  the  probe,  in  order  to 
ascertain  the  exact  location  of  the  assassin's  bullet. 
The  operation  was  painful  and  trying,  but  resulted  in 
showing  that  the  wound  inflicted  by  Guiteau's  pistol 
was  of  a  far  less  serious  character  than  was  for  a  long 
time  supposed.  It  appeared  that  some  of  the  dangers 
most  feared  had  no  real  existence,  and  that  there  was 
reason  to  apprehend  neither  an  unfavorable  turn  nor 
lasting  inconvenience  from  the  continued  presence  of 
the  bullet  in  the  President's  body. 

The  President  at  first  seemed  to  sink  under  the 
painful  operation,  but  at  length  rallied,  and  Dr. 
Agnew  declared  his  condition  so  favorable  that  he  re 
turned  to  Philadelphia  on  the  afternoon  of  the  9th. 
On  that  day  the  President  wrote  his  name  on  a  tablet 
with  a  pen,  at  the  request  of  his  physicians,  who 


ASSASSINATION   OF   PRESIDENT   GARFIELD.  601 

wanted  to  test  his  nervous  system.  The  experiment 
resulted  in  a  very  tolerable  signature. 

Alarming  symptoms  now  began  to  manifest  them 
selves.  The  pulse  did  not  diminish,  and  the  high 
temperature  was  steadily  maintained,  showing  that  the 
President's  life  was  being  gradually  wasted  away.  In 
addition  to  this,  the  weather  was  intensely  warm  and 
trying,  and  the  pestilential  low  grounds  between  the 
Executive  Mansion  and  the  Potomac  began  to  send  up 
their  noxious  vapors,  which  threatened  to  afflict  the 
already  worn-out  sufferer  with  malarial  fever.  The 
President  fully  realized  the  danger  of  this  last  compli 
cation,  and  frequently  expressed  a  wtsh  to  be  removed 
from  Washington  to  some  healthier  place.  The 
physicians,  however,  while  fully  recognizing  the  neces 
sity  for  a  removal  at  the  earliest  hour,  were  unani 
mously  of  the  opinion  that  the  President  was  yet  too 
weak  to  bear  the  fatigue  of  a  journey,  no  matter  how 
short. 

On  Sunday  night,  August  14th,  the  President 
suffered  an  alarming  relapse,  which  aroused  the  gravest 
anxiety  on  the  part  of  his  physicians,  and  sent  a  thrill 
of  grief  throughout  the  country.  On  Monday  morning, 
the  15th,  it  was  rumored  in  Washington  that  the 
President  was  dying.  This,  happily,  proved  to  be 
false. 

"  The  situation  on  Tuesday,  August  16th,  was  very 
little  changed  from  that  of  the  previous  day.  The 
anxiety  of  Monday  continued  throughout  the  day,  but 
was  attended  with  less  excitement. 

"  No  words  of  consolation  could    be  obtained  from 


602  JAMES    A.   GAKF1ELD. 

the  White  House  after  the  noon  bulletin  was  issued. 
In  fact  very  little  information  of  an  official  character 
could  be  obtained  at  all.  The  doctors  and  those  who 
had  access  to  the  sick  chamber  kept  themselves  out  of 
the  way  during  the  afternoon.  The  gloomy  look  of 
yesterday  was  again  visible  on  the  faces  which  gathered 
in  the  room  of  Private  Secretary  Brown.  The  mem 
bers  of  the  Cabinet,  who  came  in  and  out  at  various 
times  during  the  day,  were  indisposed  to  talk  about 
the  matter.  Attorney  General  MacVeagh  said  that  he 
considered  the  situation  as  very  critical  indeed.  He 
had  no  idea  that  the  President  would  be  able  to  pull 
through.  To  hm,  it  looked  as  if  everybody  should  be 
prepared  for  the  end,  which  was  apparently  near  at 
hand.  Secretary  Lincoln  arrived  from  New  York  and 
immediately  presented  himself  at  the  White  House, 
where  he  has  been  most  of  the  day.  Secretary  Win- 
dom  and  wife  and  Attorney  General  MacVeagh  and 
wife  remained  at  the  White  House  till  noon.  At  half- 
past  eleven  the  Chinese  Minister,  Chin  Lan  Pin,  ac 
companied  by  one  of  the  attaches  of  the  Chinese  Lega 
tion,  called.  They  were  dressed  in  full  court  costume. 
The  object  was  to  convey  to  Mrs.  Garfield  a  message  of 
sympathy  from  the  Chinese  Emperor,  and  they  were 
received  in  the  Blue  Room  with  the  ordinary  ceremony 
of  state.  Secretary  Blaine  is  not  expected  to  arrive 
before  to-morrow.  The  fact  that  he  has  been  sent  for 
has  been  disputed,  but  it  is  stated  with  equal  authority 
that  he  has  been  telegraphed  and  may  be  here  by  to 
morrow  night.  The  White  House  this  afternoon  bears 
the  appearance  of  a  house  over  which  hangs  tht 


ASSASSINATION   OF    PRESIDENT   GARFIELB  603 

shadow  of  death.  The  disappointment  of  the  noon  bul 
letin  is  exhibited  in  every  face.  Even  those  whose  hopes 
were  not  extinguished  by  the  patient's  condition  last 
night  received  the  intelligence  of  the  continued  prostra 
tion  of  the  President  with  feelings  akin  to  despair. 
There  appears  to  be  some  who  are  impressed  with  a  sort 
of  blind  faith  that  the  President  will  get  through  every 
thing  successfully.  They  can  give  no  reason  for  the 
faith  which  is  within  them,  but  are  none  the  less 
stubbornly  fixed  in  the  belief.  Up  to  this  afternoon  this 
appeared  to  inspire  Private  Secretary  Brown  more  than 
anybody  about  the  White  House.  This  afternoon, 
however,  he  bears  the  appearance  of  having  completely 
broken  down.  The  face  of  this  favorite  attache  bore  a 
look  of  suppressed  grief  which  nothing  but  the  most 
gloomy  anticipations  could  produce.  He  seemed  to 
want  to  keep  out  of  the  way,  to  see  nobody.  Tire 
same  may  be  said  of  other  attendants,  along  with  the 
doctors. 

"  Within  two  hours  after  the  issuance  of  the  noon  bul 
letin  scarcely  a  soul  remained  above  stairs  who  was  acces 
sible  to  the  reporters.  There  was  Assistant  Secretary 
Pruden  in  charge,  but  he  was  not  inclined  to  talk,  and 
felt  the  general  depression.  Secretary  Hunt  came  out 
of  the  library  a  few  minutes  before  three  o'clock,  and 
was  asked  to  give  the  latest  condition  of  the  President. 
He  was  almost  dumb  with  grief,  and  only  said  :  '  There 
is  nothing  at  all  I  can  say/  During  this  time,  how 
ever,  there  was  no  indication  of  increase  of  unfavorable 
symptoms  over  those  expressed  in  the  noon  bulletins. 
No  vomiting  had  been  reported  since  morning,  and 


604  JAMES   A.   GARFIELD. 

the  pulse  remained  high,  with  the  temperature  in 
statu  quo. 

"  The  midday  bulletin  cast  a  gloom  over  the  attache's 
of  the  Executive  Mansion,  and  the  greatest  anxiety 
prevailed.  The  change  was  even  noticeable  in  the  ex 
pression  and  countenance  of  Private  Secretary  Brown, 
who  has  from  the  first  entertained  one  of  the  most 
sanguine  opinions  that  the  President  would  recover. 
Secretary  Hunt,  when  asked  if  he  could  say  anything 
favorable  regarding  the  present  condition  of  the  patient, 
said,  in  a  tone  which  showed  that  he  was  deeply 
affected,  that  there  was  absolutely  nothing  to  say,  that 
everything  that  could  be  said  was  now  visible  from  the 
outside.  Mrs.  Garfield  is  said  to  be  as  cheerful  as  the 
circumstances  will  allow,  and  that  she  entertains  a 
strong  belief  that  her  husband  will  recover." 

On  the  17th  the  condition  of  the  President  was  about 
the  same  as  on  the  previous  day.  On  the  18th  a  new 
and  dangerous  complication  manifested  itself  in  the 
inflammation  and  serious  swelling  of  the  parotid  gland. 
This  is  the  salivary  gland  situated  nearest  the  ear,  and 
pours  its  secretion  into  the  mouth  during  mastication. 
Its  duct,  called  the  duct  of  Stino,  opens  into  the 
mouth  opposite  the  second  molar  tooth.  It  is  the  same 
gland  which  is  always  affected  when  people  have  the 
mumps,  and  the  first  symptoms  in  the  President's  case 
were  somewhat  similar  to  those  of  a  patient  suffering 
from  severe  mumps.  This  was  a  serious  complication, 
as  it  added  an  additional  drain  to  the  already  heavy 
tax  upon  the  patient's  weakened  system.  The  phy 
sicians  in  attendance,  while  recognizing  it  as  dangerous, 


ASSASSINATION   OF    PRESIDENT   GARFIELD.  605 

did  not,  like  the  general  public,  regard  it  as  a  symptom 
of  blood  poisoning.  Dr.  Hamilton  declared  to  the 
correspondent  of  the  Philadelphia  Times,  that  the  in 
flammation  of  the  gland  was  not  an  unusual  occurrence 
in  such  cases,  and  that  he  did  not  regard  it  as  alarming. 
On  the  same  day  this  correspondent  wrote  : 

"  Dr.  Bliss  was  asked  this  afternoon  about  the  rumors 
to  the  effect  that  the  swelling  of  the  parotid  gland  was 
an  indication  of  pyaemia,  low  fever  and  other  compli 
cations  of  a  more  or  less  serious  nature,  and  also  that 
mortification  had  set  in.  The  doctor  said  that  it  was 
very  curious  to  him,  in"  view  of  the  fact  that  pyaemia 
was  such  a  specific  disease,  that  some  people  will 
insist  that  the  President  has  it,  while  the  attending 
surgeons  have  thus  far  been  unable  to  discover  any 
indication  of  it  whatsoever.  '  This  inflammation/ 
the  doctor  continued,  'is  nothing  unusual  in  cases 
where  patients  have  become  greatly  debilitated.  I  have 
seen  it  many  times  in  cases  of  gunshot  wounds/ 

" '  Then,  it  is  not  pyaemia,  doctor  ?' 

" <0h,  no.' 

"'Is  it  an  indication  of  fever,  typhoid  or  other 
wise?' 

"'Not  at  all,  sir.  It  is  an  affection  which  need  not 
cause  the  slightest  alarm.' " 

The  19th  showed  an  encouraging  improvement  in 
the  President.  The  official  bulletins  for  the  day  were 
hopeful  in  tone. 

A  letter  from  Washington,  written  on  the  night  of 
the  19th,  said : 

"  There  was  more  speculation  about  the  streets  tx> 


606  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD. 

night  than  last  night  at  the  same  hours.  Those  who 
crowded  about  the  bulletins  did  not  appear  to  be  fully 
satisfied  with  the  situation.  From  unofficial  sources, 
however,  it  is  learned  that  this  public  apprehension  is 
unfounded.  They  assert  at  the  Executive  Mansion 
that  the  President  has  been  doing  well  all  day  and  is 
still  improving.  No  sickness  is  apparent,  and  the 
glandular  inflammation  has  gone  down  somewhat  and 
gives  no  uneasiness  to  the  physicians.  The  President, 
however,  is  feeling  a  little  gloomy.  The  near  approach 
of  Saturday  is  dreaded  by  him,  it  is  said.  It  is  on  that 
day,  by  a  sort  of  strange  fatality,  that  all  his  bad  turns 
have  occurred.  He  has  noticed  this  and  grown  some 
what  morbid  over  the  idea  that  Saturday  is  his  unlucky 
day.  He  thinks  if  he  can  pull  through  Sunday  without 
any  change  for  the  worse,  if  he  can  only  wake  up  on 
Monday  morning  feeling  better  than  on  to-day,  he 
believes  he  will  get  well.  This  notion  of  an  unlucky 
day  has  worked  upon  his  mind  to  such  an  extent  that 
it  is  feared  that  any  slight  backset  to-morrow  will 
bring  about  a  strong  reaction.  There  is  curiously 
enough  a  similar  sentiment  among  the  public  to-night. 
If  he  can  only  pull  through  his  unlucky  day,  it  is  said 
on  every  hand,  the  President  and  the  people  may  then 
take  fresh  courage." 

That  the  President's  fear  of  a  bad  Saturday  was  not 
unreal,  was  proved  by  the  fact  that  on  the  20th  of 
August  he  began  to  show  symptoms  of  a  relapse. 
These  symptoms  increased,  and  Sunday,  August  21st, 
was  a  day  of  anxiety  and  gloom  at  the  White  House. 

Slight  indications  of  delirium  manifested  themselves 


ASSASSINATION   OF   PRESIDENT   GARFIELD.  607 

at  this  time,  but  the  physicians  attributed  this  to 
extreme  weakness,  and  not  to  any  decided  mental 
disturbance,  and  their  view  was  subsequently  borne 
out  by  an  improved  mental  condition  on  the  part  of 
the  patient.  Writing  on  the  22d  of  August,  The  Times 
correspondent  said : 

"The  glandular  swelling  is  pronounced  to-day  about 
the  same  as  it  was  yesterday,  but  it  is  said  to  give  less 
pain  and  annoyance.  Dr.  Boynton  is  of  the  opinion 
that  it  is  reduced  somewhat,  though  he  says  not  ma 
terially,  and  that  if  suppuration  should  commence  now 
it  would  be  less  dangerous  than  on  yesterday.  It  is 
expected  that  if  suppuration  sets  in  it  will  be  to-morrow 
or  Wednesday.  It  may  probably  be  delayed  still  an 
other  day.  When  its  prevention  is  no  longer  possible 
in  the  opinion  of  the  surgeons,  the  pus  will  be  liberated 
by  an  incision.  This  will  be  the  most  severe  test  the 
patient  will  have  undergone  during  the  last  two  weeks. 
It  has  been  a  steady  fight  between  the  coming  on  of 
this  crisis  and  the  toning  up  of  the  President's 
stomach.  Dr.  Boynton,  when  asked  what  the  result 
would  probably  be  of  such  an  incision  in  the  neck,  re 
plied  that  it  was  impossible  to  tell  what  that  end  would 
be ;  that  it  would  be  possible  for  the  inflammation  to 
extend  to  the  interior  of  the  ear  and  destroy  that  organ, 
and  that  it  might  seriously  affect  the  bones  of  the  face 
in  the  vicinity  of  the  irritation,  and  further  than  this, 
there  were  other  possibilities  which  it  was  needless  to 
suggest.  Dr.  Bliss  gives  it  as  his  opinion  to-day  that 
they  have  the  swelling  of  the  face  pretty  well  in  hand, 
and  don't  anticipate  any  serious  results  from  it.  He 


608  JAMES    A.    GARFIELD. 

thinks  that  it  will  suppurate  to-morrow  or  day  after. 
Dr.  Bliss  admits  that  the  only  danger  appearing  at 
present  is  that  the  President  may  die  of  exhaustion 
after  the  operation,  in  case  the  stomach  can't  be  made 
strong  enough  to  counteract  the  natural  drain  by  the 
double  suppuration  of  the  wound  and  the  proposed 
incisions  of  the  neck.  He  thinks,  however,  that  the 
President's  stomach  has  greatly  improved  in  the  last 
twelve  hours,  and  that  he  will  be  able  to  master  the 
difficulties  as  they  severally  appear.  He  is  as  confident 
as  ever  that  the  President  will  pull  through,  notwith 
standing  all  the  complications  of  the  case.  Dr.  Bliss 
says  that  while  the  case  is  quite  critical  and  serious, 
he  has  seen  a  great  many  cases  equally  as  serious  dur 
ing  the  war,  where  men  lay  for  months  upon  their 
backs  with  just  such  complications,  and  have  yet  in 
the  end  recovered.  He  feels  by  no  means  discouraged, 
and  believes  that  the  President  has  still  a  good 
foundation  for  the  hope  which  he  expresses  for  his 
recovery." 

A  despatch  sent  by  Captain  Henry,  to  the  friends 
of  the  President  in  Ohio,  on  the  20th  of  August,  con 
tains  many  interesting  details  of  this  period  of  his 
sickness,  and  is  as  follows : 

"  The  improvement  of  the  President  has  been  more 
marked  the  past  twenty -four  hours,,  especially  the  tone 
of  the  stomach  has  improved,  and  this  gives  strength. 
Dr.  Boynton  has  watched  this  feature  of  the  case  with 
the  greatest  care.  The  President  has  felt  no  sign  of 
hunger  for  weeks  until  a  trifle  to-day.  Even  the  wind 
has  been  favorable.  During  the  past  two  days  it  has 


ASSASSINATION    OF    PRESIDENT    GARFIELD.  GOO 

not  blown  from  the  Kid  well  bottoms,  but  has  come 
fresh  and  bracing  from  the  north.  Mrs.  Garfield  has 
been  not  only  hopeful  and  cheerful  during  the  day, 
but  appeared  happy.  I  told  her  of  little  Abe  and  Irve 
at  Lawnfield,  some  things  they  said  about  '  papa's  ill 
ness.'  I  told  her  of  their  little  sunbrowned  hands  and 
faces.  The  brave,  womanly  heart,  that  had  stood  the 
terrible  strain  for  weeks,  melted  to  think  of  her  dear 
little  boys  at  home,  and  papa  and  mamma  away  from 
home,  but  longing  to  be  there.  For  three  or  four 
weeks  previous  to  last  Monday  the  President  often 
spoke  of  home.  He  longed  to  be  at  his  Lawnfield 
home ;  to  be  in  Cleveland ;  to  walk  down  Superior 
street,  meeting  and  greeting  old  friends.  He  wanted 
to  see  Hiram,  and  Solon,  and  cousin  Henry  Boynton, 
and  some  of  Aunt  Alpha's  Indian  bread  again,  and 
pick  wintergreens  on  the  hill.  He  wanted  to  see  Burke 
and  Harry,  Mary  and  Hettie,  and  a  score  of  others. 
He  wanted  to  be  in  the  shade  of  the  maples  at  Captain 
Henry's  farm.  He  longed  to  be  in  Ohio,  as  he  ex 
pressed  it,  '  On  the  old  sod  once  more.'  Thousands 
upon  thousands  of  familiar  friends  would  appear  before 
him  as  he  lay  on  his  bed  of  pain.  On  Monday,  how 
ever,  the  pulse  went  up  to  130,  a  feeble  flutter.  Since 
then  he  has  been  too  weak  to  think  much  about  old 
times,  scenes  and  faces. 

"  While  he  is  decidedly  better  than  a  few  days  ago, 
he  is  feeble  and  wasted.  Probably  sixty  pounds  of 
flesh  have  gone  in  seven  weeks.  The  bullet-hole  was 
eleven  and  three-quarters  inches  deep,  by  actual  meas 
urement,  this  morning,  as  they  washed  it  out.  His 

39 


610  JAMES    A.    GARFIELD. 

strength  is  nearly  wasted,  but  the  little  left  has  been 
increasing  slowly  and  hopefully  during  the  past  two 
clays.  If  he  continues  to  improve  I  shall  not  consider 
him  out  of  danger  for  some  time.  To-day  is  the  forty- 
ninth  since  he  was  shot  He  is  forty-nine  years  old. 
I  was  troubled  yesterday  about  to-day  on  account  of 
the  coincidence  of  these  numerals.  A  score  or  more 
of  his  old  friends  will  understand  why.  Twenty-five 
years  ago  he  often  said  that  he  expected  to  die  at 
thirty-three,  the  age  of  his  father  when  he  died.  He 
passed  thirty-three,  and  then  thought  he  would  die  at 
forty-two,  the  number  of  his  regiment.  His  mind, 
however,  to-day  was  too  weary  to  be  troubled  about 
the  application  of  facts  and  numerals.  His  faculties, 
however,  are  quite  active.  When  awake  he  is  quick 
to  see  what  is  going  on  in  the  room.  The  grip  of  his 
hand  is  firm.  He  can  hold  a  glass  of  water  in  his 
hand  and  carry  it  to  his  mouth  without  trembling. 
His  voice  has  become  natural  since  Monday.  The 
pulse  is  firm,  and  his  eyes  brighter  and  more  natural 
in  expression." 

The  condition  of  the  President  on  Tuesday,  August 
23d,  was  thus  summed  up  by  the,  correspondent  we 
have  so  often  quoted  : 

"  The  President  has  had  a  rather  better  day  than 
was  generally  anticipated.  The  condition  of  the  Presi 
dent  was,  it  is  true,  a  subject  of  grave  anxiety  to  his 
surgeons,  to  his  attendants,  and  to  Mrs.  Garfield,  but 
not  more  so  than  it  was  yesterday,  and  not  so  much  as 
on  Sunday.  On  Sunday  afternoon  there  was  really 
greater  reason  for  discouragement  than  at  any  time 


ASSASSINATION   OF    PRESIDENT   GARFIELD.  611 

since  then,  because  there  seemed  then  to  be  only  a 
very  faint  hope  that  the  patient's  demoralized  stomach 
could  be  brought  to  resume  its  functions.  As  soon  as 
the  President  began  to  swallow  food  again,  his  condition, 
to  that  extent  at  least,  became  more  hopeful.  Without 
adequate  nourishment  death  from  exhaustion  seemed 
inevitable,  while  with  proper  nourishment  he  might 
live.  In  a  qualified  sense,  therefore,  he  was  better  this 
morning  than  he  was  Sunday  night,  although  his 
general  condition  in  the  interval  had  not  materially 
changed.  He  passed  a  quiet  morning,  taking  nourish 
ment  frequently  in  the  shape  of  beef  juice,  peptonized 
milk,  and  milk  porridge,  with  an  enema  every  five  or 
six  hours.  Up  to  noon  he  had  swallowed  sixteen  or 
seventeen  ounces  of  liquid  food,  but  there  had  been 
no  indication  of  an  increase  in  his  strength,  with  the 
exception  of  a  stronger  and  slightly  improved  pulse. 
The  glandular  swelling  remained  hard,  and  showed 
no  change  in  size  or  appearance,  and  the  amount  of 
mucus  secreted  in  the  back  part  of  the  mouth  was 
about  the  same  as  yesterday." 

On  the  24th  of  August  the  condition  of  the  President 
had  not  materially  changed.  The  correspondent  of 
The  Times  wrote : 

"  The  President  began  to-day  very  much  as  be  began 
yesterday,  without  exhibiting  any  material  change. 
From  all  accounts,  however,  it  appeared  that  he  passed  a 
more  comfortable  night  last  night  than  the  one  immedi 
ately  preceding  it.  There  was  no  particular  significance 
in  the  figures  of  the  bulletin,  the  pulse  remaining  at  100, 
and  the  temperature  somewhat  above  the  normal,  but 


612  JAMES    A.   GARFIELD. 

those  figures  were  somewhat  less  discouraging  than 
those  of  the  previous  morning.  He  had  awakened 
several  times  in  the  night,  and  twice  had  asked  for  and 
was  given  food  in  small  quantities,  which  he  retained. 
It  must  not  be  understood  that  because  the  President 
asks  for  nourishment  he  has  any  natural  hankering 
therefor,  but  it  is  rather  from  his  desire  to  please  the 
physicians  and  because  he  is  fully  aware  of  the  im 
portance  of  taking  sufficient  nourishment  to  keep  him 
self  up.  It  is  pure  pluck.  At  stated  intervals  he  asks 
for  food  as  if  he  were  managing  his  own  case,  and  was 
calculating  the  time  which  should  elapse  between  the 
administration  of  nourishment  and  'the  capacity  of  his 
stomach  to  retain  another  dose.  He  complains,  in  fact, 
that  his  taste  is  all  gone,  and  that  he  can  scarcely  tell 
the  difference  between  one  species  of  food  and  another. 
From  this  it  must  appear  that  the  relish  which  is  men 
tioned  by  his  physicians  is  yet  intangible.  Last  night 
was  characterized  by  less  indication  of  trouble  from 
the  mucus  secretions  in  the  throat  and  less  difficulty  in 
expelling  the  phlegm  which  has  troubled  him  during 
the  last  few  days.  The  one  thing  most  important,  the 
swelling  of  the  parotid  gland,  remained  stationary 
during  the  night,  but  about  noon  to-day  there  was  a 
decided  change.  This  change  forms  one  of  the  most 
conspicuous  features  of  to-day's  history  of  the  case. 

"  This  forenoon  the  gland  began  to  show  symptoms 
of  suppuration  for  the  first  time.  Instead  of  being 
hard  to  the  touch,  it  exhibited  evidences  of  coming 
softness,  and  upon  this  a  consultation  of  the  doctors 
was  held,  and  it  was  decided  that  it  would  be  more 


ASSASSINATION   OF    PRESIDENT   GARFIELD.  613 

judicious  to  assist  suppuration  by  an  immediate  in 
cision  than  risk  the  driving  of  the  pus  out  by  some 
other  channels.  Some  fear  was  expressed  that  it 
might  take  the  direction  of  the  ear.  The  noon  bul 
letin  gave  no  intimation  of  the  prospective  suppuration, 
but  immediately  after  the  issuance  thereof  an  incision 
was  made  below  and  a  little  forward  of  the  right  ear^ 
where  the  softening  was  manifest.  There  was  no 
anaesthetic  administered,  and  the  patient  is  reported 
to  have  borne  the  operation  very  well,  considering  his 
low  condition.  There  was  an  antiseptic  spray  of  car 
bolic  acid  used  upon  the  surface,  and  beyond  the 
climbing  of  tiie  pulse  to  115,  there  were  no  perceptibly 
bad  results  from  the  cutting.  The  pulse  shortly  after 
fell  back  again  to  about  104  or  105.  It  is  stated,  un 
officially,  that  the  effect  upon  the  President  was  less 
marked  than  that  of  any  other  of  the  several  opera 
tions  which  have  been  performed.  This,  however,  is 
probably  due  to  the  fact  that  the  President  is  now  in 
such  a  weak  and  emaciated  condition  that  he  is 
scarcely  conscious  of  what  is  taking  place.  His  abil 
ity  to  bear  pain  is  not  to  be  measured  by  the  ordinary 
indications.  Some  days  ago,  as  an  example,  when  the 
investigation  was  made  with  the  wound  that  resulted 
in  the  discovery  of  its  depth  of  twelve  and  a-half 
inches,  the  President  was  actually  in  ignorance  of  the 
whole  operation.  The  operation  to-day  was  performed 
by  Dr.  Hamilton,  at  the  request  of  the  President. 
Contrary  to  the  expectations  of  the  doctors,  but  very 
little  pus  followed  the  operation,  not  more,  it  is  said, 
than  a  couple  of  drops  the  size  of  common  peas.  It 


614  JAMES   A.   GARFIELD. 

is  not  thought  necessary  to  put  a  drainage  tube  in, 
inasmuch  as  pressure  on  the  outer  surface  at  any  time 
will  force  from  the  incision  any  accumulation  of  pus. 
At  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  it  was  found  that 
the  pulse  had  dropped  to  104,  at  which  it  had  stood 
in  the  noon  bulletin,  and  that  the  President  was 
suffering  no  serious  inconvenience  from  the  recent 
operation. 

"  The  President  is  very  anxious  to  be  removed  from 
the  White  House.  He  wants  to  go  down  the  river  or 
to  Mentor.  It  is  almost  pitiable  to  contemplate  him  in 
his  helpless  state  begging  to  be  taken  away.  The 
physicians  would  take  him  in  a  minute  if  he  could 
stand  it.  As  it  is  they  are  seriously  contemplating  a 
removal  as  a  last  resort.  The  food  which  he  takes 
does  not  build  him  up,  and  if  he  can  only  be  got  away 
a  change  of  air  may  be  beneficial.  So  serious  has  the 
matter  become  that,  this  afternoon,  Dr.  Agnew  was 
telegraphed  to  attend  an  immediate  consultation  on  the 
subject.  Dr.  Agnew  telegraphed  in  reply  that  he  would 
leave  at  once,  and  would  like  to  meet  the  other  surgeons 
upon  his  arrival."  • 

The  consultation  was  held  at  ten  o'clock,  and  re 
sulted  in  a  decision  not  to  remove  the  President,  the 
surgeons  not  deeming  him  strong  enough  to  bear  the 
fatigue  of  removal.  Nevertheless,  the  necessity  for 
removal  to  a  more  bracing  atmosphere  was  recognized, 
and  it  was  resolved  to  make  the  attempt  at  the  earliest 
possible  moment. 

On  the  25th  signs  of  a  new  relapse  began  to 
manifest  themselves,  and  on  the  26th  the  patier4, 


ASSASSINATION   OF   PRESIDENT   GARFIELD.  615 

grew  steadily  worse,  until  the  question  of  life  or 
death  seemed  to  hang  upon  the  occurrences  of  a  few 
hours. 

A  letter  from  Washington,  written  on  the  26th  of 
August,  said  : 

"  This  has  been  the  saddest  day  of  the  many  sad 
days  since  the  one  exciting  event  of  the  2d  of  July. 
Had  the  morning  bulletin  announced  the  death  of  the 
President  the  public  depression  and  gloom  could  scarcely 
have  been  greater.  The  alarm  was  taken  up  at  break 
of  day,  and  the  national  capital  has  been  wrought  up 
to  fever  heat.  From  the  first  intelligence  received 
from  the  Executive  Mansion  the  day  has  been  one  un 
broken  era  of  rumors,  fears,  alarms  and  feverish  ex 
citement. 

"The  report  was  early  circulated  that  the  President 
was  actually  dead,  and  some  expected  the  official  an 
nouncement  to  be  made  to  that  effect.  When  the 
bulletin  came,  however,  it  showed  about  as  satisfactory 
a  state  of  affairs  as  prevailed  last  night. 

"In  the  face  of  the  discouraging  bulletins  and  other 
information,  the  doctors  kept  a  stiff  upper  lip  and  suc 
ceeded  in  rallying  the  hopes  of  the  panic-stricken  occu 
pants  of  the  White  House.  Dr.  Bliss  came  out  of  the 
surgeons'  room  about  9.30  this  morning  and  telephoned 
his  wife  that  the  President  was  a  little  better  than  last 
night.  In  reply  to  interrogations  he  said  that  the 
President's  pulse  this  morning  was  less  frequent  and 
that  the  parotid  swelling  had  broken  into  the  right  ear 
and  was  discharging  through  that  orifice.  The  patient's 
mind  was  clear  and  he  conversed  rationally  with  the 


616  JAMES   A.   GARFIELD. 

surgeons  about  the  condition  of  tfie  inflamed  gland. 
He  partook  of  food,  which  seemed  to  be  grateful  to  him, 
and  his  general  condition  appeared  to  be  a  little  im 
proved.  The  doctor  expressed  himself  as  hopeful  that 
the  swollen  gland  would  be  relieved  by  the  discharge 
through  the  ear,  and  that  he  would  pull  through  the 
day  without  much  change. 

"All  the  members  of  the  Cabinet  were  at  the  White 
House  unusually  early  to-day.  Most  of  them  were 
accompanied  by  their  wives,  and  remained  in  the  private 
part  of  the  house  off  and  on  during  the  day.  None  of 
them  were  very  hopeful,  though  towards  noon  they 
expressed  themselves  as  having  regained  some  confi 
dence  since  the  early  part  of  the  day.  This  confidence 
was  not  of  long  duration.  Increasing  dangerous 
symptoms  of  the  afternoon  brought  consternation  to 
those  who  were  catching  at  straws.  The  gathering  at 
the  White  House  for  the  noon  bulletin  was  unusually 
large.  The  talking  in  the  private  secretary's  room 
went  on  in  undertones.  The  crowd  got  impatient  a0 
the  bulletin  was  delayed  for  some  minutes.  As  usual 
there  were  those  on  hand  to  say  that  the  delay  was 
the  sign  of  a  bad  bulletin.  This  impression  was  strength 
ened  by  the  recollection  that  usually  it  is  known  before 
hand  what  the  general  character  of  the  medical  an 
nouncement  will  be,  and  that  to-day  there  was  not  the 
slightest  thing  known  about  it  before  its  promulgation. 
There  was  a  rapid  break  for  down-stairs  with  the 
bulletins  as  they  were  distributed.  Sergeant  Dinsmore 
has  to  stand  at  the  stairs  and  check  the  stampede  of 
the  bulletin-holders  to  prevent  too  much  noise  being 


ASSASSINATION   OF    PRESIDENT   GARFIELD.  617 

made  in  the  hurry  to  get  out  of  the  house  with  the 
bulletins.  The  bulletin  was  depressing,  as  had  been 
anticipated.  The  pulse  had  gone  up  ten  beats  since 
morning.  The  temperature  had  gone  up  nearly  a 
tenth,  and  there  was  no  improvement  in  the  respira 
tion.  This  had  the  effect  to  add  to  the  discouragement 
everywhere.  It  was  the  first  really  bad  bulletin  that 
the  doctors  have  issued,  and  it  showed  that  the  doctors 
themselves  were  beginning  to  weaken  in  confidence.  It 
being  the  first  bulletin  that  carried  with  it  alarm  on  its 
face,  the  depression  was  more  widespread  than  if  there 
had  been  similar  bulletins  previously.  The  words 
'  Nevertheless  we  regard  his  condition  as  critical ' 
looked  ominous.  It  looked  as  if  the  President  can 
not  recover  and  that  his  death  is  only  a  question  of 
time.  The  doctors  do  not  give  any  tangible  hope,  but 
they  do  not  by  any  means  say  that  they  give  the 
patient  up. 

"As  your  correspondent  passed  through  the  gates  of 
the  White  House  grounds  this  evening  and  elbowed  his 
way  through  the  surging  mass  of  humanity  that  stood 
patiently  waiting  the  latest  intelligence  from  the  sick 
chamber,  he  was  suddenly  grasped  as  if  by  a  vise. 
Turning,  he  saw  a  broad-shouldered,  roughly-dressed 
fellow,  whose  ill-appearance  was  somewhat  redeemed 
by  a  frank,  open  countenance. 

"  '  Can't  you  give  me  some  news  from  the  President 
to  carry  to  my  folks  down  in  Virginia?  I'm  going 
home  on  the  evening  train,  and  I'd  like  something  en 
couraging  to  tell  the  boys/ 

"  He  was  told  that  the  President  was  actually  hover- 


G18  JAMES   A.   GARFIELD. 

ing  over  the  brink  of  the  grave  and  might  not  possibly 
live  out  the  night. 

"  *  Dash  it !  '  he  said,  bringing  the  full  weight  of  his 
heavy  hand  on  the  correspondent's  shoulder,  while  his 
honest  eyes  filled  with  tears.  '  I  didn't  vote  for  Gar- 
field.  I  didn't  want  to  see  him  President  and  did  all 
I  could  to  defeat  him,  but  do  you  know,  sir,'  and  his 
voice  trembled  with  emotion,  '  I'd  give  my  right  arm 
at  this  minute  for  the  satisfaction  of  knowing  he  would 
ultimately  recover.  I'm  a  Virginian  and  a  Democrat 
to  the  core,  but  in  this  hour  of  his  affliction  Fin  a  true- 
blue  Garfield  man,  and  I  mean  it  when  I  say  I  would 
make  any  sacrifice  short  of  death  to  restore  that  noble 
fellow  to  life  again.' 

"  There  was  nothing  in  the  incident  beyond  what  is 
here  written,  but  it  is  interesting  as  showing  the  uni 
versal  affection  for  and  sympathy  with  Garfield  which 
pervades  all  classes,  be  their  religion  or  politics  the 
very  antipodes  of  his." 

Saturday,  August  27th — the  dreaded  Saturday — 
came  with  the  most  alarming  signs. 

"  It  appears,"  says  the  correspondent  of  The  Times, 
"  that  the  doctors  noticed  that  a  startling  change  had 
occurred  in  the  patient  at  about  five  oclock.  They 
saw  upon  examination  that  his  pulse  had  suddenly 
become  very  feeble  and  fluttering,  while  the  breath 
came  in  quick,  sharp,  successive  gasps.  Springing  at 
once  to  the  rescue,  the  surgeons  in  the  adjoining  room 
were  hastily  called,  and  the  first  battle  of  the  day 
began  in  the  very  presence  of  death.  There  was  a 
choking  in  the  throat,  produced  by  the  mucus  gather- 


ASSASSINATION   OF   PRESIDENT   GARFIELD.  619 

ing,  the  exhaustion  of  the  patient  being  such  that  he 
could  not  throw  it  off.  This  was  accompanied  by  a 
frightful  pulse,  which  was  of  a  very  feeble  character. 
There  was  a  clutching  at  the  bed  clothes  and  incohe 
rent  words,  which  indicated  an  alarming  crisis.  The 
doctors  grappled  with  the  case,  and,  by  assisting  to 
clear  the  throat  with  brandy  and  administering  the 
same  stimulant  by  enemata,  succeeded  in  quieting  the 
patient;  but  the  effort  appeared  to  take  away  what 
little  vitality  was  left,  and  the  pulse  grew  quicker  and 
more  feeble,  and  the  respiration  rose  to  an  alarming 
height.  It  seemed  for  a  moment  that  immediate  death 
was  threatened.  Consternation  followed  among  the 
doctors  and  communicated  itself  to  the  attendants. 
Some  of  these  ran  for  Mrs.  Garfield,  who  had  thrown 
herself  on  her  couch  in  the  next  room,  undressed  and 
worn-out  by  the  nights  and  days  of  weary  watching. 
She  sprang  to  her  feet  as  if  by  instinct,  and  was  at 
the  bedside  in  a  moment." 

The  efforts  of  the  physicians  to  rally  the  President 
were  successful,  and  during  the  day  he  managed  to 
regain  something  of  his  lost  strength.  But  the  case 
was  still  desperate  in  the  extreme,  and  the  sufferer's 
life  continued  to  hang  by  a  thread. 

"  The  President,"  said  The  Times  correspondent, 
writing  on  the  same  day,  "  realizes  that  he  is  in  an 
extremely  critical  condition,  but  does  not  give  up  by 
any  means.  Mrs.  Garfield  is  the  only  member  of  his 
family  allowed  to  see  the  President.  Neither  Harry 
nor  James  nor  Miss  Mollie  are  allowed  in  the  room. 
They  are  all  at  the  house,  however.  As  Private  Sec- 


620  JAMES   A.   GARFIELD. 

retary  Brown  puts  it:  'The  case  has  not  yet  reached 
that  point  where  it  is  necessary  for  the  children  to  see 
the  President'  Mr.  Brown  saw  the  President  for  the 
last  time  two  weeks  ago.  To-day  none  but  Mrs.  Gar- 
field,  the  physicians,  and  the  regular  attendants,  Gen 
eral  Swaim,  Colonel  Rockwell,  Dr.  Boynton,  and  Mrs. 
Edson  have  been  with  him.  Captain  Henry,  and 
Joseph  Rudolph,  the  President's  brother-in-law,  arrived 
to-night  on  the  same  train  from  Ohio.  They  made  a 
quick  trip,  having  been  summoned  by  telegraph  last 
night.  The  two  elder  boys  will  not  be  brought  from 
Meritor,  at  least  until  after  the  President's  death. 
Mrs.  Garfield  has  requested  this  when  the  question 
was  broached  to  her.  It  would  do  no  good,  and  only 
add  to  her  troubles  by  making  it  more  distressing  even 
than  at  present.  She  has  now  bravely  made  up  her 
mind  to  endure  the  worst  that  fate  has  in  store  for  her. 
The  doctors  broke  the  news  to  her  last  night  as  gently 
as  possible,  but  her  experience  of  the  morning  has 
made  the  terrible  reality  seem  nearer.  She  is  too 
sensible  a  woman  to  place  much  faith  upon  the  tempo 
rary  rally  of  this  afternoon,  and  the  doctors  cautioned 
her  against  entertaining  too  much  confidence  in  any 
temporary  favorable  symptoms.  These  fluctuations 
were  anticipated,  and  could  not  be  regarded  as  any 
decided  encouragement.  Notwithstanding  these  cau 
tionary  words,  hope  was  again  revived  in  a  good  many 
breasts  late  in  the  day,  based  on  the  more  favorable 
reports  that  the  President  might  even  yet  pull  through 
in  safety.  Colonel  Rockwell  and  General  Swaim 
actively  distributed  words  of  comfort  to  the  des- 


ASSASSINATION    OF    PRESIDENT    GARFIELD.  621 

pondent,  and  did  much  to  restore  a  feeling  of  encour 
agement. 

"  Reports  from  the  surgeons'  room  at  nine  o'clock 
to-night  were  to  the  effect  that  there  had  been  no  par 
ticular  change  in  the  President's  condition,  but  that 
his  symptoms  continued  to  show  slight  improvement. 
At  about  that  hour  the  President  said  to  Mrs.  Garfield, 
who  was  sitting  by  his  bedside,  that  he  would  like  a 
piece  of  milk  toast.  She  replied  that  if  the  surgeons 
had  no  objections  she  would  get  it  for  him.  Dr.  Bliss, 
upon  being  consulted,  said  it  would  do  no  harm  if  the 
condition  of  the  President's  parotid  gland  would  allow 
him  to  move  his  jaws  enough  to  eat  it.  Mrs.  Gar- 
field  thereupon  prepared  the  toast  carefully  herself, 
and  the  patient  ate  with  apparent  relish  and  enjoy 
ment  a  piece  about  half  as  large  as  a  man's  hand, 
moving  his  jaws  with  less  difficulty  than  was  antici 
pated.  This  taking  of  solid  food  for  the  first  time 
in  about  two  weeks  is  regarded  by  the  President's 
attendants  as  a  favorable  indication,  and  has  strength 
ened  a  little  more  the  hope  expressed  this  afternoon 
by  Colonel  Rockwell  and  General  Swaim." 

We  have  referred  to  the  sympathy  manifested  for 
the  wounded  President  by  the  sovereigns  of  the  old 
world,  and  especially  by  the  Queen  of  England.  On 
the  27th  the  following  despatch  was  received  at  the 
State  Department  at  Washington : 

"  LONDON,  August  27. 
"  ELAINE,  Secretary,  Washington  : 

"I  have  just  received  from  her  Majesty  the  Queen 
at  Balmoral  a  telegram  in  these  words :  '  I  am  most 


622  JAMES   A.    GARFIELD. 

deeply  grieved  at  the  sad  news  of  the  last  few  days, 
and  would  wish  my  deep  sympathy  to  be  conveyed  to 
Mrs.  Garfield.'  "  LOWELL,  Minister." 

To  this  Secretary  Blaine  sent  the  following  reply : 

"  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE,  WASHINGTON,  August  27. 
"  LOWELL,  Minister,  London  : 

"I  have  submitted  to  Mrs.  Garfield  your  telegram 
conveying  the  kindly  message  from  her  Majesty  the 
Queen.  Mrs.  Garfield  is  constantly  by  her  husband's 
bedside  and  does  not  give  up  all  hope  of  his  recovery. 
Her  request  is  that  you  will  return  to  the  Queen  her 
most  sincere  thanks  and  express  her  heartfelt  apprecia 
tion  of  the  constant  interest  and  tender  sympathy 
shown  by  her  Majesty  toward  the  President  and  his 
family  in  their  deep  grief  and  most  painful  suspense. 

"  BLAINE,  Secretary." 

The  improvement  in  the  President's  condition  con 
tinued  throughout  Sunday,  the  28th  of  August.  The 
incidents  of  the  day  are  thus  summed  up  by  the  corre 
spondent  of  the  New  York  World  : 

"At  noon  the  patient's  condition  was  represented  to 
be  one  of  continued  improvement.  At  intervals  of  two 
hours  nourishment  by  the  mouth  in  the  form  of  beef 
tea  and  rnilk  gruel,  prepared  by  Mrs.  Garfield's  hands, 
has  been  administered  to  the  President  with  good  effect. 
Soon  after  noon  he  was  given  a  little  chicken  broth 
and  appeared  to  enjoy  it.  Secretary  Hunt  arrived  at 
12.30  o'clock,  and  buried  himself  in  the  Cabinet-room. 
A  little  before  one  o'clock  Dr.  Hamilton  showed  him 
self  for  a  moment.  He  was  asked  for  his  opinion.  He 
answered  without  hesitation :  '  We  have  passed  the 
breakers  and  are  now  afloat.'  A  few  moments  later 


ASSASSINATION   OF    PRESIDENT   GARFIELD.  623 

Dr.  Agnew,  in  response  to  a  similar  question,  said : 
'  The  President  has  more  than  an  even  chance  for  re 
covery.'  The  second  bulletin  was  issued  at  one  p.  M. 
It  was  regarded  as  exceedingly  favorable.  At  1.15  P.  M. 
Secretary  Blaine  and  Postmaster-General  James  arrived 
together  in  the  latter's  carriage.  They  both  looked 
jubilant,  and  expressed  themselves  enthusiastically  in 
regard  to  the  turn  affairs  had  taken. 

"At  two  o'clock  the  President  was  sleeping  quietly, 
and  General  Swairn  and  Colonel  Rockwell,  who  were 
watching  with  him,  pronounced  his  sleep  as  more 
natural  than  any  which  he  had  enjoyed  for  several 
days.  Drs.  Bliss,  Hamilton,  Agnew  and  Reyburn  were 
in  the  Cabinet-room,  and  the  face  of  each  was  radiant 
with  hope.  Dr.  Bliss  looked  especially  happy.  He 
has  been  called  an  optimist  because,  from  the  day  when 
the  President  was  shot  until  Friday  last,  he  obstinately 
maintained  his  view  that  the  patient  would  recover. 
On  Friday  noon,  for  the  first  time,  he  lost  hope,  and 
publicly  announced  that  he  feared  for  the  President's 
life.  The  remarkable  change  which  has  taken  place 
in  the  sufferer's  condition  since  yesterday  at  noon  has 
confirmed  all  the  former  opinions  of  Dr.  Bliss,  and  from 
a  thoroughly  despondent  man  he  has  become  once  more 
an  enthusiastic  prophet  of  good  to  come.  His  eyes 
fairly  beamed  with  joy  as  the  afternoon  wore  away 
and  no  further  dangerous  symptoms  appeared.  Dr. 
Hamilton,  too,  showed  in  his  face  that  with  every  suc 
ceeding  hour  his  hopes  grew  higher  and  higher.  Private 
Secretary  Brown  flitted  in  and  out  of  the  Cabinet-room-, 
and  his  general  smile  broadened  after  every  consul ta- 


624  JAMES    A.    GARFIELD. 

tion  with  the  surgeons.  This  is  the  first  Sunday  in 
many  weeks  that  the  occupants  of  the  White  House 
have  shown  by  their  actions  and  words,  that  they  have 
real  grounds  for  hope  of  the  recovery  of  the  President. 
The  patient  awoke  soon  after  two  o'clock.  Mrs.  Gar- 
field  was  at  his  side,  and  Drs.  Bliss  and  Hamilton  were 
sitting  in  the  room.  His  mind  was  perfectly  clear,  and 
he  recognized  his  heroic  wife  with  a  smile  and  the 
cheering  words,  '  I  feel  better  and  stronger.'  Liquid 
nourishment  was  given  to  him,  and  the  stomach  re 
tained  it  without  the  least  difficulty. 

"After  he  had  partaken  of  this  he  turned  to  Dr. 
Bliss,  and,  fixing  his  eyes  upon  him  in  a  wistful  gaze, 
said,  '  I  wonder  if  I  could  see  Mollie  ? '  Dr.  Bliss, 
thinking  that  in  the  apparently  fine  condition  of  his 
patient  the  sight  of  his  daughter  could  do  him  no  harm 
and  might  do  him  good,  said  that  he  had  no  objections, 
and  Miss  Mollie  was  sent  for.  The  brave  little  girl, 
who  has  shown  a  heroism  almost  equal  to  her  mother's 
in  the  trying  ordeal  of  the  last  eight  weeks,  entered 
the  sick-chamber,  from  which  she  has  been  excluded 
for  several  days.  She  approached  her  father  quietly, 
and,  stooping  over  the  bed,  kissed  him  very  softly. 

" (  How  is  my  little  girl  to-day  ? '  asked  the  Presi 
dent. 

"  'I  am  so  happy,  papa,'  said  Miss  Mollie.  'Do  you 
feel  happy?' 

" '  I  feel  much  better,'  was  the  answer  of  General 
Garfield.  This  was  all  that  passed  between  father  and 
daughter.  Dr.  Bliss  motioned  to  Miss  Mollie,  and  she 
slipped  quietly  from  the  room.  Young  James  Garfield 


ASSASSINATION   OF    PRESIDENT   GARFIELD.  625 

was  then  allowed  to  enter.  He  simply  grasped  the 
hand  of  his  father,  and  passed  from  the  sick-chamber 
with  the  tears  streaming  down  his  cheeks.  It  had 
been  intended  to  allow  Harry  also  to  see  his  father, 
but  the  interviews  with  Mollie  and  James  had  evi 
dently  had  a  bad  effect  upon  the  President,  and  Dr. 
Bliss  gave  orders  that  no  new  faces  should  be  shown  to 
the  sufferer." 

On  the  29th  of  August  the  improvement  in  the 
President  continued,  as  was  shown  by  the  official  bul 
letins. 

The  Times  correspondent  wrote,  on  the  same  day : 

"  At  the  morning  dressing  of  the  President's  wounds 
the  parotid  swelling  was  found  to  have  diminished 
sensibly  in  size  since  yesterday  morning.  There  had 
been  a  plentiful  discharge  of  pus  during  the  night  from 
the  three  openings.  Another  yellow  spot  was  dis 
covered  on  the  side  of  the  face  this  morning,  which, 
when  pricked,  permitted  a  free  discharge  of  pus  from 
another  pus  pocket.  Dr.  Boynton,  who  was  in  the 
sick-room  the  greater  part  of  last  night,  sdys  the  Presi 
dent  passed  a  good  night,  sleeping  most  of  the  time. 
His  sleep  was  more  natural  than  that  of  any  night 
during  the  past  week.  During  the  intervals  of  wake- 
fulness  his  mind  was  pretty  clear.  Once,  about  two 
A.M.,  when  awake  and  while  taking  some  nourishment, 
he  remarked  to  Dr.  Boynton,  evidently  referring  to  his 
several  relapses :  '  I  wonder  how  many  more  stations 
I  will  have  to  stop  at ! '  The  President,  Dr.  Boynton 
said,  looked  better  and  felt  better  this  morning." 

On  the  30th  the  President  continued  to  hold  his  own, 

40 


626  JAMES    A.    GARFIELD. 

and  also  made  a  substantial  gain.  Said  the  correspon 
dent  of  the  New  York  Tribune :  "  The  President  has 
been  gaining  to-day;  a  day's  progress  has  been  made  in 
the  healing  of  the  wound,  and  in  the  softening  and 
subsidence  of  the  swollen  cheek.  No  one  should  ex 
pect  tin  increase  of  physical  strength  at  this  stage  of 
the  case.  His  stomach  has  been  performing  its  func 
tions  in  a  satisfactory  manner,  and  no  new  weakness 
or  disorder  has  manifested  itself.  The  brain  retains  its 
normal  clearness.  A  new  incision  was  made  this  morn 
ing  into  the  inflammation  upon  the  parotid  gland,  and 
the  matter  discharged  from  it  was  satisfactory,  both  in 
character  and  quantity.  Renewed  anxiety  was  created 
by  the  rise  in  the  fever  symptoms,  as  they  were  disclosed 
by  the  morning  and  noon  bulletins,  but  the  President's 
physicians  asserted  without  reserve  that  anxiety  was  un 
necessary  and  that  all  was  going  well.  They  said  that 
the  fluctuations  were  necessary  accompaniments  of  pro 
gress  in  disorders  of  this  kind  and  that  a  speedy  subsi 
dence  was  to  be  expected.  The  evening  bulletin  proved 
to  be  a  fulfilment  of  their  predictions.  The  pulse,  which 
had  reached  116  at  noon,  had  subsided  to  110,  while 
the  temperature  and  respiration  compared  favorably 
with  evenings  in  the  recent  past  which  had  been 
accounted  good  evenings.  All  seems  to  be  going  well 
with  the  President,  and  the  most  favorable  of  the  pre 
dictions -which  have  been  made  in  regard  to  him  since 
he  was  shot  may  be  repeated  to-night  with  entire  safety. 
"At  nine  o'clock  this  evening  Dr.  Bliss  came  out  of  the 
sick-room,  where  he  had  been  for  a  few  moments  after 
his  return  from  his  evening  ride. 


ASSASSINATION    OF    PRESIDENT    GARFJELD.  627 

"'How  is  your  patient  to-night,  Doctor?'  was  the 
first  inquiry  addressed  to  him. 

"  *  He  has  passed  a  better  day  than  yesterday,  in  spite 
of  the  intense  heat.' 

"  '  Have  you  varied  the  treatment  any  to-day  ? ' 

"  *  No,  except  that  we  have  resumed  stimulating  en- 
emata ;  we  have  been  obliged  to  do  this.  The  effect  has 
been  seen  to-day  in  the  improved  pulse  and  tempera 
ture.  He  has  to  be  stimulated.  We  find  these  en- 
ernata  bring  him  up  and  make  him  comfortable,  and 
give  volume  to  his  pulse.  We  have  tried  four  or  five 
times  to  discontinue  them,  but  have  as  often  been  com 
pelled  to  resume  them.' 

"' How  long  will  it  be  necessary  to  administer 
them  ? ' 

" '  For  four  or  five  days,  I  should  say,  at  the  least. 
There  can  be  no  very  marked  improvement  in  his  con 
dition  within  that  period.' 

"  <  How  is  the  glandular  difficulty  to-night?' 

"'The  swelling  has  lessened,  and  is  becoming  soft. 
The  discharge  is  liberal  and  the  pus  is  of  an  improved 
character.  There  will  probably  be  some  sloughing  of 
the  cellular  tissues.' 

" '  Is  such  a  sloughing  what  was  feared  so  much  a 
few  days  ago  ? ' 

"  <  No;  this  is  quite  a  different  affair.  The  sloughing 
of  the  cellular  tissues  of  the  parotid  gland  means  simply 
that  the  walls  between  the  cells  will  slough  and  fall 
away  and  be  expelled  as  pus.  This  will  not  involve 
any  destruction  of  cuticle  and  will  not  leave  a  scar,  but 
the  effect  will  be  to  reduce  the  swelling  immediately 


628  JAMES   A.   GARFIELD. 

and  relieve  the  pressure  which  has  given  so  much 
trouble.  We  want  just  such  a  sloughing  as  this  prom 
ises  to  be.  There  has  been  already,  since  the  new 
incision  which  I  made  this  morning,  a  very  free  dis 
charge  of  pus  and  much  relief  has  been  afforded.  The 
skin,  too,  looks  very  much  better,  the  dark  purple 
appearance  having  passed  away.' 

"'Is  there  any  improvement  in  the  appetite?' 

"'Well,  it  is  hardly  correct  to  speak  of  an  appetite. 
He  seems  to  take  his  food  with  some  relish.  We  give 
it  every  two  hours,  and  about  in  the  same  quantities 
as  yesterday.  Sometimes  he  expresses  a  desire  for 
some  particular  article  of  food,  as  in  the  case  of  the 
milk  toast,  but  we  give  him  about  what  we  think  he 
can  assimilate  and  no  more.  To-day  we  made  the 
intervals  between  the  administrations  of  his  food  a 
little  longer,  not  because  his  stomach  rebelled,  but 
because  there  were  certain  indications  that  he  did  not 
take  it  with  relish,  and  we  deemed  it  advisable  to  create 
a  relish  by  a  little  enforced  abstinence,  besides  giving 
the  stomach  a  little  rest.' 

"'Is  there  any  improvement  in  the  President's  phys 
ical  strength?' 

" '  That  question  is  difficult  to  answer  so  as  to  be 
perfectly  understood.  In  one  sense,  no ;  in  another, 
yes.  There  is  probably  no  increased  muscular  strength, 
such  as  ability  to  lift  his  head  or  move  his  limbs,  but 
there  is  an  improvement  not  sensible  by  such  tests, 
which  is  very  important  after  all.  When  the  patient 
is  in  the  subsiding  stage  of  a  malady,  he  moves  into 
one  of  repair  and  greater  ease.  His  condition  is  restful, 
and  to  that  extent  he  is  gaining  strength.'" 


ASSASSINATION   OF   PRESIDENT   GARFIELD  629 

On  the  31st  of  August  the  President  maintained  the 
vantage  ground  he  had  gained,  and  on  the  10th  of 
September  his  condition  was  still  farther  improved. 

The  correspondent  of  the  New  York  World,  writing 
on  the  1st  of  September,  thus  describes  the  daily  scenes 
about  the  White  House  : 

"So  much  has  been  written  about  the  daily  life  at  the 
White  House  that  almost  everybody  is  more  or  less 
familiar  with  the  routine  of  affairs  there.  The  Presi 
dent  lies  in  a  room  in  the  centre  of  what  is  known  as 
the  family  end  of  the  mansion,  and  it  is  no  more  pos 
sible  for  an  outsider  to  approach  that  room  than  for 
him  to  get  at  Guiteau  in  his  strong  and  well-guarded 
prison.  Hence  the  reports  that  have  from  time  to  time 
appeared  of  correspondents  having  seen  the  President 
may  be  set  down  as  worthless.  The  President's  own 
sons  have  not  seen  him  for  some  time ;  his  Private 
Secretary  does  not  see  him,  and  the  members  of  the 
Cabinet  are  not  more  fortunate.  The  extreme  verge 
to  which  privileged  persons,  not  members  of  the  house 
hold,  can  go,  is  to  the  Cabinet-room,  and  another  room 
and  a  corridor  must  be  passed  before  the  President's 
room  can  be  reached.  But  particulars  of  what  occurs 
MI  the  patient's  room  are  reported  by  the  physicians 
and  the  attendants,  so  that  a  very  fair  idea  may  be 
obtained  of  wha^t  life  is  inside  the  private  part  of  the 
house.  Except  the  hall  and  the  East  room — the  state 
reception  room — the  whole  of  the  first  floor  of  the  house 
is  given  up  to  the  private  uses  of  the  family.  The 
second  and  top  story  is  divided  into  two  parts,  one  the 
business  end,  the  other  the  family  end  of  the  White 


630  JAMES   A.   GARFIELD. 

House.  The  Cabinet-room  is  in  the  centre  of  the. 
building,  between  these  two  ends.  From  the  hall  down 
stairs  there  are  two  stairways,  one  leading  to  the  apart 
ments  of  the  Private  Secretary,  the  other  to  those  of 
the  family.  Thus,  except  in  the  hall  down -stairs,  the 
family,  the  Cabinet  members  and  the  physicians  and 
attendants  do  not  come  in  contact  with  the  public, 
except  when  for  business  or  other  purposes  they  have 
occasion  to  visit  the  Private  Secretary's  room.  General 
James  drops  into  Mr.  Brown's  room  for  a  chat  nearly 
every  evening,  and  the  *  Doctor  of  the  Cabinet/  as  the 
Attorney  General  is  called,  is  also  a  frequent  visitor. 

"  The  routine  of  the  White  House  is  monotonous 
in  the  extreme.  The  scenes  are  every  day  the  same, 
the  incidents  do  not  vary,  the  same  questions  are 
asked  and  the  same  answers  are  given  a  thousand 
times  a  day.  Outside  the  gate  a  soldier  paces  up 
and  down  a  straight  line  from  the  gate  to  the  curb 
ing.  The  only  difference  in  him  is  that  sometimes 
he  carries  a  sabre,  sometimes  a  musket  ;  sometimes 
his  uniform  is  gay,  with  red  trimming,  and  sometimes 
it  is  bare  of  that  ornament.  He  always  wears  a  cork 
helmet,  and  he  always  walks  in  the  same  imperturbable 
manner  before  the  line  of  people  idly  staring  in  at 
the  gate,  eagerly  waiting  for  the  next  bulletin. 
Sometimes,  late  at  night,  the  soldier  leans  against 
the  post,  and  chats  with  the  straggler^  who  keep  up 
the  viiiil  until  far  into  the  night.  Inside  the  gate 
stands  a  policeman,  whose  duty  it  is  to  inspect  the 
passes  of  those  entering  the  gate.  On  the  lawn,  to 
the  left  of  the  drive,  the  tents  of  the  military  detailed 


ASSASSINATION   OF   PRESIDENT   GAKFIELD.  G31 

to  guard  the  White  House  were  pitched.  They  have 
been  removed  to  the  rear  yard  of  the  mansion,  two 
hundred  yards  beyond  the  crown  of  the  slope  that 
begins  on  a  line  with  the  house  itself  and  rises  grad 
ually  back,  finally  receding  into  the  Potomac  marshes, 
where  the  tall  weeds  grow  and  malaria  is  bred  by  the 
hot  sun.  In  that  part  of  the  slope  which  forms  the 
rear  of  the  White  House  grounds,  the  grass  and  flower 
beds  are  kept  fresh  and  beautiful  by  much  watering, 
but  elsewhere  the  grass  is  dry  and  and  dusty ;  even  the 
leaves  of  the  trees  in  front  of  the  mansion  have  turned 
prematurely  dry,  and  are  dropping  to  the  ground  as 
though  smitten  by  frost. 

"  In  the  White  House  portico  a  crowd  can  gener 
ally  be  found.  Within  the  doors  two  attendants  keep 
watck  day  and  night.  In  the  morning,  just  before  the 
issuing  of  the  first  bulletin,  the  crowd  gathers,  num 
bering  frequently  as  many  as  a  hundred.  They  can 
go  no  farther  than  the  hall,  all  the  doors  beyond  that 
being  closed.  Even  persons  having  passes  to  Secre 
tary  Brown's  room  are  not  allowed  to  go  up-stairs 
while  the  bulletins  are  being  issued.  The  people  who 
come  here  are  mostly  members  of  the  press,  but  a 
large  number  of  messengers  are  sent  from  the  various 
departments  and  from  the  business  houses  in  the  city. 
Others  come  to  get  for  their  own  personal  satisfaction 
the  latest  news  about  the  patient.  Yesterday  an 
urchin,  with  tattered  clothes  and  hat  and  bare*  feet,  sat 
in  the  front  window  of  the  house  of  the  President  of 
the  United  States,  while  another,  a  still  smaller  one, 
stood  on  the  floor  beneath,  and,  with  as  much  intent- 


632  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD. 

ness  as  one  of  the  President's  surgeons  would  display 
in  making  an  incision  into  the  glandular  swelling,  en 
deavored,  by  means  of  a  pocket-knife,  to  extract  a 
splinter  from  the  sole  of  his  bare-footed  comrade,  who 
bore  the  painful  operation  as  stoically  as  the  President 
bears  the  knife.  In  addition  to  the  usual  loungers 
about  the  entrance,  there  is  usually  to  be  found  there 
a  doctor's  buggy,  a  saddle  horse  or  two,  hitched  to  the 
railing  of  the  portico,  and  the  carriage  of  some  promi 
nent  official.  The  President's  carriage  is  driven  up 
once  or  twice  a  day,  and  the  intensely  black  driver  in 
quires  from  his  box  if  any  one  wishes  to  go  out  for  an 
airing.  When  he  came  up  this  afternoon  he  asked  how 
the  President  was,  and  on  being  told  the  good  news, 
chuckled  and  said  :  '  Now,  what  do  he  mean  by  dat? 
Do  he  'spec  we  got  nuffin'  to  do  but  to  keep  on  gettin' 
'larmed  about  him  ?  I  s'pose  he'll  be  ridin'  behind  dese 
yare  bays  To'  long.'  And  laughing  all  over,  the  coal- 
black  Jehu  cracked  his  whip  and  drove  down  the 
avenue. 

"After  the  morning  bulletin  is  issued,  Secretary 
Brown's  rooms  are  opeoed  to  those  having  passes,  and 
then  the  morning  dressing  of  the  President  takes 
place.  Then  the  family  and  the  attendants  break 
fast.  As  the  time  approaches  for  issuing  the  noon 
bulletin,  one  or  two  members  of  the  Cabinet  generally 
come  in  and  go  lip-stairs  by  the  private  way.  Secre 
tary  Lincoln  is  generally  on  hand  at  this  hour,  and  on 
days  when  exciting  news  is  expected  all  the  Cabinet 
members  come  in.  The  bulletin  is  issued,  the  crowd 
disperses,  and  Secretary  Brown's  room  is  again  opened. 


ASSASSINATION   OF   PRESIDENT   GARFIELD.  633 

The  newspaper  men  hang  listlessly  around  the  por 
tico,  and  wait  for  the  physicians  to  emerge.  The  after 
noon  wears  away,  and  the  visitors  come  in  slowly 
until  about  half-past  five  o'clock,  when  the  crowd 
again  assembles  in  Secretary  Brown's  room.  The 
physicians  come  in  for  their  evening  consultation,  and 
the  bulletin  is  issued.  Then  a  physician  or  an  attend 
ant  visits  Secretary  Brown's  room,  and  the  sick-room 
story  is  told.  It  is  generally  bare  of  incident,  and  a 
reporter  of  those  peculiar  papers  which  live  upon  sen 
sations  has  hard  work  to  get  even  so  slender  a  fact  as 
that  on  which  peculiar  sensations  are  usually  based. 
Since  the  President  lias  begun  to  mend,  there  have 
been  many  comical  incidents  of  the  sick  room  related 
not  serviceable  for  the  papers.  Generally  all  that  is 
said  is  that  the  President  is  cheerful,  that  Mrs.  Garfield 
is  as  plucky  as  ever,  and  that  everything  is  going 
well.  The  unpleasant  incidents  do  not  often  reach  the 
ears  of  the  public,  and  it  is  just  as  well  that  they  do 
not.  An  occasional  tale  of  disagreeable  bickering  finds 
its  way  outside.  After  the  last  sudden  rise  of  fever 
it  was  said  in  some  quarters  that  a  mistake  had  been 
made  in  making  the  last  incision  in  the  neck  of  the 
President,  and  that  an  awkward  cut  had  severed 
a  blood-vessel,  which  it  took  some  time  and  much 
trouble  to  close  so  as  to  stop  the  bleeding.  This  may 
or  may  not  have  been  true,  but  the  pulse  certainly 
ran  up  very  fast  yesterday,  and  subsided  as  suddenly. 
Another  incident  of  the  sick-room  tells  its  own  pathetic 
story.  The  President,  who  has  borne  everything  so 
bravely,  is  said  to  have  exclaimed,  after  some  painful 


634  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD. 

operation  was  finished,  'After  all,  there  is  liberty  in 
being  let  alone!'  It  has  all  along  been  said  that 
the  President's  magnificent  physique  has  alone  brought 
him  through  this  terrible  strain.  No  doubt  this  is 
largely  true,  but  it  can  hardly  be  said  that  the  Presi 
dent  was  in  perfect  condition  when  he  was  shot.  He 
had  just  passed  through  a  severe  political  campaign, 
and  was  then  in  the  midst  of  unusual  and  unhappy 
cares  in  his  official  position.  Add  to  these  ills  the 
anxiety  he  must  have  constantly  felt  over  his  wife's 
severe  and  protracted  illness,  and  it  will  be  seen  that 
the  President  was  not  in  the  best  condition  to  stand  a 
desperate  wound.  That  he  has  yet  much  to  fight 
against  is  very  certain,  and  it  is  equally  certain  that 
there  is  very  little  strength  left  with  which  to  make 
the  fight. 

"After  the  evening  dressing  has  been  made  and  Dr. 
Bliss  has  given  the  President  his  sponge-bath,  the 
patient  generally  dozes,  Mrs.  Garfield  sitting  by  the 
bed.  At  nine  o'clock  Secretary  Elaine  arrives  and  gets 
the  data  for  his  cable  despatch  to  Minister  Lowell. 
The  other  Cabinet  members  arrive  earlier  with  their 
wives.  At  half-past  nine  Secretary  Brown  closes  his 
quarters,  and  the  visitors  depart.  The  Cabinet  mem 
bers  remain  later,  not  unfrequently  until  eleven  o'olock. 
When  they  have  gone  the  White  House  is  closed, 
although  there  is  always  a  door-keeper  at  the  front 
door.  Then  General  Swaim,  or  Colonel  Rockwell,  or 
Dr.  Reyburn,  or  Dr.  Boynton  takes  his  turn  at  watching 
with  the  President." 

On  the  2d  of  September  the  events  of  the  day  were 


ASSASSINATION    OF    PRESIDENT    GARFIELD.  635 

reported  as  follows  by  the  Associated  Press  corres 
pondent  : 

"  The  most  which  can  fairly  be  said  with  regard  to 
the  President's  case  to-day  is  that  the  patient  still 
holds  all  the  ground  which  he  gained  earlier  in  the 
week  and  that  his  symptoms  to-night  are  favorable. 
His  pulse  has  been  lower  and  steadier  to-day  than  yes 
terday,  and  in  the  opinion  of  his  attendants  he  has 
relished  his  food  better  than  at  any  time  heretofore  ; 
but  as  far  as  the  main  features  of  the  case  are  con 
cerned,  there  has  been  little  if  any  change.  He  is  still 
very  weak,  and  in  the  opinion  of  the  majority  of  the 
surgeons,  is  not  gaining  much  strength;  the  parotid 
swelling  continues  to  suppurate  and  discharge  freely, 
but  has  not  begun  to  heal,  and  the  wound  remains 
practically  in  the  same  condition  in  which  it  was 
three  or  four  days  ago.  Of  course,  the  fact  that  the 
glandular  complication  has  nearly  disappeared,  while 
the  patient's  general  condition  has  been  fully  main 
tained,  may  be  said,  in  a  certain  sense,  to  be  a  positive 
gain,  since  one  of  the  obstacles  in  the  way  of  convales 
cence  has  thus  been  removed,  but  this  is  not  equiva 
lent  to  saying  that  convalescence  has  actually  begun. 

"  Dr.  Bliss  said  to-night,  in  reference  .to  the  Presi 
dent's  removal :  <  He  ought  not  to  remain  an  hour 
longer  than  necessary,  because  September,  in  Wash 
ington,  is  a  bad  month.  Although  nothing  has  yet 
been  decided  upon,  I  think  it  is  prohnble  that  we  shall 
take  him  to  Long  Branch  by  rail.  The  preponderance 
of  opinion  seems  to  be  in  favor  of  that  course.  Mr. 
George  W.  Chi  Ids  has  offered  us  his  cottage  there,  and 


636  JAMES   A.    GARFIELD. 

we  have  had  several  other  similar  offers.  As  far  as 
his  nerves  are  concerned,  the  President  will  bear  the 
journey  well  enough.  He  is  not  at  all  nervous,  and  he 
expresses  great  confidence  in  his  ability  to  travel  as 
far  as  that  without  over-fatigue  or  injury.' 

"  '  Do  you  think,'  asked  the  reporter,  '  that  he  could 
be  removed  now  without  danger?' 

"  '  No,  I  don't  think  he  could.  If  it  were  proposed 
to  move  him  to-morrow  I  should  vote  against  it,  but  if 
he  continues  to  improve  as  he  has  done  in  the  past  three 
or  four  days,  I  think  he  can  be  safely  removed  soon.' 

"  Dr.  Hamilton  expressed  a  desire  this  afternoon  to 
make  a  closer  acquaintance  with  the  Potomac  flats, 
about  which  he  had  heard  so  much,  than  he  had 
hitherto  been  able  to  do,  and  at  his  request  Colonel 
Crook,  of  the  Executive  Mansion,  took  him  in  his 
carriage  about  three  P.  M.  and  drove  him  down  the  left 
bank  of  the  river.  Upon  reaching  a  point  nearly 
opposite  the  monument,  Dr.  Hamilton  inquired,  with 
an  expression  of  surprise  and  disgust, '  What  smells  so  ?  ' 

"  <  That's  the  flats,'  replied  Colonel  Crook. 

" £  Do  they  always  have  such  an  odor  as  this  ? ' 
asked  the  doctor. 

" '  They  have  had  every  summer  since  I  came  to 
Washington,'  said  Colonel  Crook. 

" '  Well '  responded  the  doctor,  (  We  must  get  the 
President  out  of  this.  It's  enough  to  kill  a  well  man 
in  a  week.' " 

On  the  3d  the  President  continued  to  hold  his  own, 
and  on  the  4th  his  condition  was  encouraging,  as  the 
official  bulletins  showed. 


ASSASSINATION"   OF    PRESIDENT    GARFIELD.  637 

On  the  3d  the  surgeons  in  attendance  on  the  Presi 
dent  decided  to  remove  him  to  Long  Branch  at  tho 
earliest  possible  moment.  The  officials  of  the  Penn 
sylvania  Railroad  Company  caused  a  special  car  to  be 
prepared  for  his  use  on  jthe  journey,  and  placed  all  the 
facilities  of  the  road  at  the  disposal  of  the  distinguished 
sufferer  and  his  attendants.  It  was  felt  on  all  sides 
that  the  journey  involved  a  risk,  but  it  was  also 
recognized  that  it  offered  the  only  possible  chance 
of  the  President's  recovery.  On  the  third  of  Sep 
tember  the  correspondent  of  the  The  New  York  Times 
wrote  : 

"  The  fact  that  Saturdays  have,  as  a  general  rule, 
been  unfavorable  days  for  the  President  excited  appre 
hensions  in  the  minds  of  many  persons  in  relation  to 
his  condition  to-day,  and,  in  consequence,  the  morn 
ing  bulletin  was  anxiously  awaited.  Its  appearance 
quieted  all  such  fears,  and  subsequent  reports  from  the 
sick-room  gave  promise  that  this  would  be  as  favorable 
a  day  for  the  President  as  any  of  the  present  week. 
During  the  early  hours  of  last  night  the  President  was 
somewhat  restless,  which  caused  higher  pulse,  but  after 
midnight  he  fell  asleep  and  rested  comfortably,  and  this 
morning  was  quite  as  well  as  at  the  same  time  yester 
day.  This  restlessness  was  not  attributable  to  any 
particular  symptom,  but  was  the  natural  result  of 
causes  incidental  ti  his  condition.  Compared  with 
yesterday  morning,  there  was  a  rise  of  four  beats  in 
pulse,  but  otherwise  there  was  no  material  difference. 
For  breakfast,  in  addition  to  milk  toast,  he  was  given 
the  breasts  of  two  or  three  reed  birds,  which  he  chewed, 


638  JAMES   A.   GARFIELD. 

swallowing  the  juice  and  rejecting  the  meat.  This 
change  of  diet  was  very  acceptable  to  the  President, 
who  remarked  to  Dr.  Bliss  that  '  the  reed  birds  were 
not  only  delicious,  but  Blissful.'  The  noon  bulletin 
showed  no  change  compared  with  the  figures  of  that 
issue  in  the  morning,  the  pulse  continuing  at  104,  with 
temperature  and  respiration  normal.  Those  who  be 
lieve  in  the  periodicity  of  the  recurrence  of  unfavorable 
symptoms  were  satisfied,  after  reading  the  brief  an 
nouncement  of  the  midday  bulletin,  that  nothing  was 
to  be  apprehended  to-day,  and  the  evening  bulletin 
fully  confirmed  this  belief.  The  President  not  only 
passed  a  good  day,  but  his  condition  at  6.30  o'clock 
was  better  than  at  the  same  hour  last  night,  and 
since  6.30  o'clock  there  have  been  no  unfavorable 
indications. 

"  The  fever  that  has  been  making  its  appearance 
toward  midnight  during  the  present  week  is  attributed 
by  some  persons  to  malarial  influences.  While  the 
surgeons  will  not  admit  that  this  is  the  case,  they  do 
not  deny  it,  and  the  great  anxiety  manifested  by  them 
to  get  the  President  away  from  Washington,  and  the 
fact  that  the  stench  from  the  Potomac  flats  can  now  be 
detected  at  the  White  House,  gives  color  to  this  theory. 
Dr.  Hamilton,  who  personally  visited  the  flats  yester 
day  to  ascertain  their  real  character,  is  reported  to 
have  said  that  if  the  President  reifiained  at  the  White 
House  during  the  present  month  the  effect  of  the  bad 
odors  from  the  flats  would  be  very  serious  upon  him, 
if  not  fatal.  To-day  it  was  noticed  that  the  surgeons 
and  some  members  of  the  Cabinet  were  busy  in  per- 


ASSASSINATION    OF    PRESIDENT    GARFIELD.  639 

fecting  arrangements  looking  to  the  early  removal  of 
the  President. 

"At  the  suggestion  of  the  Governor  of  Pennsylvania, 
the  Governors  of  several  of  the  other  States  appointed 
a  day  of  fasting,  prayer  and  supplication  to  Almighty 
God  to  restore  the  suffering  President  to  health.  In 
some  of  the  States  the  day  observed  was  the  6th  of 
September,  in  others  the  8th.  In  all  the  people  assem 
bled  heartily,  and  sent  up  their  earnest  prayers  to  God 
that  he  would  mercifully  restore  their  beloved  ruler  to 
health  and  strength.  No  more  touching  incident  of 
the  whole  sickness  of  the  President  occurred  than  this 
gathering  of  the  American  people  to  humbly  ask  God's 
aid  in  his  recovery. 

"  On  the  5th  the  President  passed  another  very  rest 
less  night,  his  pulse  fluctuating  rapidly  in  evidence  of 
his  great  physical  weakness,  and  his  mind  wandering 
constantly  to  the  subject  of  his  removal.  The  latter 
appeared  to  disturb  him  a  great  deal.  He  would  con 
stantly  revert  to  the  details  of  the  arrangements  as  if 
he  were  conducting  the  campaign  on  his  own  account. 
It  was  impossible  for  the  surgeons  to  quiet  him  or  to 
prevent  him  from  discussing  the  arrangements.  His 
sleep  was  very  much  broken  and  he  got  no  real  rest 
until  after  midnight.  AVith  his  sleep  the  pulse  went 
down  considerably,  and  remained  so  until  morning, 
when  it  was  102.  The  first  thing  this  morning,  when 
he  awoke,  he  inquired  of  Dr.  Bliss  if  this  was  the 
last  day  in  the  White  House.  Dr.  Bliss  endeavored 
to  quiet  him,  assuring  him  that  he  wras  doing  well  at 
present,  and  the  removal  would  take  place  as  soon  as  it 


640  JAMES   A.   GARFIELD. 

was  thought  advisable  from  his  condition.  The  Presi 
dent  was  very  impatient  at  this  and  said  :  '  No,  no ;  I 
don't  want  any  more  delay/  and  again  impressed 
upon  the  doctors  the  importance  of  getting  out  of  there 
as  soon  as  possible.  This  has  preyed  upon  his  mind 
evidently  all  day,  in  consequence  of  which  his  tem 
perature  and  pulse  have  been  at  a  feverish  height 
ever  since  this  morning.  In  fact,  the  pulse  has  been 
steady  at  an  unusual  height  all  day,  more  remarkably 
so  than  at  any  time  since  he  was  shot.  This  is  attri 
buted  to  the  President's  restlessness  about  getting  off, 
as  it  was  continually  apparent  to  him  from  Mrs.  Gar- 
field's  preparations  that  they  were  getting  ready  for  the 
trip. 

"  The  Garfield  boys  started  for  Williams  College  at 
ten  o'clock,  accompanied  by  Don  Rockwell  and  their 
tutor.  Before  leaving  they  were  accorded  an  interview 
with  their  father.  It  is  said  to  have  been  a  very  affect 
ing  scene.  The  President  did  his  best  to  cheer  them  up, 
and  said  that  he  would  yet  live  to  see  them  honored 
men.  The  boys  stood  it  pretty  well  for  a  little,  but  the 
tears  stole  down  their  cheeks  as  they  saw  the  wasted 
form  of  their  father  and  listened  to  his  feeble  voice. 
He  had  evidently  changed  a  good  deal  since  they  had 
seen  him  last.  He  took  them  each  by  the  hand, 
although  he  could  scarcely  raise  his  own,  and  blessed 
them,  and  told  them  whatever  came  to  do  their  duty 
to  themselves  and  those  who  bore  them.  The  boys 
immediately  went  within,  embraced  their  tearful 
mother  once  again  and  came  down-stairs.  It  was 
noticed  that  Jimmy's  eyes  were  red,  and  they  cast  fur- 


ASSASSINATION   OF    PRESIDENT   GARFIELD.  641 

live  glances  at  the  huge  covered  express,  with  its  spring 
mattress  at  the  bottom,  which  stands  before  the  door. 
It  was  dreadfully  significant  of  the  morrow.  Then 
they  were  whirled  away  in  the  family  carriage.  It 
was  a  very  unsatisfactory  parting." 

The  5th  of  September  was  a  busy  day  at  the  White 
House,  and  was  spent  in  preparations  for  the  removal  of 
the  President  to  Long  Branch  the  next  morning.  "  The 
situation  to-night,"  wrote  The  Times  correspondent,  "  is 
fraught  with  more  than  usual  interest.  The  old 
crowds  surround  the  evening  bulletins  and  discuss  the 
chances  of  the  removal  of  the  President  with  much  of 
the  eagerness  displayed  in  the  earlier  part  of  the  recent 
relapse.  The  anxiety  and  excitement  incidental  to  the 
important  change  contemplated  is  at  its  height.  At 
the  White  House  there  has  been  a  subdued  bustle  of 
preparation  going  on  all  day.  A  number  of  packing 
boxes  littered  the  yard  below  at  a  very  early  hour,  and 
the  disposition  of  these  packing  boxes  enchained  the 
attention  of  the  curious  newspaper  fraternity  who  hung 
about  with  hungry  eyes.  Most  of  these  were  evidently 
for  the  doctors,  whose  surgical  instruments  and  medi 
cine  cases  occupied  a  good  deal  of  room." 

A  letter  from  Long  Branch,  written  the  same  day, 
said  : 

"  Attorney  General  MacVeagh  arrived  here  this 
evening  as  the  advance  guard  for  the  removal  of  the 
President  from  the  Washington  malaria  to  the  invigor 
ating  atmosphere  of  the  sea-shore.  He  has  had  general 
charge  of  the  arrangements  for  the  delicate  and  peril 
ous  task,  and  has  perfected  them  in  the  most  satisfac- 

41 


542  JAMES    A.   GARFIELD. 

tory  manner.  The  car  prepared  for  the  President  sur 
prised  even  the  critical  surgeons  by  the  completeness 
of  its  appointments.  It  was  prepared  at  Altoona  un 
der  the  immediate  direction  of  Mr.  Ely,  superintendent 
of  motive  power,  and  much  of  its  marvellous  adaptation 
to  the  peculiar  wants  of  a  prostrated  invalid  is  due  to 
Mr.  Ely.  In  short,  everything  has  been  done  that 
ingenuity  and  boundless  resources  can  do  to  make  the 
removal  of  the  President  as  nearlv  comfortable  and  safe 

«/ 

as  possible.  The  car  is  thoroughly  provided  against 
changes  of  temperature,  and  it  can  be  heated  or  cooled 
at  will,  and  everything,  even  to  the  shades  of  light,  has 
been  carefully  considered  and  arranged  to  lessen  the 
strain  upon  the  prostrated  President. 

61  The  President  will  be  taken  in  the  bed  he  now 
occupies  to  the  Washington  depot  in  an  ambulance 
wagon,  and  drawn  gently  over  the  asphalt  pavement, 
and  in  the  car  the  bed  will  rest  on  buck-boards  crossing 
the  car,  which  have  been  carefully  prepared  and  tested 
to  give  just  the  necessary  amount  of  elasticity.  The 
train  will  be  run,  as  agreed  upon  to-day  by  President 
Roberts  and  Attorney  General  MacVeagh,  at  about 
thirty  miles  an  hour  on  a  straight  road,  and  very  slow 
on  curves.  In  case  the  President  shall  exhibit  ex 
haustion  from  travel,  the  train  will  be  stopped  at  some 
favorable  locality  for  pure  air  and  as  far  as  possible 
from  public  intrusion.  Hundreds  of  men  are  now 
working  on  the  temporary  track,  from  the  main  line 
near  Elberon  station  to  the  private  cottage  on  the  El- 
beron  grounds  to  be  occupied  by  the  President,  and  the 
new  track  will  be  completed  by  ten  o'clock  to-morrow. 


ASSASSINATION   OF   PRESIDENT   GARFIELD.  643 

It  will  extend  to  the  very  door  on  the  sea  side  of  the 
cottage,  and  the  President's  bed  will  be  easily  trans 
ferred  to  his  room. 

"  The  Francklyn  cottage,  which  is  to  be  the  Presi 
dent's  home  while  here,  has  been  carefully  prepared 
for  his  arrival,  and  everything  is  now  in  readiness  ex 
cept  the  arrangement  of  the  room  he  is  to  occupy. 
Attorney  General  Wayne  MacVeagh  and  Mrs.  Mac- 
Veagh,  who  arrived  here  to  night,  will  attend  to  that, 
although  it  is  probable  the  judgment  of  Mrs.  Garfieid, 
and  perhaps  the  physicians,  may  have  to  be  consulted 
as  to  whether  the  President  shall  be  taken  up-stairs  or 
have  quarters  on  the  first  floor.  Most  likely  it  will  be 
left  to  the  President  himself,  and  the  present  under 
standing  is  that  the  fine  large  dining-room  down-stairs 
will  be  suitably  prepared  so  that  he  may  be  placed 
there  immediately  upon  his  arrival,  and  if  he  does  not 
like  it  or  the  physicians  disapprove  of  the  location,  he 
can  be  carried  up-stairs  afterwards,  although  such  a 
transfer  would  necessarily  be  attended  with  some  dis 
comfort  on  account  of  the  construction  of  the  heavy 
oaken  stairways,  which  have  turnings  at  the  landings 
and  high  balustrades,  above  which  he  would  have  to 
be  lifted.  The  dining-room  in  question  is  a  suitable 
apartment  to  be  used  for  the  President's  sick  cham 
ber,  but  it  has  the  disadvantage  of  being  a  little  nearer 
the  entrance,  and  unless  extraordinary  precautions 
were  used  the  noises  incidental  to  entering  and  leaving 
the  cottage  would  reach  the  sufferer's  ears.  As  so 
often  happens  with  this  style  of  cottage,  there  is  no 
entry  immediately  in  front.  The  central  projecting 


644  JAMES    A.    GARFIELD. 

portion  is  enclosed,  and  has  windows  above,  with  a 
vine-laden  balcony  above  that,  then  more  windows,  and 
above  that  the  gabled  roof. 

"  The  entry  is  a  little  at  one  side,  under  the  porte 
coche,  and  the  doors  are  in  two  parts,  so  that  the  upper 
one  may  be  readily  opened  and  conversation  easily  ex 
changed,  while  the  lower  part  remains  closed.  By  this 
arrangement  communication  without  any  one  outside 
coming  in  or  any  one  inside  going  out  is  made  an  easy 
matter.  Immediately  within  the  vestibule  is  the  hall, 
a  high,  wide  apartment,  with  a  fire-place,  low  tables, 
littered  with  curious  things,  and  a  few  oddly-caparis 
oned  chairs  and  an  overhanging  balcony.  Of  equal 
width  with  this  hall  and  extending  entirely  back  is  the 
dining-room,  the  floor  elevation  of  which  is  about  two 
feet  higher  than  the  hall,  and  is  approached  by  two 
easy  landings,  like  a  dais.  These  landings  have  pedes 
tals  and  small  articles  of  furniture  in  the  corners,  and 
an  immense  portiere  of  some  heavy  Persian  stuff  ex 
tends  entirely  across  it,  hung  on  rings,  so  that  the  two 
apartments  may  be  isolated  at  pleasure,  or  preserved 
in  an  unbroken  view.  One  corner  contains  a  high  old- 
fashioned  clock.  The  hall  and  dining-room  take  up 
the  whole  depth  of  the  cottage,  which  is  probably  fifty 
feet.  Above  the  division  where  the  portiere  hangs 
there  is  a  rack,  such  as  is  often  seen  on  the  top  of  old 
English  mantel-pieces,  which  is  filled  with  plates  and 
pots  and  jugs  and  such  odd  fancies. 

"  The  fire-place  in  the  dining-room  is  very  large  and 
wide,  with  a  very  ornamental  chimney-piece,  also  lit 
tered  with  curiosities,  and  the  ceiling  is  lofty.  It  is 


ASSASSINATION   OF    PRESIDENT   GARFIELD  645 

heavily  panelled  throughout  with  wood  and  cork.  In 
places,  as  over  the  chimney-piece,  the  dark  wood  is  in 
relieved  panels,  cut  in  whorl-shaped  designs.  The 
cork  covering  some  sections  of  the  walls  is  cut  in  small 
pieces  of  a  great  variety  of  shapes,  cleverly  set  in 
place  like  Mosaic  work.  There  is  a  curious  dresser 
of  hard  wood  built  high  in  one  corner,  with  pro 
jecting  shelves,  and  odd  nooks  and  corners,  some 
open  and  some  with  doors.  The  floor  is  littered  with 
rugs,  little  ones  of  crimson  and  black,  and  large  ones 
of  buff  aird  chocolate,  and  the  furniture  is  of  that 
simple  but  artistic  form  sensibly  conforming  shape, 
design,  and  material  to  the  purpose  intended. 

"  The  rear  middle  section  opens  upon  a  small 
veranda  reached  by  two  steps,  and  from  there  nothing 
can  be  seen  save  the  sea.  It  overlooks  the  very  edge 
of  the  bluff,  which  is  so  high  as  to  hide  the  beach 
and  bathing-houses  below,  and  the  land  view  at  either 
side  is  cut  off  by  projecting  parts  of  the  building,  so 
that  the  endless  ocean  is  the  only  object  the  eye 
encounters,  and  its  breezes,  whether  from  the  east  or 
south,  are  always  available.  This  is  the  room  which 
the  President  will  almost  certainly  occupy  at  first,  and 
will  probably  be  his  abode  throughout  his  stay  at 
Elberon. 

"  The  only  other  room  large  enough  or  suited  in 
other  respects  to  receive  him  is  the  south  chamber 
on  the  second  floor.  This  is  about  twenty-five  feet 
wide  and  fifteen  feet  deep,  with  an  arched  ceiling 
about  twelve  feet  high  in  its  highest  part.  It  contains 
a  very  wide,  low  bedstead,  elegantly  covered.  The 


646  JAMES    A.   GARFIELD. 

head  of  the  bed  is  toward  the  north,  and  should  the 
President  occupy  it  he  can  have  either  the  direct  sea 
breeze  from  the  left,  or  the  south  wind  from  imme 
diately  in  front  of  him,  both  passing  over  balconies 
where  they  may  be  tempered  by  bamboo  screens, 
which  also  shut  out  the  sun  when  necessary,  and 
admit  nothing  but  the  breeze.  The  room  is  elegantly 
furnished  with  quaint  and  pretty  corner  effects,  but, 
as  elsewhere  throughout  the  house,  there  is  an  absence 
of  everything  gaudy  or  luxuriant.  The  whole  house, 
outside  and  in,  gives  an  idea  of  unlimited  comfort 
without  regard  to  fashionable  display.  The  parlors 
have  corner  divans  padded  with  figured  silk  cushions. 
The  chairs  are  all  made  for  comfort,  and  the  screens, 
which  are  the  handsomest  articles  in  the  house,  are 
ornamented  simply  with  shells  and  miniature  fishes. 

"  The  bath-rooms  and  closets  are  very  large,  and 
appear  to  have  received  even  more  care  in  their  con 
struction  than  other  parts  of  the  house.  The  kitchen 
and  servants'  quarters  are  on  the  other  side  of  the 
carriage-way,  and  entirely  distinct.  There  are  about 
twenty  apartments  in  all,  including  an  ample  number 
of  cozy  sleeping-rooms  to  accommodate  whatever  num 
ber  of  persons  there  may  be  needed  immediately  near 
the  sufferer.  Fires  were  lighted  yesterday,  and  all  the 
flues  and  drafts  tried  and  found  to  work  well.  A 
number  of  cots  were  put  in  to-day  by  C.  T.  Jones,  who 
has  thus  far  made  all  the  necessary  preparations,  and 
been,  in  consequence,  a  busy  man.  Applications  from 
persons  living  in  and  visiting  surrounding  cottages  to 
view  the  preparations  have  had  to  be  refused,  and  at 


ASSASSINATION    OF    PRESIDENT   GARFIELD.  647 

present  the  sole  occupant  of  the  cottage  is  a  French 
maid. 

"  General  Grant,  George  W.  Childs,  and  Commodore 
Garrison  have  each  tendered  horses  and  carriages  and 
attendants,  to  be  at  the  constant  command  of  the 
President's  party  and  the  physicians,  and  the  offer  has 
been  accepted.  They  will  be  very  much  needed,  as 
this  part  of  the  Branch  is  a  couple  of  miles  away  from 
the  leading  hotels,  main  post-office,  stores  and  other 
places  with  which  there  will  no  doubt  have  to  be 
frequent  communication." 

On  the  morning  of  September  6th  the  surgeons  de 
cided  to  remove  the  President  from  Washington. 

The  public,  or  at  least  a  good  share  of  it,  remained 
in  the  streets  of  Washington  all  through  the  night  of 
the  5th.  They  refused  to  "  risk  the  single  chance  of 
beholding  the  face  of  their  beloved  President  once 
more.  Many  were  walking  the  streets  all  night,  while 
a  good  many  had  left  orders  to  be  called  up  in  the 
early  morning.  It  was  not  surprising,  therefore,  in 
view  of  this  deep  interest,  that  early  dawn  saw  thou 
sands  of  well-dressed  people  parading  the  streets  and 
lounging  about  in  the  most  eligible  places  on  Penn 
sylvania  avenue.  With  the  first  streak  of  dawn  a 
body  of  police  were  seen  slowly  passing  up  the  avenue, 
dropping  a  file  here  and  a  file  there  at  every  street 
crossing.  They  were  accompanied  by  a  large  body  of 
mounted  police,  who  were  stationed  at  the  most  fre 
quented  points  along  the  route,  and  began  to  intimate 
the  character  of  the  proceedings  by  halting  the  stray 
carriage  and  putting  a  stop  to  the  early  market  wagon. 


648  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD. 

T?he  dawn  had  scarcely  lifted  its  shadowy  veil  whe» 
mounted  couriers  went  clattering  down  the  street  to 
insure  that  the  orders  for  clearing  the  avenue  were 
being  carried  out.  A  heavy  cart  loaded  with  saw-dust 
filled  up  the  indentures  in  the  worn  pavement  here 
and  there,  and  banked  over  the  several  street  railway 


crossings. 


"  Those  who  appeared  upon  the  avenue  in  the  vicinity 
of  Sixth  street  saw  that  the  railroad  had  extended  itself 
completely  across  Pennsylvania  avenue — a  railroad  with 
cross-ties,  ballasted  road-bed  and  rails  complete,  as  if  it 
had  crawled  out  there  during  the  night  by  some  magic. 
On  this  railroad  stood  a  train  of  cars,  also  large  as  life, 
and  as  wonderful  to  the  eye  in  that  position  as  a  ship 
on  dry  land  in  some  queer,  unexpected  spot.  Around 
these  cars  and  for  a  considerable  distance  up  the  avenue 
were  stretched  ropes  to  keep  off  the  crowd.  The  ropes 
were  garrisoned  by  numerous  policemen  on  the  inside. 
On  the  outside  they  were  hard  pressed  by  immense 
crowds  of  people.  This  was  the  break  of  day.  A  few 
minutes  later  the  morning  sun  was  announced  by  the 
usual  gun  at  the  arsenal  of  Greenleaf  Point,  being 
unable  to  announce  itself  by  the  morning  haze  and 
murky  September  atmosphere.  The  crowd  had  dou 
bled  in  that  short  time,  and  in  five  minutes  later  it 
had  quadrupled.  The  curious  public  seemed  to  have 
sprung  suddenly  from  their  beds  and  lined  the  princi 
pal  streets  in  the  city  to  witness  the  melancholy  parade. 
The  intersecting  streets  nearer  the  White  House  were 
lively  with  belated  ones,  who  came  hurrying  toward 
the  general  thoroughfare,  eager  to  get  in  line  before  the 


ASSASSINATION   OF   PRESIDENT   GARFIELD.  649 

procession  moved.  On  the  Fifteenth  street  corner  a 
large  crowd  congregated,  and  in  front  of  the  White 
House  gates  the  night  watchers  .roused  themselves 
from  uneasy  slumbers  on  the  cold  stone  copings  and 
began  to  strain  their  eyes  towards  the  mansion 
within.  They  first  saw  the  big  covered  express  wagon 
standing  there  in  front  of  the  portico,  as  it  had  stood 
the  night  before. 

"  The  first  sign  of  life  appeared  in  the  throwing  open 
of  the  White  House  doors.  Then  a  carriage  contain 
ing  a  couple  of  White  House  attaches,  drove  on  the 
grounds.  It  was  soon  followed  by  one  containing 
Secretary  Elaine  and  Mrs.  Elaine,  while  the  other 
members  of  the  Cabinet  soon  followed.  It  seemed  but 
a  quarter  of  an  hour  from  the  opening  of  the  doors  of 
the  Executive  Mansion  before  all  was  alive  within  the 
gates  and  everything  betokened  a  hurried  departure. 

"  The  removal  of  the  President  took  place  soon  after 
sunrise.  There  was  just  enough  haze  left  to  break  the 
glare,  and  the  air  was  soft  and  balmy.  Perhaps  no 
better  moment  could  have  been  chosen  so  far  as  the 
weather  was  concerned.  The  arrangements  for  the 
removal  were  perfect.  Every  detail  had  been  care 
fully  planned  beforehand  and  was  carried  out  with 
military  precision.  Nothing  had  been  forgotten,  noth 
ing  had  been  miscalculated,  and  nothing,  it  may  be 
said,  went  wrong.  There  was  a  slight  hitch  or  two, 
but  they  were  almost  immaterial.  It  was  precisely  at 
5.45  when  the  mounted  scouts  came  clattering  back  up 
the  avenue  and  reported  that  the  way  was  clear.  It 
was  then  Drs.  Hamilton  and  Agnew  appeared,  and 


650  JAMES   A.   GARFIELD. 

behind  them  came  the  litter,  borne  between  six  strong 
men.  The  President  was  reclining  on  the  same  narrow 
couch  on  which  he  has  passed  so  many,  so  very  inany^ 
weary  hours.  It  had  new  stretcher  handles  added  at 
the  corners  and  was  borne  with  the  utmost  gentleness 
and  precision.  The  President's  body  was  concealed  by 
white  blankets,  and  he  lay  on  a  stout,  coarse  sheet,  in 
which  it  had  been  the  custom  to  change  him  from  one 
bed  to  another. 

"  His  face  was  exposed  to  the  open  air,  uncovered,  and 
such  a  face,  so  worn  and  sallow  and  pinched  in  expres 
sion.  It  had  the  ghastly  hue  of  the  grave.  The  beard  is 
cropped  short.  The  festering  abscess  in  his  neck  was 
concealed  by  a  thick  wadding  of  cotton,  which  extended 
from  the  lower  part  of  the  neck  to  the  root  of  the  ear. 
His  moustache  was  gone.  The  nose  seemed  dreadfully 
pinched  and  sharp  and  hooked  like  a  sort  of  a  claw. 
Yet  with  all  this  it  was  said  on  every  hand  that  he  did 
not  look  as  bad  as  was  anticipated.  It  is  difficult  to 
say  what  such  people  anticipated.  Had  he  been  in  his 
grave  clothes  the  President  could  have  scarcely  looked 
more  a  ghastly  corpse.  Even  his  eyes  were  set  and 
glassy.  A  good  many  took  him  to  have  been  asleep 
while  being  removed,  but  this  is  erroneous.  Your  cor 
respondent  saw  him  turn  his  eyes  twice  to  look  at  one 
of  his  doctors  near  at  hand  and  saw  his  lips  move 
slightly,  as  if  making  some  suggestion.  It  must  have 
been  a  very  feeble  voice,  for  Dr.  Bliss  bent  his  ear 
very  close  down  to  catch  the  words. 

"  The  President  was  borne  on  this  litter  down  the 
main  stairway  in  the  central  portion  of  the  house,  which 


ASSASSINATION   OF   PRESIDENT  GARFIELD.  651 

leads  to  the  private  apartments.  It  is  a  very  broad 
staircase,  and  no  trouble  was  experienced  in  turning 
the  only  angle.  He  was  carried  injto  the  room  known  as 
the  Blue  Room,  thence,  by  the  way  of  the  great  glass 
doors,  into  the  large  ante-room.  A  temporary  platform 
had  been  erected  on  the  portico  across  the  carriageway 
to  the  intervening  wall  that  at  once  separates  the  road 
way  from  the  park  and  forms  the  support  of  the  stone 
columns.  Across  this  platform  they  gently  took  him, 
as  gently  and  tenderly  as  a  mother  might  carry  her 
sickly  child,  and  placed  the  couch  within  the  wagon. 
On  the  bottom  of  the  wagon  was  a  spring  mattress,  con 
sisting  of  canvas  stretched  over  slats  and  spring  coils. 
In  addition  to  this  medium  for  breaking  any  unex 
pected  jolt,  the  attendants  and  doctors  sat  on  the  edge 
of  the  wagon  box,  with  their  feet  on  these  springs,  and 
the  edge  of  the  couch  containing  the  sick  man  resting 
on  their  knees.  There  were  Drs.  Bliss  and  Reyburn 
and  Boynton,  and  Colonels  Rockwell  and  Corbin,  and 
General  Swaim,  performing  this  manual  labor  of  love. 
Drs.  Bliss  and  Boynton  and  General  Swaim  each  bore 
a  large  palm-leaf  fan,  with  which  they  kept  up  a  cur 
rent  of  air.  Dr.  Bliss  was  plainly  very  much  excited 
and  nervous.  In  fact  he  was  never  before  known  to 
betray  such  a  deep  anxiety  since  the  beginning.  He 
held  the  patient's  pulse  under  his  finger  all  the  time, 
and  could  be  seen  rather  than  heard  addressing  occa 
sional  words  of  comfort  and  reassurance  to  the  Presi 
dent.  In  fact  the  latter  appeared  to  be  the  annoying 
distance  of  it.  As  soon  as  it  had  passed  out  of  the 
great  gates  the  crowd  doubled  in  behind  at  some  dis- 


652  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD. 

tance  in  the  rear,  and  followed  it  all  the  way  to  the 
depot.  There  were  throngs  of  people  at  the  windows 
all  along  the  route.  When  they  had  placed  him  in  the 
wagon,  Drs.  Hamilton  and  Agnew,  seated  in  their  car 
riage,  were  rolkd  out  of  the  grounds.  The  President's 
private  secretary  followed  and  the  Cabinet  came  next, 
one  carriage  after  another,  forming  quite  a  lively  cav 
alcade  of  wheels.  The  covered  express  wagon  bearing 
the  President  came  slowly  along  in  the  rear.  No  teams 
followed  it.  At  the  depot  a  file  of  soldiers  unhitched 
the  horses  and  backed  the  wagon  up  to  the  platform, 
from  which  the  President  was  transferred  to  the  car. 
When  in  the  car  the  President  was  moved  from  the  bed 
so  long  occupied,  and  placed  upon  the  spring  bed  pre 
pared  for  his  reception.  Mrs.  Garfield  and  the  attend 
ing  and  consulting  physicians,  with  others,  boarded  the 
train,  the  party  numbering  twenty  persons.  There  was 
a  delay  of  a  few  minutes.  At  forty -five  minutes  past 
six  o'clock  the  train  started. 

"  The  trip  to  Baltimore  was  made  in  good  time,  and 
the  President  felt  so  comfortable  that  a  dispatch  was 
sent  to  his  mother,  who  is  at  Garretsville,  Ohio,  telling 
her  that  all  was  going  well,  and  that  her  son  was  stand 
ing  the  journey  splendidly.  At  seven  o'clock  the  Presi 
dent  took  three  ounces  of  beef  tea,  and  seemed  to 
relish  it.  The  train  went  slowly  through  Baltimore, 
making  no  stop.  Few  persons  were  about,  and  the 
dispatches  thrown  off  were  received  by  Superintendent 
Wilkins,  who  distributed  them  to  the  representatives 
of  the  press.  Nearly  fifteen  hundred  people  were 
gathered  at  the  Wilmington  depot,  but  they  maintained 


ASSASSINATION   OF    PRESIDENT   GARFIELD.  653 

perfect  silence  as  the  train  moved  by.  Dr.  Bliss  threw 
off  a  bundle  of  dispatches.  At  Lamokin,  a  stop  was 
made  for  coal,  and  Dr.  Agnew  assured  Dr.  Milner,  of 
that  place,  who  was  at  the  depot,  that  the  President 
was  getting  along  very  comfortably.  The  speed  be 
tween  Baltimore  and  Philadelphia  approximated  forty- 
nine  miles  an  hour. 

"After  leaving  Philadelphia,  a  high  rate  of  speed  was 
attained,  which  was  continued  until  Tullytown  was 
reached,  where  a  stop  of  eleven  minutes  was  made  for 
water  and  fuel.  This  was  a  small  place,  arid  although 
a  number  of  people  gathered  near,  no  annoyance  was 
caused.  Trenton  was  passed  pretty  rapidly,  affording 
the  crowds  of  people  at  the  depot  and  on  the  bridges 
over  the  railroad  very  little  opportunity  for  catching 
glimpses  of  the  cars.  Water  was  taken  at  Monmouth 
Junction,  and  from  that  point  to  Elberon  the 
train  ran  at  a  very  rapid  rate.  An  immense  crowd 
lined  the  track  at  Freehold,  but  not  the  least  noise  was 
made.  The  men  uncovered  their  heads  and  some  of 
the  children  waved  flags.  The  train  reached  Elberon 
at  nine  minutes  after  one,  p.  M.  Twenty  minutes  after 
wards  the  patient  was  in  his  room." 

Private  Secretary  Brown  gave  the  following  state 
ment  of  the  trip : 

"  I  doubt  if  the  removal  could  have  been  more  skil 
fully  planned  or  the  arrangements  more  perfectly  con 
ducted.  Every  detail  was  arranged  minutely  before 
we  started,  and  the  programme  was  strictly  adhered 
to.  The  prospect,  of  course,  was  that  the  President 
would  have  to  suffer  the  fatigue  of  a  long,  tedious 


554  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD. 

journey;  but  the  news  that  the  hour  had  arrived  for 
his  removal  seemed  to  cheer  him.  He  had  been  resb- 
less  several  days,  anxiously  anticipating  the  event. 
When  the  arrangements  for  his  removal  were  being 
made  he  kept  constantly  inquiring  about  the  details. 
He  was  kept  informed,  and  knew  thoroughly  the  whole 
programme. 

"  The  physicians  were  the  only  persons  who  re 
moved  the  President  from  his  bed  in  the  White  House. 
They  lifted  him  in  a  sheet,  and  he  was  carried  to  a  bed 
in  the  lower  corridor  of  the  White  House.  When  he 
was  fixed  comfortably  the  bed  was  carried  to  a  covered 
express  wagon  which  was  waiting  at  the  door.  Pre 
parations  had  been  made  to  keep  the  streets  of  Wash 
ington  free  from  noise.  It  was  remarkable  how  faith 
fully  everybody  complied  with  this  instruction.  The 
street  cars  had  stopped  running,  and  no  vehicle  of  any 
description  passed  the  express  wagon  which  bore  the 
President.  The  streets  were  filled  with  people  of  all 
kinds,  but  there  was  no  demonstration  of  any  descrip 
tion.  I  noticed  that  a  great  many  men  uncovered 
their  heads  as  the  wagon  moved  slowly  along  the 
street.  The  people  knew  that  the  President  was  in 
the  wagon,  and  they  seemed  to  think  that  his  improve 
ment  depended  on  their  quietness.  During  this  trip 
the  patient  was  not  disturbed  in  the  least.  There 
were  three  railroad  tracks  over  which  the  wagon  had 
to  pass,  but  the  jarring  was  avoided  by  filling  the 
tracks  with  several  inches  of  sawdust.  The  experi 
ment  proved  to  be  a  good  one,  as  the  wagon  passed 
over  the  tracks  as  smoothly  as  it  would  have  moved 
on  a  wooden  floor. 


ASSASSINATION   OF    PRESIDENT   GARFIELD.  655 

"  The  transfer  from  the  wagon  to  the  train  was 
speedily  made,  and  then  the  party  was  ready  to  start 
on  the  journey.  The  train  was  started  without  any 
noise.  There  was  no  ringing  of  bells  or  signals  by 
whistles.  When  the  President  was  made  comfortable 
in  bed,  the  physicians  told  the  conductor  that  they  were 
ready  to  have  the  train  started.  A  wave  of  the  con 
ductor's  hand  was  the  signal  to  the  engineer,  and  the 
train  moved  slowly  out. 

"  Outside  of  the  Presidential  party  there  were  on  the 
train  Thomas  N.  Ely,  of  the  Pennsylvania  Railroad, 
who  superintended  the  running  of  the  train,  an  en 
gineer,  a  fireman,  a  conductor,  a  telegraph  operator, 
and  a  lineman.  The  two  telegraph  men  were  taken 
on  board,  so  that  if  an  emergency  arose  assistance 
could  be  summoned  immediately.  There  were  many 
things  that  might  have  happened ;  for  instance,  some 
accident  to  the  engine,  when  it  would  be  necessary  to 
use  the  wire  immediately.  If  we  were  far  from  a 
telegraph  office,  it  would  take  hours  to  get  the  assistance 
that  one  could  summon  in  a  short  time  by  having  the 
telegraph  men  on  hand.  The  telegraph  men  changed 
at  the  end  of  each  division,  as  did  also  the  engine 
hands.  To  avoid  any  possible  confusion  or  mistake,  a 
ticket  was  given  to  everybody  who  was  to  go  on  the 
train.  When  the  doctors  arrived  they  had  to  show 
their  tickets  the  same  as  the  telegraph  men  or  the  ser 
vants. 

"  The  story  of  the  trip,  so  far  as  it  relates  to  the 
President's  car,  is  nothing  but  the  story  of  the  sick-room 
for  the  last  week.  The  middle  car  was  kept  as  free 


656  JAMES   A.   GARFIELD. 

from  intrusion  as  was  the  President's  room  in  the  White 
House.  The  physicians  were  in  constant  attendance, 
but  the  other  persons  on  the  train  seldom  entered  the 
car.  Mrs.  Garfield  went  into  the  car  at  intervals  and 
remained  a  short  time  with  her  husband.  There  was 
nothing  for  her  to  do  there  and  her  presence  might  be 
an  occasion  for  the  President  to  talk,  which  the  phy 
sicians  want  him  to  avoid  as  much  as  possible.  It  was 
necessary  sometimes  for  those  in  the  front  car  to  go 
into  the  rear  one,  and  in  that  way  all  on  board  had  an 
opportunity  to  see  the  patient. 

"  I  saw  him  for  the  first  time  in  seventeen  days.  I 
was  prepared  to  find  him  very  much  emaciated  by  his 
long  suffering,  and  was  much  surprised  at  his  appearance. 
His  face  was  not  as  thin  and  pale  as  I  thought  it  was, 
and  his  eyes  were  not  as  sunken.  His  beard  has  grown 
in  length,  but  his  face  generally  looks  about  the  same 
as  when  I  saw  him  last.  The  physicians  attended  to 
him  the  same  as  they  did  every  day  in  the  White 
House.  At  the  usual  hours  he  received  the  ordinary 
treatment.  His  wound  was  dressed  in  the  train,  he 
received  his  nourishment  regularly,  and  he  was  treated 
to  a  sponge  bath  at  stated  intervals.  His  pulse  was 
even  throughout  the  journey,  and  the  physicians  say 
that  it  did  not  vary  ten  beats  at  any  time.  He  was  in 
a  condition  to  manifest  an  interest  in  the  trip,  and 
occasionally  asked  for  some  information  regarding  what 
progress  was  being  made. 

"  No  bad  effects  were  noticed  by  the  physicians. 
Everything  was  kept  perfectly  quiet,  and  it  was  not 
necessary  to  stop  the  train  once  on  account  of  a  change 


ASSASSINATION   OF    PRESIDENT   GARFIELD.  657 

in  the  patient's  condition.  When  the  train  started  Mr. 
Ely  said  that  he  wanted  to  be  informed  about  how  the 
President  was  standing  the  journey.  The  train  started 
at  a  low  rate  of  speed,  but  it  was  soon  quickened.  Mr. 
Ely  often  asked  if  the  train  was  running  too  fast,  but 
he  was  always  told  that  there  was  no  perceptible  change 
in  the  patient.  We  travelled  about  fifty  miles  an  hour 
most  of  the  way,  and  over  part  of  the  route  we  ran 
sixty  miles  an  hour.  Between  Philadelphia  and  Mon- 
mouth  Junction,  where  the  track  is  almost  perfectly 
level,  we  ran  three  miles  at  the  rate  of  seventy  miles 
an  hour.  Several  stops  were  made  to  take  on  coal  and 
water.  At  all  these  places  great  crowds  had  gathered 
to  see  the  train.  The  crowds  were  orderly.  There 
was  no  shouting  or  demonstration  of  any  kind.  When 
some  of  the  party  stepped  on  the  platform  to  send  a 
telegram  or  attend  to  some  other  matter,  the  people 
would  ask  in  a  whisper,  'How  is  he  bearing  it?'  At 
all  these  places  flags  were  seen  floating  from  houses  and 
public  places.  The  largest  crowds  were  seen  in  the 
great  cities  of  Philadelphia  and  Baltimore,  where 
long  lines  extended  in  every  direction;  but  there  was 
not  the  slightest  noise  or  disturbance.  At  one  of  the 
stopping  places  the  surgeons  suggested  giving  the 
patient  a  sponge  bath,  but  he  replied : — '  No,  go  on 
through.  It  is  more  advisable  to  get  to  Elberon  Station 
than  to  give  me  a  bath/  The  incidents  of  the  journey 
were  few,  as  the  President  was  treated  exactly  in  the 
same  way  as  he  was  yesterday  in  the  White  House." 

In  the  appended  table  may  be  seen  the  time  made 
between  the  various  stations  by  the  President's  train, 

42 


658 


JAMES   A.  GARFIELD. 


the  distances  from  point  to  point  and  the  places  where 
there  were  halts : 


Stations. 
Washington 
Benning's 

mir-i  j 


Wilson's 9 

Seabrook 12 

Bowie 17 

Odenton 24 

Severn 27 

Winans 34 

St.  Agnes 37 

Fulton  Junction 40 

Bait.,  Charles  St 42 


Time. 

Miles.  A.  M. 
6.46 

..  5  6.56 
7.04 
7.11 
7.18 
7.29 
7.34 
7.48 
7.54 
7.59 


Stations. 


Time. 
Miles.  A.  M. 


8.02 


Bay  View* {   46  f|jj 

Chase's 57     8.33 

Magnolia 60     8.40 

Ferryman's 68     8.49 

Aberdeen 73     8.54 

Havre  de  Grace 78     8.59 

Perryville 79    9.09 

North  East 88    9.22 

Elkton 94    9.31 

Newark 100    9  39 

Stanton 106     9.46 

Wilmington 112     9.55 

Bellevue 117  10  03 

alO.12 
1 10.21 


Chester 12(i  10.25 

Moore's 130  10.30 

Paschall 134  10.35 

Gray's  Ferry 137  10.39 

West  Phila 139  10.52 

Mantua  140  10.58 

N.  Penn.  June 145  11.05 

Frank  ford  June 147  11.08 

Tacony 150  11.14 

Cornwell 156  11.19 

Schenck's 159  11.26 

Tullytownt 165  11.38 

Morrisville 170  11.47 

Trenton 172  11.48 

Princeton  June 181  11.5t 

p.  M. 

Monmouth  June 187  12.07 

Dayton 189  12.10 

Jamesburg 192  12.14 

Freehold 204  12.28 

Farmingdale 212  12.37 

Sea  Girt 220  12.48 

Elberon  Station 233     1.09 

Francklyn  Cottage 233^  1.20 


Lamokinf {  125 


*  Stopped  to  dress  President's  wound,  f  Stopped  for  coal  and  water.  J  Stop 
ped  for  water. 

A  letter  from  Long  Branch  thus  describes  the  arrival 
of  the  President  there  : 

"All  Elberon  was  throbbing  with  suppressed  excite 
ment  when  the  President  arrived.  Through  the  night 
the  rumbling  of  passing  vehicles  had  been  kept  up; 
locomotive  headlights  gleamed  in  sight,  where  at  least 
fchree  hundred  men  were  building  the  road  from  the 
depot  to  the  cottage,  and  the  click  of  hammers  driving 
in  the  spikes  and  the  clatter  of  iron  rails  mingled  their 


ASSASSINATION   OF    PRESIDENT   GARFIELD.  659 

noises  with  the  reverberations  of  the  waves.  When  the 
cottagers  awoke  in  the  morning  they  found  a  railroad 
at  their  doors,  running  through  what  was  an  orchard 
the  night  before,  and  locomotives  were  drawing  cars 
with  armed  soldiers  over  the  flower-bordered  lawns 
where  ladies  in  white  flannel  suits  were  playing  tennis 
the  previous  afternoon.  In  a  night,  as  if  under  the 
spell  of  a  magician,  this  completely-equipped  structure 
had  arisen.  As  early  as  seven  o'clock  the  whole  coast 
knew  the  President  had  started,  and  the  fishermen 
out  at  sea,  getting  the  tidings  from  the  shore,  passed 
the  word  from  boat  .to  boat.  Through  the  morning 
flocks  of  carriages,  containing  anxious  people,  came 
trooping  from  other  parts  of  Long  Branch,  and  from 
Ocean  Grove,  Monmouth  Beach  and  other  places,  all 
intent  upon  seeing  the  President  safely  housed  in  his 
snug  sea-quarters.  At  noon  the  drive  fronting  the 
hotel  was  an  impenetrable  mass  of  vehicles.  The  line 
of  the  road  to  the  station  was  also  crowded  with  car 
riages  and  with  people  afoot,  and  at  the  point  of  alight 
ing  there  were  at  least  a  thousand  ladies,  mostly  from 
the  West  End  and  the  other  resorts,  who  left  their 
coachmen  and  conveyances  at  a  distance.  Glossy 
landaus  and  carryalls  with  glittering  wheels  were 
drawn  up  in  lines,  and  their  statuesque  drivers,  with 
rich,  dark  livery,  glossy  hats  and  general  English 
make-up,  added  to  the  picturesque  watering-place 
effect. 

"All  was  stir  and  bustle  in  the  little  foreign-looking 
hotel  which  adjoins  the  Francklyn  cottage.  The  opera 
tors  at  the  telegratph  there  had  been  ordered  peremp- 


660  JAMES  A.   GARFIELD. 

torily  to  receive  no  press  dispatches,  their  wires  being 
reserved  for  government  business  alone.  But  the  press 
representatives  from  New  York,  Washington  and  else 
where,  seeking  information  for  papers  all  over  the 
country,  were  on  hand,  nevertheless,  and  besieged  the 
place  until  at  last  a  pony  express  had  to  be  put  in  ser 
vice  to  carry  the  hundreds  of  messages  to  the  West 
End,  where  a  full  corps  of  operators  were  stationed. 
Messenger  boys  in  livery,  mounted  on  neat  little  ponies, 
were  galloping  from  office  to  office  as  if  the  fate  of  a 
world  depended  upon  saving  a  moment.  United  States 
army  officers,  in  glistening  helmets,  moved  in  and  out; 
orderlies,  with  dispatches,  carne  post-haste ;  guards, 
with  fixed  bayonets,  picketed  the  hotel  grounds ;  groups 
of  elegant-looking  ladies,  with  a  great  deal  of  rich, 
gorgeous  color  in  their  draperies,  occupied  the  piazzas, 
and  the  lobbies  were  crowded  with  men  of  distinction. 
Telegrams  received  in  the  hotel  giving  the  progress  of 
the  train  were  passed  from  one  person  to  another,  be 
coming  general  with  incredible  rapidity.  People  were 
buoyant  and  bright  and  cheerful,  and  the  spirit  of  the 
hour  seemed  to  be  that  the  President  was  going  to  get 
well  if  he  could  only  be  brought  through  safe. 

"At  last,  just  at  the  expected  time,  twenty  minutes 
after  one  o'clock,  the  engine,  with  the  three  cars 
attached,  came  slowly  and  smoothly  to  the  station  and 
stopped.  The  on-lookers  were  mute.  The  faces  were 
cheerful,  but  there  were  no  cheers,  and  people  even 
refrained  from  conversation.  There  was  a  wonderful 
consideration  shown  by  the  people  for  the  nice  proprie. 
ties.  The  switch  was  turned  and  the  engine  slowly 


ASSASSINATION   OF   PRESIDENT   GARFIELD.  661 

backed  the  cars  up  the  temporary  railroad  erected  dur 
ing  the  night  to  the  cottage.  There  was  a  flutter  of 
color  among  the  parterre  of  ladies  on  what  is  called  the 
quarter-deck  of  the  hotel,  above  the  bath-houses  and 
commanding  a  view  of  the  cottage,  but  not  a  handker 
chief  was  waved,  not  a  clapping  of  hands,  not  anything 
approaching  a  demonstration,  which  would  have  been 
manifestly  improper  under  the  circumstances.  The 
track  was  to  the  back  of  the  cottage,  where  there  is  a 
veranda  opening  into  the  dining-room.  A  platform, 
covered  with  canvas  above  and  on  the  sides,  was  ready 
to  slide  into  the  car  door,  which  is  near  the  centre,  and 
when  this  was  let  down  the  prostrate  President  was 
carried  in  without  any  of  the  thousand  spectators 
catching  a  glimpse  except  as  a  section  of  the  canvas 
sides  blew  apart  and  disclosed  for  a  moment  the  tableau 
of  several  men  carrying  a  couch  with  something  white 
on  it  and  two  emaciated  hands  crossed  in  front.  What 
was  thus  seen  was  the  wasted  form  of  James  A.  Gar- 
field,  now  only  a  light,  but  none  the  less  precious 
burden.  The  friends  and  attendants  who  handled  him 
in  the  car  carried  him  into  the  house.  Mrs.  Garfield 
and  some  of  the  children,  and  the  nurses  and  others 
who  were  in  another  car,  walked  around  and  went  in 
the  front  door.  Not  much  difficulty  was  met  with 
carrying  him  up-stairs  into  the  south  chamber,  which 
was  selected  because  the  large  room  below  was  too  ex 
posed  to  secure  perfect  quiet. 

"  The  first  thing  done  after  the  President  was  brought 
to  his  room  was  to  dress  the  wound,  which  had  re 
ceived  only  temporary  attention  on  the  train.  It  is 


662  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD. 

customary  for  some  of  the  doctors  to  give  the  Presi 
dent  a  bath  every  'few  hours  while  awake,  and  the 
bath  consists  of  sponging  the  entire  surface  of  his  body 
with  alcohol,  a  treatment  which  gives  him  great 
pleasure.  After  the  party  started  the  doctors  wanted 
to  give  him  his  bath  on  the  train,  and  Dr.  Bliss  went 
in  to  ask  him  if  he  would  have  it.  *  No/  said  General 
Garfield ;  '  I  like  the  bath  pretty  well,  but  we  will  not 
bother  about  it  now.  The  great  thing  at  present  is 
progress;  we  will  do  all  these  other  things  after  we  get 
to  the  end  of  the  route.'  Consequently  the  next  thing 
was  to  give  him  his  bath.  After  that  he  had  some 
beef  essence,  such  as  he  took  during  the  trip,  from  two 
to  four  ounces  every  two  hours,  and  then  he  was  left 
alone  and  fell  asleep.  Just  before  he  did  so  he  turned 
a  little  in  the  bed  and  murmured  to  Colonel  Rockwell, 
as  the  regular  rolling  of  the  waves  outside  the  widow 
reached  his  ears,  '  Isn't  that  restful !  Oh,  how  much 
better  this  is!"  Dr.  Bliss  authorizes  the  statement  as 
coming  from  him  and  the  other  physicians  that  the 
President  was  given  no  opium  or  anodyne  in  any  shape 
whatever,  either  to-day  or  the  day  before.  Plis  sleep 
Monday  night  was  natural,  and  his  naps,  for  twenty - 
five  minutes  this  afternoon  and  for  fifteen  minutes  just 
before  seven  o'clock,  were  not  brought  on  by  any  arti 
ficial  means.  No  hypodermic  injections  were  given  on 
the  train  and  he  did  not  attempt  to  sleep,  because  he 
said  he  had  looked  forward  to  the  trip  with  a  great 
deal  of  pleasure  and  he  wanted  to  enjoy  it. 

"  The  question  every  one  will  be  asking  in  the  morn 
ing  is,   Has   the  trip  done    the   President   any  good? 


ASSASSINATION  OF   PRESIDENT   GARFIELD.  663 

What  effect  has  it  had  upon  his  condition  ?  Do  the 
doctors  think  it  has  been  or  may  yet  benefit  ?  <  I  am 
of  the  opinion,'  said  Dr.  Bliss,  just  after  dinner  this 
evening, '  that  the  atmosphere  of  Long  Branch  is  much 
better  for  the  President  than  the  atmosphere  of  Wash 
ington.  Its  influence  will  be  helpful.  In  the  evening 
bulletin  the  anticipated  rise  of  pulse,  consequent  upon 
the  excitement  of  the  trip,  was  manifested.  Just 
before  we  went  to  dinner  his  pulse  was  running  at  one 
hundred  and  twenty-four.  On  the  whole,  we  consider 
that  up  to  this  hour  his  general  condition  is  an  im 
provement — not  a  marked  improvement,  but  still  an 
improvement.  When  we  dressed  the  wound  in  the 
back  we  fownd  that  it  was  granulating  finely,  looked 
clear  and  bright  in  color,  and  discharged  freely  and 
healthily.  The  wound  has  been  healing  for  several 
days,  and  the  exterior — that  is  to  say,  the  surface 
skin — is  beginning  to  gather  about  the  orifice.  An 
abrasion  in  the  back  is  also  looking  better.  We 
fully  expected  the  indications  of  slight  reaction  which 
have  taken  place  since  the  dressing ;  still  the  President 
has  held  to  the  idea  that  if  he  got  to  Long  Branch  he 
would  get  well,  and  we  are  hopeful  that  his  mind  may 
have  some  influence  upon  his  general  condition.  We 
do  not  look  for  any  very  great  improvement,  not  so 
much  improvement  as  we  expect  the  day  after ;  but  if 
any  particular  improvement  occurs  on  Wednesday,  it 
will  be  a  very  favorable  circumstance." 

On  the  whole,  the  removal  of  the  President  was  re 
garded  by  his  physicians  as  a  great  success,  and  as  a 
positive  benefit  to  him. 


664  JAMES   A.   GARFIELD. 

On  the  morning  of  September  the  7th  the  President's 
cottage  was  calm  and  still.  "  It  had  been  a  night  of 
rest  and  the  President  himself  had  passed  several  hours 
of  sleep.  The  tired  attendants,  overcome  with  the 
long  and  anxious  strain,  the  quick  preparation  for 
leaving  Washington  and  the  excitement  and  suspense 
of  the  trip,  were  at  last  able  to  close  their  eyes  and 
gather  new  strength.  The  doctors  relieved  each  other 
through  the  night,  but  even  they  were  able  to  get  more 
rest  than  usual  and  awoke  refreshed. 

"  But  early  as  was  the  hour  the  President  was  awake. 
Suddenly  starting  from  one  of  those  short,  fluctuating 
periods  of  somnolence  that  have  marked  the  latest 
phases  of  his  case,  he  asked  to  be  raised  a  little,  and 
for  full  half  an  hour  he  enjoyed  the  panorama  of  the 
sea. 

" c  Rockwell,'  he  said,  ( you  know  I  wanted  to  be  a 
sailor  once.  It  was  the  merest  chance  my  lot  was 
not  cast  with  those  brave  fellows  out  there/ 

"  He  did  not  say  it  rapidly,  but  slowly,  for  he  was 
very  weak,  but  his  voice  was  clear  and  his  enunciation 
quite  distinct.  As  he  spoke  he  looked  in  the  direction 
where  a  magnificent  ship  was  just  coining  into  sight, 
with  every  sail  set  and  speeding  before  the  wind. 
She  was  deep  in  shadow;  her  outlines  dark,  like 
silhouette,  and  her  masts  and  canvas-clad  yards  dim 
and  misty.  The  next  moment  the  rosy  light  of  the 
fast  ascending  sun  fell  upon  the  picture.  The  sails 
shone  like  gold,  and  the  ship  seemed  to  be  floating  on 
crystal  tinged  with  pink.  The  President,  for  months 
pent  up  in  the  confines  of  the  White  House,  took  in  all 


ASSASSINATION  OF   PRESIDENT    GARFIELD.  665 

the  beauty  of  this  bright  scene,  and  smiled  with  evi 
dent  satisfaction. 

"  Down  on  the  beach  all  was  deserted.  The  large 
flag  in  front  of  the  cottage  hung  dreamily.  The  cactus 
plants  on  the  piazzas  gave  a  sort  of  tropical  cast  to  the 
place,  the  rapidly-increasing  heat  of  the  sun  heighten 
ing  the  effect.  There  seemed  scarcely  a  breath  of  air 
stirring.  A  bugle  blew.  The  guards  were  changed 
with  the  usual  formality,  and  in  a  little  while  the 
whole  artillery  company  was  drilled.  As  the  morn 
ing  wore  on  the  bustle  about  the  cottage  increased. 
The  meals  for  the  family  were  sent  in.  Mollie  Gas- 
field  and  Lulu  Rockwell  went  bathing,  and  messen 
gers  carrying  notes  of  condolence  and  calling  to  leave 
the  card  of  sympathy  began  to  arrive.  Among  the 
callers  were :  Aristarchi  Bey,  the  Turkish  Minister, 
and  other  diplomatic  officials ;  Mr.  Birney,  the  United 
States  Minister  to  the  Hague ;  Admiral  Marston,  of  the 
Navy;  Justice  Strong,  of  the  Supreme  Court;  Senator 
Chaffee,  and  all  the  members  of  the  Cabinet. 

"A  large  quantity  of  game  from  St.  Louis,  and 
peaches  and  flowers  innumerable,  from  unknown  per 
sons,  were  received  during  the  morning.  Later  in 
the  day  Mrs.  Garfield  and  Mollie  went  driving,  in 
response  to  the  invitation  of  one  of  the  lady  cottagers. 
The  day  was  the  hottest  known  on  the  coast  in 
many  years.  With  a  breeze  blowing  through  the  room 
the  thermometer  stood  94  about  noon.  The  President 
felt  it  very  much,  and  complained  of  feeling  the  effects 
of  the  heat.  Almost  all  day  there  was  a  land  breeze, 
which  felt  like  the  air  from  a  red-hot  furnace.  The 


666  JAMES   A.    GARFIELD. 

hottest  day  in  July  or  August  was  cool  in  comparison, 
At  one  time  a  little  sea  breeze  sprang  up,  but  lasted 
only  for  a  short  time.  The  President  was  the  first 
to  notice  it,  and  called  Dr.  Bliss'  attention  to  the 
fact. 

" '  Oh,  doctor/  he  said,  in  a  feeble  voice,  <  if  it  would 
only  keep  like  that!" 

"  The  heat  had  the  effect  of  taking  away  his  cheer 
fulness  to  some  extent,  and  he  did  not  talk  much,  lying 
still  and  apparently  struggling  to  catch  every  stray 
breath  of  fresh  air  that  found  its  way  into  the  room. 
It  must  be  remembered  that  the  room  in  which  he 
is  lying  is  not  open  on  the  side  from  which  the  wind 
has  been  blowing.  Mrs.  Garfield  expressed  herself  to 
Dr.  Bliss  as  greatly  disappointed  at  the  unusual  heat 
of  the  weather,  and  she  was  evidently  very  anxious 
as  to  the  effect  it  would  have. 

"  Dr.  Bliss  said  at  night ;  '  I  have  nothing  encourag 
ing  to  say ;  neither  am  I  despondent.  The  President  is 
very  ill,  but  no  worse  than  the  circumstances  justify. 
If  we  get  a  sea  breeze,  I  will  have  something  more 
cheerful  to  say.1 

" '  Considering  the  great  heat,'  said  Dr.  Reyburn  at 
eleven  o'clock,  '  and  taking  into  account  the  President 
has  not  fully  recovered  from  the  excitement  of  the 
trip,  1  think  there  is  no  occasion  for  alarm.  It  is  too 
early  to  say  that  he  is  any  worse.  While  he  keeps  up 
so  well  himself,  there  is  great  hope.' ' 

On  the  8th  of  September  the  improvement  in  tho 
President  continued.  On  that  day  Drs.  Woodward, 
Barnes,  lleyburn,  and  Edson  withdrew  from  the  man- 


ASSASSINATION   OF    PRESIDENT   GAKKIELD.  007 

ftgement  of  the  case.  The  official  bulletins  were  as 
follows : 

"8.30  A.  M. — At  the  morning  examination,  made  at 
eight  o'clock,  the  President's  pulse  was  104,  tempera 
ture,  98.7,  and  respiration  18.  He  \va,s  restless  and 
wakeful  during  the  early  part  of  the  night,  but  after 
twelve  midnight  slept  well  until  morning.  His  general 
condition  appears  more  encouraging. 

"0.30  P.  M. — At  noon  to-day  the  President's  temper 
ature  was  98.4;  pulse,  94;  respiration,  17.  At  the 
evening  dressing,  at  half-past  five,  p.  M.,  his  temper 
ature  was  99;  pulse,  100;  respiration,  18.  He  has 
taken  a  liberal  amount  of  food,  both  solid  and  lluid, 
with  apparent  relish. 

"  By  special  request  of  the  President  it  has  been 
made  our  duty  to  say  in  this  public  manner  to  Surgeon 
General  Barnes,  Surgeon  J.  J.  Woodward,  and  Dr. 
Robert  Key  burn,  that  in  dispensing  with  their  services 
as  his  medical  attendants,  he  was  actuated  only  by  a 
wish  to  relieve  them  of  labor  and  responsibility  which 
in  his  improved  condition  he  could  no  lon^T  properly 
impose  upon  them.  Both  the  President  and  Mrs.  (iar- 
field  desire  to  express  to  these  gentlemen  personally  and 
in  the  same  public  manner  their  high  appreciation  of 
the  great  skill  and  discretion  which  they  have  so  con 
stantly  exercised  as  associate  and  counsel  in  the  man 
agement  of  his  case  up  to  the  present  time." 

On  the  same  day  the  correspondent  of  The  J'/iila- 
delphia  TiniM  wrote  as  follows : 

"Two  fishermen  from  Monmouth  Beach,  who  had 
heard  of  President  Garfield's  miraculous  appetite  and 


668  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD. 

thought  a  nice  thing  to  do  would  be  to  catch  some  of 
the  fine  Spanish  mackerel  now  so  abundant  along  the 
coast  and  send  them  to  him  for  his  breakfast,  went  out 
last  night  to  see  what  they  could  get.  They  came  in 
this  morning  with  several  of  the  finest  specimens  a 
hook  has  taken  from  the  water  this  summer.  These 
they  sent  to  Elberon,  and,  although  they  were  not  used, 
the  act  received  its  due  appreciation.  But  if  the  Presi 
dent  did  not  indulge  in  this  particular  luxury  he  did 
in  others.  He  passed  the  night  without  much  distur 
bance  and  awoke  refreshed.  At  breakfast  he  surprised 
everyone  by  saying  that  he  would  like  something  more 
substantial  than  the  porridge  which  is  usually  the 
basis  of  this  meal. 

" '  What  would  you  say  to  game  ? '  said  General 
Swaim ;  '  some  one  has  sent  a  lot  of  splendid  woodcock, 
packed  in  ice.' 

" '  Well,  bring  some  up  anyway,'  said  the  President, 
and  it  was  accordingly  cooked  and  served.  He  took  a 
little  piece  of  the  breast  and  nibbled  at  it.  Dr.  Bliss 
says  he  picked  it  very  thoroughly  and  smacked  his  lips 
as  if  enjoying  himself.  At  dinner  he  also  ate  a  little 
more  solid  food,  and  said  that  he  knew  salt  sea  air  made 
him  as  hungry  as  a  hawk. 

"  During  the  morning  the  President  was  in  a  splen 
did  humor.  It  was  learned  at  second  hand,  but  from 
good  authority,  that  the  President  said :  '  Now  that 
all  those  doctors  have  gone,  I  feel  wonderfully 
better.' 

"  Dr.  Bliss  was  telling  him  of  his  decreased  pulse, 
when  he  said  :  'Yes,  less  pulse  and  less  doctors  is  a 


ASSASSINATION   OF    PRESIDENT   GARFIELD.  669 

very  good  sign/  and  then  he  made  the  remark  just 
quoted.  A  few  minutes  afterwards  he  said : 

"  '  Bliss,  it's  going  to  be  tiresome  down  here.  Don't 
you  think  you  could  get  up  some  amusement  ?  Have 
Rockwell  and  some  of  them  come  up.  What  would 
you  say  to  a  game  of  cards  ? ' 

"  <  No,  no/  said  Dr.  Bliss ;  '  it  would  never  do.  Af 
ter  you  get  stronger  we  may  think  about  something  of 
that  sort,  but  not  just  now.  I  couldn't  think  of  it/ 

"  <  Well,  I  don't  know  why/  said  the  President.  <  I 
don't  see  what  harm  a  little  game  would  do  me/  and  he 
looked  rather  disappointed  at  not  getting  his  wish. 

"  Since  he  has  had  his  way  in  getting  to  Long 
Branch  he  is  beginning  to  assert  his  will.  Indeed,  of 
late  there  is  a  great  deal  going  to  show  that  he  has  to 
some  extent  taken  his  own  case  in  hand  himself. 
From  the  first  he  was  opposed  to  so  many  doctors,  and 
often  expressed  his  displeasure.  Once  he  made  the 
remark,  <  Bliss,  I'm  getting  tired  of  this  mob.'  He  has 
also  grown  sick  of  being  tumbled  about  and  examined, 
and  having  different  doctors  at  different  hours  put  ther 
mometers  under  his  arms  and  feel  his  pulse.  Since  he 
came  here  he  has  rebelled  against  so  much  examination, 
and  consequently  the  number  of  bulletins  has  been 
shortened.  t 

"  Then  he  has  thought  Mrs.  Edson  ought  to  go  home 
— not  that  he  was  tired  of  her,  but  because  he  felt  she 
was  greatly  worn,  and  needed  rest.  Mrs.  Edson  de 
murred,  but  the  President  had  to  have  his  way.  He 
also  had  the  satisfaction  of  seeing  his  idea  about  lessen 
ing  the  number  of  physicians  carried  out.  Drs.  Barnes 


670  JAMES    A.    GARFIELD. 

and  Woodward  have  returned  to  Washington,  and  Dr. 
Reyburn  has  gone  to  visit  friends  at  Ocean  Grove. 
They  felt  very  bad  about  it,  but  the  President  was 
inexorable.  The  fact  that  all  three  of  them  voted  in 
council  against  his  removal  to  Long  Branch  did  not 
raise  them  in  his  favor.  No  one  told  him,  but  sick 
men  learn  these  things,  and  Garfield  is  a  sort  of  ama 
teur  psychologist.  Anyhow,  he  has  several  times 
astonished  the  doctors  by  showing  that  he  knew  things 
going  on  outside.  Before  leaving  Washington  he  in 
sisted  on  the  reduction  of  the  surgical  force  to  Dr. 
Bliss,  with  Drs.  Agnew  and  Hamilton  intervening  as 
consultants.  But  Dr.  Bliss,  in  courtesy,  thought  he 
would  ask  all  his  colleagues  to  make  the  trip  to  Long 
Branch.  When  one  of  the  interdicted  ones  came  into 
the  car  during  the  trip,  Garfield  said  :  '  Hasn't  he  gone 
away  yet?'  This  is  the  plain  truth,  and  the  compli 
mentary  allusions  of  the  evening  bulletin  are  simply 
surgical  salve  for  irritated  feelings.  After  all  this  it  is 
scarcely  necessary  to  say  that  President  Garfield's  con 
dition  has  very  much  improved.  The  weather  was  in 
strange  contrast  to  yesterday.  A  fine  breeze  began 
blowing  in  the  morning  and  kept  up  continuously, 
until  at  night  there  were  clouds  scudding  across  the 
sky.  The  sea  was  unduly  agitated,  making  masses  of 
angry-looking  surf,  and  the  wind  blew  stiffly,  almost  as 
if  presaging  a  storm.  The  slat  shutters  on  the  sea 
windows  of  the  President's  room  had  to  be  closed  and 
more  covering  put  on  the  bed.  He  enjoyed  the  change 
to  the  fullest,  and  said  he  wished  it  would  blow  a  gale. 
"Attorney  General  MacVeagh  had  the  cars  in  which 


ASSASSINATION    OF    PRESIDENT   GARFIELD.  671 

the  party  came  sent  back  to-day.  They  were  standing 
on  the  track  as  grim  reminders  of  a  possible  contin 
gency,  now  seemingly  altogether  removed.  The  num 
ber  of  guards  was  also  reduced,  and  they  no  longer 
appear  with  their  muskets,  which  is  in  much  better 
taste.  A  sentry  simply  sits  at  the  door,  and  another 
walks  by  the  house  with  his  hands  behind  him. 

" '  Crete,'  said  the  President  to  his  brave  little  wife, 
about  eleven  o'clock  this  morning,  as  the  ringing  strokes 
from  the  belfry  of  the  Protestant  Episcopal  church, 
almost  across  from  the  cottage,  reached  his  ears,  *  what 
are  they  ringing  that  bell  for?' 

"'That?'  said  Mrs.  Garfield,  who  had  been  waiting 
for  the  surprise;  'that's  the  church  where  we  were 
when  you  first  came  down.  They're  all  going  there 
to  pray  for  you  to  get  well,'  and  getting  on  her  knees 
she  said :  'And  I'm  going  to  pray,  too,  James,  that  it 
may  be  soon,  for  I  know  already  that  the  other  prayer 
has  been  heard.' 

"  From  where  he  lay,  Garfield  could  see  the  carriages 
draw  up,  and  group  after  group  go  in.  He  could  even 
hear  the  subdued  refrain  of  i  Jesus,  lover  of  my  soul,' 
as  it  was  borne  by  on  its  heavenward  way.  Thrilled 
with  emotion,  a  tear  trickled  down  the  President's  face. 
After  a  while  a  sweet,  woman's  voice  arose,  singing 
from  one  of  Sir  Michael  Costa's  noblest  oratorios, 
'  Turn  Thou  unto  me  and  have  mercy  upon  me/  sang 
the  voice,  <  for  I  am  desolate ;  I  am  desolate  and 
afflicted ;  the  troubles  of  my  heart  are  enlarged.  Oh, 
bring  Thou  me  out  of  my  distresses,  out  of  my  dis 
tresses,  my  God/ 


672  JAMES   A.   GARFIELD. 

"  The  people  in  the  church  sat  almost  spellbound 
under  the  voice.  Mrs.  George  "W.  Childs,  who  sang 
the  recitative,  was  affected  deeply,  and  made  it  seem 
to  all,  what  it  must  have  been  to  her,  a  prayer  in 
music.  Rev.  Dr.  Morton,  of  Philadelphia,  was  the 
officiating  clergyman,  and  prayed  long  and  fervently 
that  the  Chief  Magistrate  of  the  nation  might  be  pre 
served  to  the  people  and  made  more  useful  than  before. 
It  was  a  solemn,  deeply-felt  and  awe-inspiring  service, 
but  still  made  bright  by  the  evidences  of  religious 
hope." 

During  the  9th,  the  President  continued  to  hold  the 
ground  he  had  gained,  and  Secretary  Elaine  telegraphed 
to  Minister  Lowell  that  the  sufferer  had  not  for  many 
weeks  done  so  well  for  so  many  consecutive  hours. 

A  letter  from  Long  Branch,  on  the  same  day,  said : 

"  The  two  best  things  in  the  President's  favor  to-day 
are  that  he  was  able  to  see  Attorney-General  Mac- 
Veagh,  and  that  Dr.  Agnew,  when  he  dressed  the 
wound  to-night,  found  him  better  than  when  he  left 
him  on  Wednesday  night.  Dr.  Agnew  says :  '  He  is 
very  weak  yet,  but  better.  His  loss  has  been  great, 
but  does  not  approximate  two-fifths  his  weight.  I  do 
not  dread  any  complications  beyond  his  sinking  condi 
tion.  A  great  deal  is  said  about  the  bullet  having  been 
located.  I  will  say  that  so  far  as  I  am  concerned  I  do 
not  know  where  it  is.  Any  operation  for  the  purpose 
of  getting  at  the  ball  is  something  that  will  not  be 
considered  at  this  time.  To  overcome  the  patient's 
weakness  will  be  the  single  aim/" 

On  Saturday,  September  the   10th,  the  President's 


ASSASSINATION   OF   PRESIDENT   GARFIELD.  673 

condition  was  quite  as  favorable  as  on  the  previous 
day. 

On  the  llth,  there  was  an  alarming  return  of  the 
unfavorable  symptoms  in  the  President's  case.  The 
evening  bulletin  indicated  higher  temperature  and 
pulse  than  for  several  days  past.  There  were  also 
indications  that  blood-poison  had  affected  the  right 
lung,  involving  a  serious  state  of  affairs.  While  the 
patient  slept  well  and  took  the  usual  nourishment 
brandy  had  to  be  used,  and  milk  punch  was  given  to 
create  an  appetite.  On  the  whole,  the  situation  once; 
more  assumed  an  alarming  character 

43 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

DEATH    OF    PRESIDENT   GARFIELD. 

Slow  Progress  of  the  President's  Case — Is  Placed  in  his  Reclining  Chair — - 
Slight  Signs  of  Improvement — The  President  Enjoys  the  View  of  the  Sea 
—A  Change  for  the  Worse— The  Chills  Return— The  Surgeons  lose  Hope 
—September  the  Nineteenth — The  Last  Struggle — Death  of  President  Gar- 
field — The  Brave  Battle  over — General  Swaim's  Account  of  the  Death- 
Scene — Dr.  Bliss's  Account — Vice-President  Arthur  Notified — The  News 
Spread  Throughout  the  Country — The  National  Sorrow — Sympathy  from 
Abroad — Message  from  Queen  Victoria  to  Mrs.  Garfield — The  President's 
Mother  Receives  the  News — The  Post-Mortem — The  Body  Conveyed 
from  Elberon  to  Washington  City — Incidents  of  the  Journey — Arrival  at 
Washington — Conveyed  to  the  Capitol — Lying  in  State  Under  the  Dome 
— The  Last  Parting  of  the  Family  with  the  Husband  and  Father — The 
Funeral  Services — The  Journey  to  Cleveland — Scenes  along  the  Route — 
Arrival  at  Cleveland — Lying  in  State  in  Monumental  Park — Sunday  in 
Cleveland — Funeral  of  President  Garfield — The  Nation's  Last  Tribute  to 
its  Martyred  Chief. 

'THE  case  of  the  heroic  sufferer  continued  to  drag  along 
wearily,  yet  his  condition  seemed,  on  the  whole,  to  be 
steadily  improving.  On  the  12th  of  September  he  was 
much  better  and  brighter,  and  appeared  to  take  his 
food  with  more  relish.  On  the  13th  there  was  a  still 
more  marked  improvement,  though  it  was  recognized 
on  all  hands  that  a  "  better  day  "  for  the  President  in 
his  exhausted  condition  meant  simply  that  he  had  not 
exhibited  any  unfavorable  symptoms,  and  was  no  worse 
than  on  the  previous  day.  Matters  were  very  quiet 

(674) 


ASSASSINATION   OF   PRESIDENT   GARFIELD.  675 

about  the  Francklyn  Cottage  during  the  day.  The 
President  had  passed  a  good  night,  and  on  the  morning 
of  the  13th  requested  to  be  placed  in  the  reclining 
invalid  chair.  This  was  done,  and  the  chair  was  so 
placed  that  the  President  could  command  a  view  of  the 
beach  and  take  in  the  bathers  frisking  on  the  sands 
and  in  the  surf.  Among  them — or,  rather,  a  little  to 
the  right  and  almost  opposite  the  cottage — were  his 
charming  little  daughter,  Mollie,  Lulu  Rockwell  and 
young  MacVeagh.  They  wrere  scarcely  more  than 
fifty  yards  from  the  window.  The  President  could  see 
the  laughing  faces  and  hear  the  happy  shouts  when  the 
breakers  rolled  over  them,  and  he  lay  silently  contem 
plating  the  joyous  scene  for  half  an  hour,  when  he 
requested  to  be  put  back  to  bed  again.  This  will  be 
repeated  as  long  as  he  can  stand  it.  He  enjoys  it 
amazingly. 

On  the  14th  the  same  happy  condition  of  affairs  was 
maintained,  and  the  President  was  again  transferred 
from  his  bed  to  his  easy -chair.  It  was  agreed  that  he 
should  occupy  it,  and  continue  his  pleasing  study  of 
the  ocean  just  as  long  as  he  was  not  tired,  or  as  long 
as  he  showed  no  ill-effects  therefrom.  At  the  end  of 
an  hour,  when  Dr.  Bliss  at  the  hotel  learned  from  a 
messenger  that  the  patient  was  still  in  the  chair  he 
hurried  over,  and,  after  a  consultation  with  Dr.  Hamil 
ton,  suggested  to  the  patient  that  he  be  put  back  to 
bed  again.  It  was  done  by  insinuation  only,  but  it 
appears  the  patient  did  not  take  the  hint  and  con 
tinued  to  gaze  out  upon  the  sea,  then  tossed  in  foamy 
white  caps.  Finally  the  hint  was  broadened,  but  the 


676  JAMES   A.   GARFIELD. 

President  promptly  objected.  He  said  he  was  per 
fectly  comfortable  and  preferred  to  stay  where  he  was 
a  while  longer.  In  the  words  of  Dr.  Hamilton,  when 
asked  to  go  to  bed  he  "  kicked  like  a  steer."  At  the 
expiration  of  the  time  mentioned,  however,  he  was 
prevailed  upon  to  submit  to  the  change.  There  was 
no  evidence  that  he  had  suffered  any  inconvenience 
from  this  long  occupancy  of  the  reclining  chair.  On 
the  contrary,  he  expressed  himself  as  feeling  much 
refreshed,  and  is  said  to  have  made  some  humorous 
remarks  about  his  apparently  improved  condition. 

The  15th  of  September  was  a  wild,  cheerless  day  at 
Elberon,  and  was  most  unfavorable  for  the  sufferer.  A 
strong  east  wind  swept  the  sea,  and  lashed  the  shore 
with  a  continuous  roar.  All  that  could  be  said  for  the 
sufferer  was  that  he  continued  to  hold  his  own  "with," 
as  Dr.  Boynton  remarked,  "  a  slight  falling  off  in  vitality 
and  strength." 

The  President  was  moved  to  his  reclining  chair  as 
usual  and  remained  there  listening  to  the  roar  of  the 
sea  and  the  shrill  whistling  and  ghostly  shrieking  of 
the  wind  for  nearly  an  hour.  At  the  expiration  of 
that  time  he  was  lifted  back  again  and  fell  into  a  state 
of  semi-unconsciousness,  which  more  resembled  stupor 
than  sleep.  He  rested  very  much  of  the  time  in  that 
state.  During  the  day  he  called  for  some  beefsteak 
and  seemed  to  derive  much  pleasure  from  giving 
directions  how  it  should  be  cooked.  When  it  was 
brought  in,  prepared  in  the  best  style  and  big  enough 
for  two  well  men  of  good  appetite,  he  could  partake  of 
but  as  much  as  would  fill  a  tablespoon  and  this  care- 


ASSASSINATION   OF   PRESIDENT   GARFIELD.  677 

fully  minced.  Dr.  Boynton  said  the  patient's  appetite 
was  not  so  good  that  day.  At  the  best  it  was  but  weak 
and  fitful.  Very  often  his  sense  of  the  necessity  of  his 
eating  something  anyhow  was  so  strong  that  he  insisted 
on  being  fed  when  his  taste  rebelled  against  all  food. 
This  craving  for  food  was  not  appetite,  but  an  exertion 
of  a  tremendous  will  power. 

On  the  16th  there  was  a  marked  change  for  the 
worse,  and  the  President's  condition  excited  the  gravest 
apprehension.  There  were  unmistakable  evidences  of 
increasing  weakness,  both  in  mind  and  body.  The 
discharges  from  the  wound  were  more  unhealthy  than 
for  some  time  past;  there  was  a  second  febrile  rise 
toward  evening,  which  had  not  occurred  before  since 
he  reached  Elberon,  and  stimulants  had  to  be  adminis 
tered  in  larger  quantities.  He  was  unfit  to  be  moved 
to  the  easy-chair  and  expressed  no  wish  for  the  change. 
His  mind  wandered  more  or  less  all  day,  and  he  seemed 
to  recognize  his  danger  in  the  lucid  intervals.  It 
looked  as  though  the  eleventh  Saturday  since  the 
shooting  was  about  to  mark  another  crisis  in  the  case 
of  the  nation's  patient. 

On  the  17th  the  President  sank  still  lower.  Shortly 
before  noon  he  was  seized  with  a  severe  chill,  and  his 
pulse,  temperature  and  respiration  soon  increased  to  a 
remarkable  extent;  the  pulse  reaching  the  alarming 
figure  of  120.  The  physicians  promptly  administered 
brandy  and  water,  but  he  grew  deathly  sick,  vomiting 
up  the  stimulant  and  everything  else  on  the  stomach. 
At  the  same  time  he  was  in  a  raging  delirium,  and 
talked  wildly  and  clutched  at  the  blankets.  This 


678  JAMES   A.   GARFIELD. 

alarmed  one  of  the  attendants  so  much  that  he  reported 
the  President  dying.  The  alarm  may  be  said  to  have 
communicated  itself  to  the  entire  household.  The 
absent  members  of  the  Cabinet  were  telegraphed  to 
return  immediately.  All  but  Secretary  Lincoln,  who 
has  been  at  Rye  Beach,  arrived  here  during  the  after 
noon. 

After  the  rigor  had  passed  the  President  sank  into  a 
quiet  sleep,  and  slept  more  or  less  during  the  remainder 
of  the  day.  His  pulse  and  temperature  subsided  toward 
evening,  and  there  was  no  recurrence  of  the  chill. 
Enema  was  administered  successfully  and  stimulants 
were  not  rejected.  His  condition,  however,  was  con 
sidered  more  critical  than  ever,  and  it  was  a  question 
whether  enough  vitality  could  be  maintained  to  coun 
teract  the  exhaustion  of  the  system. 

Sunday,  the  18th  of  September,  opened  finely,  with 
a  delicious  breeze  from  the  east.  The  morning  bulletin 
from  Francklyn  Cottage  gave  hopes  that  the  President 
would  have  a  good  day.  The  President  slept  well 
during  the  night,  and,  in  his  waking  hours,  there  was 
an  absence  of  mental  hallucinations.  Up  to  a  late 
hour  on  Saturday  night,  there  were  grave  fears  as  to 
his  condition,  more  rigors  being  feared,  but  none 
came.  Every  precaution  had  been  taken  to  prevent 
it,  his  extremities  being  wrapped  in  dry,  heated 
flannels. 

Secretaries  Hunt  and  Windom  and  Postmaster-Gen 
eral  James  arrived  on  the  night  of  the  17th,  and  were 
met  at  the  depot  by  Attorney-General  MacVeagh,  who 
escorted  them  to  the  West  End  Cottage,  and  there  ex- 


ASSASSINATION   OF   PRESIDENT   GARFIELD.  679 

plained  to  them  the  condition  of  the  President.  None 
of  them  went  to  Elberon  during  the  night. 

The  18th  was  passed  by  the  President  with  com 
parative  comfort.  There  were  grave  fears  during  the 
morning  that  a  rigor  would  occur,  and,  in  order  to 
prevent  its  development,  the  attending  surgeons 
ordered  the  application  of  hot  cloths,  which  proved 
a  successful  treatment.  There  were  indications  of  a 
cooling  of  the  extremities,  but  the  hot  applications 
brought  on  an  increase  of  temperature,  and  the  cool 
ness  gradually  wore  away  without  producing  a  chill. 
Had  a  rigor  occurred  during  the  morning  it  would 
have  been  a  very  serious  one,  as  the  patient  was  ex 
tremely  enfeebled. 

With  the  exception  of  the  renewed  efforts  which 
have  been  employed  to  keep  the  temperature  from 
falling  below  the  normal  range  the  day  passed  without 
an  event  of  an  extraordinary  character.  Shortly  after 
the  issue  of  the  evening  bulletin,  however,  the  rigor 
which  had  been  dreaded  all  day,  set  in  and  lasted 
fifteen  minutes.  It  was  followed  by  a  high  fever 
which  continued  until  midnight,  after  which  the  Presi 
dent  was  comparatively  comfortable. 

Monday,  September  19th,  opened  with  cause  for  the 
gravest  fears.  At  half-past  eight,  while  the  surgeons 
were  preparing  for  the  morning  dressing  of  the  wound, 
a  severe  chill  came  on  which  lasted  fifteen  minutes, 
and  was  followed  by  profuse  sweating  and  high  fever. 
In  the  President's  weakened  condition  this  was  cause 
for  the  most  serious  alarm.  * 

When  he  had  somewhat  recovered  from  the  effects 


680  JAMES   A.   GARFIELD. 

of  the  chill,  he  said  to  Dr.  Bliss :  "  How  am  I  looking, 
doctor  ?  "  the  doctor  assured  him  that  he  looked  quite 
as  well  as  could  be  expected  under  the  circumstances, 
whereupon  he  asked  the  attendant  for  a  hand-glass. 
The  glass  was  brought  and  he  looked  into  it  silently 
for  quite  a  minute.  Rolling  his  eyes  sadly  towards 
the  doctor,  for  he  couldn't  turn  his  head,  he  said : 

"  How  strange  it  is  that  when  I  look  no  worse  and 
feel  no  worse  that  I  arn  so  terribly  weak." 

The  words  went  to  the  hearts  of  all  who  were  pres 
ent,  and  some  of  the  attendants  turned  away  to  hide 
the  gathering  tears.  "  How  strange  it  is,"  they  might 
have  answered,  "that  this  man,  with  his  iron  will 
alone  to  aid  him,  is  able  to  so  manfully  bear  up  under 
a  combination  of  ills  which  it  would  seem  impossible 
for  human  nature  to  withstand." 

The  day  wore  anxiously  away.  The  physicians  had 
come  to  the  conclusion  that  there  was  no  hope,  and 
that  the  patient  might  die  at  any  moment.  Even  the 
stout-hearted  Dr.  Bliss  would  only  say,  "  Hope  is  only 
buried  in  the  grave."  A  correspondent,  writing  during 
the  day,  said : 

"  While  news  is  scarce  to-day  since  morning  the 
suspense  is  none  the  less  terrible.  Dr.  Agnew  said  this 
afternoon  that  the  case  was  hopeless — at  least  he  had 
no  hope.'  This  was  in  some  way  communicated  to 
Mollie  .Garfield,  and  she  went  into  the  sick-room  by 
permission  to  embrace  her  dying  father.  As  she  at 
tempted  to  leave  the  room  she  fell  in  a  dead  faint 
across  the  threshold,  cutting  open  her  face  and  causing 
a  great  sensation  among  the  household.  Dr.  Agnew 


ASSASSINATION   OP   PRESIDENT  GARFIELD.  681 

attended  her  and  assisted  her  away.  The  President's 
pulse  during  the  day  has  been  fitful  and  changing,  run 
ning  from  102  to  140,  while  his  temperature  has  been 
near  or  below  the  normal." 

The  last  official  bulletin  of  the  day  was  issued  at  6 
P.  M.,  and  stated  the  President's  condition  as  follows : 

"  6  P.  M. — Though  the  gravity  of  the  President's  con 
dition  continues,  there  has  been  no  aggravation  of 
symptoms  since  the  noon  bulletin  was  issued.  He  has 
slept  most  of  the  time,  coughing  but  'little  and  with 
ease.  The  sputa  remains  unchanged.  A  sufficient 
amount  of  nourishment  has  been  taken  and  retained. 
Temperature,  98.4 ;  pulse,  102 ;  respiration,  18." 

As  the  night  deepened,  the  President  fell  into  a 
quiet  slumber,  and  the  usual  preparations  for  attend 
ance  upon  him  during  the  night  were  made.  They 
were  the  last  that  were  to  be  needed,  for  at  35  minutes 
after  10  o'clock,  the  brave  struggle  was  brought  to  a 
sudden  end,  and  the  great  soul  of  James  A.  Garfield 
passed  into  eternity. 

When  the  President  passed  away  there  were  eleven 
persons  in  the  room,  which  is  by  no  means  large  and 
must  therefore  have  seemed  crowded.  The  narrow 
surgical  bed  was  in  the  centre  of  the  room,  with  the 
head  toward  the  south.  It  had  a  white  counterpane 
on  it  and  the  pillow  was  not  high.  The  gas  from  one 
of  the  side  brackets  which  had  been  low,  was  turned 
up  so  that  everything  was  in  light.  Colonel  Rockwell, 
tall  and  military-looking,  with  large  features  and  a 
moustache  just  turning  gray,  stood  at  one  corner  of  the 
head  of  the  bed;  and  General  Swaim,  short  and  stout 


682  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD. 

jind  robust  in  appearance,  stood  at  the  other.  Dr. 
Bliss  stood  on  the  right-hand  side  of  the  bed  near  the 
President's  head,  almost  touching  Colonel  Rockwell, 
and  Mrs.  Garfield's  position  was  immediately  opposite, 
on  the  left-hand  side,  very  near  to  General  Swaim. 
Dr.  Agnew  was  also  on  the  right-hand  side,  a  little  be 
low  Dr.  Bliss.  Mrs.  Rockwell  was  at  the  foot  of  the 
bed,  a  little  to  the  left,  and  Master  Rockwell  stood  a 
little  at  her  back.  Mollie  Garfield,  with  her  face  in 
her  pocket  handkerchief,  and  with  Lulu  Rockwell's 
arm  around  her  waist,  stood  on  the  line  between  the 
right-hand  corner  of  the  foot  of  the  bed  and  the  north 
eastern  angle  of  the  room,  which  contains  a  high 
dresser  over  a  large  old-fashioned  fireplace.  Private 
Secretary  Brown  stood  on  the  line  of  the  foot  of  the 
bed,  back  towards  the  wall,  and  the  colored  waiter 
stood  in  the  doorway,  which  is  in  the  northwest  corner. 
Everything  was  to  some  extent  duplicated  by  reflec 
tion  in  the  plate-glass  mirror-door  of  a  wardrobe,  a 
little  at  one  side  from  the  southwest  angle  of  the  room. 
The  ladies  in  the  room  had  hastily  dressed  and  wore 
wraps  thrown  loosely  across  their  shoulders.  Every 
one  was  standing  up,  and,  with  the  exception  of  Mollie 
Garfield,  for  a  time  every  one's  gaze  was  fastened  on 
the  patient's  face,  watching  the  shadows  steal  across 
it.  No  word  was  spoken  until  Dr.  Bliss,  after  stooping 
down  and  feeling  for  the  pulse,  and  placing  his  ear 
against  the  heart,  crossed  the  hands  on  the  then  in 
animate  breast,  arose,  lifted  his  right  hand,  pointing 
upward  as  towards  a  spirit  that  had  taken  flight,  and 
turning  his  back  upon  the  bed  stood  with  folded  arms. 


ASSASSINATION   OF   PRESIDENT   GARFIELD.  683 

As  Mrs.  Garfield  dropped  upon  her  knees  by  the  bed 
side  every  one  withdrew,  leaving  her  and  her  daughter 
there  alone. 

Judge-Advocate-General  Swaim,  who  was  the  Presi 
dent's  faithful  and  devoted  friend  and  nurse,  thus  de 
scribes  the  last  scene : 

"It  was  my  night  to  watch  with  the  President.  I 
had  been  with  him  a  good  deal  of  the  time  from  three 
o'clock  in  the  afternoon.  A  few  minutes  before  ten 
o'clock  I  left  Colonel  Rockwell,  with  whom  I  had  been 
talking  for  some  minutes  in  the  lower  hall,  and  pro 
ceeded  up-stairs  to  the  President's  room.  On  entering 
I  found  Mrs.  Garfield  sitting  by  his  bedside.  There 
were  no  other  persons  in  the  room.  I  said  to  her: 
'  How  is  everything  going?'  She  replied:  'He  is 
sleeping  nicely/  I  then  said  :  '  I  think  you  had  better 
go  to  bed  and  rest.'  I  asked  her  what  had  been  pre 
scribed  for  him  to  take  during  the  night.  She  replied 
that  she  did  not  know ;  that  she  had  given  him  milk 
punch  at  eight  o'clock.  I  then  said,  '  If  you  will  wait 
a  moment  I  will  go  into  the  doctors'  room  and  see  what 
is  to  be  given  during  the  night.'  She  then  said,  'There 
is  beef-tea  down-stairs.'  I  found  Dr.  Bliss  in  the  doc 
tors'  room  and  asked  what  was  to  be  given  during  the 
night.  He  answered  that  he  would  fix  up  a  list  and 
give  it  to  me  soon.  I  then  went  and  had  a  little  con 
versation  with  Mrs.  Garfield,  who  laid  her  hand  on  the 
President's  forehead  and  said  he  seemed  to  be  in  good 
condition  and  passed  out  of  the  room.  I  immediately 
felt  his  hands,  feet  and  knees.  I  thought  that  his 
knees  seemed  a  little  cool,  and  I  got  a  flannel  cloth, 


684  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD. 

heated  it  at  the  fire,  and  laid  it  over  his  limbs.  I  also 
heated  another  cloth  and  laid  it  over  his  right  hand. 
At  this  moment  Dr.  Boynton  came  in  and  felt  the 
President's  pulse  and  said  that  it  was  not  as  strong  as 
it  was  in  the  afternoon,  but  very  good.  The  doctor 
also  thought  he  was  doing  well.  The  doctor  then  left 
the  room. 

"  Shortly  after  this  the  President  awoke.  I  took 
hold  of  his  hand  and  remarked  :  '  You  have  had  a  nice, 
comfortable  sleep.'  He  then  said :  '  Oh?  Swaim,  this 
terrible  pain/  placing  his  right  hand  on  his  breast, 
over  his  heart.  He  asked  for  some  water,  which  I 
gave  him.  He  took  the  glass  in  his  hand,  I  raising 
his  head  as  usual,  and  drank  the  water  very  naturally. 
I  then  handed  the  glass  to  the  colored  man,  Daniel, 
who  had  just  come  in.  I  took  a  napkin  and  wiped  his 
forehead,  as  he  usually  perspired  on  awakening.  He 
then  said  :  '  Oh,  Swaim,  this  terrible  pain.  Press  your 
hand  on  it/  I  laid  my  hand  on  his  chest.  He  then 
threw  both  hands  up  to  the  side  and  about  on  a  line 
with  his  head  and  exclaimed  :  '  Oh,  Swaim,  can't  you 
stop  this?'  And  again,  'Oh,  Swaim/  I  then  saw  him 
looking  at  me  with  a  staring  expression.  I  asked  him 
if  he  was  suffering  much  pain.  Receiving  no  answer  I 
repeated  the  question  with  like  result.  I  then  con 
cluded  that  he  was  either  dying  or  was  having  a  severe 
spasm  and  called  to  Daniel,  who  was  at  the  door,  to 
tell  Dr.  Bliss  and  Mrs.  Garfield  to  come  in  immediately. 
This  occurred  at  ten  minutes  past  ten  o'clock.  Dr. 
Bliss  came  in  in  a  few  minutes  and  I  asked  him  if  he 
had  any  stimulants,  and  told  the  doctor  that  he  seemed 


ASSASSINATION   OF   PRESIDENT   GARFIELD.  685 

to  be  dying.  The  doctor  took  hold  of  his  wrist  and 
felt  his  pulse  and  said  that  he  was  dying.  I  then  sent 
Daniel  to  arouse  the  house.  At  that  moment  Colonel 
Rockwell  came  in,  and  Dr.  Bliss  said  :  '  Let  us  rub  his 
limbs/  which  we  did.  In  a  very  few  moments  Mrs. 
Garfield  came  in  and  said  :  '  What  does  this  mean  ? ' 
and  a  moment  after  exclaimed :  '  Oh,  why  am  I  made 
to  suffer  this  cruel  wrong ! '  At  10.35  p.  M.  the  sacri 
fice  was  completed.  He  breathed  his  last  calmly  and 
peacefully." 

Dr.  Bliss,  speaking  of  the  President's  last  moments, 
said  :  "  He  was  not  conscious  after  I  arrived.  The 
attendants  did  not  fully  realize  his  condition.  He  had 
spoken  to  General  Swaim  only  a  moment  before,  and 
the  latter  could  not  believe  that  the  end  was  coming. 
As  soon  as  I  entered  the  room  I  saw  that  it  would  soon 
be  over  and  I  exclaimed:  'My  God,  Swaim,  he  is 
dying !  Send  for  Mrs.  Garfield.'  He  was  never  con 
scious  after  that  and  did  not  speak.  When  I  got  to 
the  sick-room  I  found  the  President  powerless.  His 
heart  was  slightly  fluttering.  The  apparent  cause  of 
death  was  neuralgia  of  the  heart,  of  which  we  had  had 
symptoms  before  in  the  history  of  the  case.  It  was 
most  probably  embolism.  He  suffered  acute  pain  for  a 
moment.  After  that  his  death  was  painless.  He  was 
awakened  by  the  attack.  Private  Secretary  Brown 
watched  with  the  remains.  He  says  Mrs.  Garfield  ex 
hibits  great  calmness  and  fortitude.  There  was  a 
report  that  she  fainted  once  during  the  night.  This 
Mr.  Brown  denies,  saying :  '  Mrs.  Garfield  is  not  a 
woman  who  faints/" 


686  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD. 

The  President's  body  was  left  in  the  charge  of  his 
family  during  the  night;  Mrs.  Garfield  keeping  her 
sad  vigil  over  the  beloved  remains. 

Immediately  upon  the  death  of  the  President  the 
members  of  the  Cabinet  present  at  Long  Branch  tele 
graphed  the  sad  news  to  Vice-President  Arthur,  at 
New  York,  requesting  him  to  take  the  oath  of  office 
as  President  of  the  United  States,  and  to  repair  to 
Long  Branch  at  the  earliest  possible  moment.  To 
this  the  Vice-President  replied  that  he  would  comply 
with  their  wishes. 

The  news  of  the  President's  death  was  communi 
cated  to  the  press  correspondents  by  Attorney-General 
MacVeagh,  and  was  by  them  at  once  telegraphed  to 
all  parts  of  the  country,  so  that  by  11  o'clock,  or  shortly 
after,  it  was  known  throughout  the  United  States.  It 
was  everywhere  received  with  expressions  of  the  pro- 
foundest  sorrow,  and  in  all  the  cities,  towns,  and  vil 
lages  of  the  Union,  the  midnight  air  was  sadly  musical 
with  the  deep  booming  of  tolling  bells.  All  through 
the  night  the  streets  continued  full  of  crowds,  and 
when  the  morning  of  the  20th  dawned,  business  edi 
fices,  public  buildings,  arid  private  residences  were 
draped  heavily  in  mourning,  thus  mutely  testifying  to 
the  nation's  grief.  Public  meetings  were  held  in 
various  parts  of  the  country,  official  bodies  and  learned 
societies  met,  and  resolutions  of  sorrow  and  sympathy 
were  adopted.  In  every  manner  in  which  the  grief  of 
the  nation  could  be  shown,  it  was  testified  in  the  most 
earnest  way.  Nor  did  these  expressions  of  grief  come 
from  the  United  States  alone.  From  all  parts  of  the 


ASSASSINATION   OF   PRESIDENT   GARFIELD.  687 

civilized  world  messages  of  condolence  were  received 
from  sovereigns  and  rulers,  municipal  authorities,  dis 
tinguished  men,  cities,  corporations,  and  others,  all 
showing  the  strong  hold  the  martyred  President  had 
gained  upon  the  respect  of  the  world.  The  Queen  of 
England,  whose  womanly  sympathy  we  have  elsewhere 
noticed,  sent  the .  following  message,  which  was  one  of 
the  earliest  to  arrive,  to  Mrs.  Garfield  in  person : 

"  Words  cannot  express  the  deep  sympathy  I  feel 
with  you  at  this  terrible  moment.  May  God  support 
and  comfort  you  as  He  alone  can." 

The  news  of  the  President's  death  was  also  tele 
graphed  to  his  mother.  The  aged  lady  was  staying  at 
the  time  at  the  house  of  her  son-in-law,  Mr.  M.  G.  Lar- 
abee,  of  Solon,  Ohio.  The  Cleveland  Leader  thus  de 
scribes  the  receipt  of  the  news  : 

"  Mr.  Larabee  and  family  had  retired  to  rest  on 
Monday  evening,  feeling  there  was  but  little  hope  that 
the  morning  could  bring  favorable  news.  Early  this 
morning  a  messenger  came  in  hot  haste,  bearing  the 
telegram  that  told  the  sad  tale.  Mother  Garfield  was 
not  awake,  and  it  was  at  once  concluded  to  await  until 
she  had  arisen  and  taken  her  breakfast  before  telling 
her  that  her  boy,  the  pride  of  her  life,  had  gone  home 
to  his  Maker.  The  rest  of  the  relatives  were  informed 
and  then  the  query  arose,  "  Who  will  break  the  news 
to  mother  ?  '  Mrs.  Larabee's  sister,  Mary,  was  finally 
chosen  to  impart  the  sad  tidings,  but  her  heart  failed 
her.  About  8  o'clock  Mrs.  Garfield  arose,  and  after 
dressing  spent  some  time  in  reading  her  Bible,  as  is 
her  custom.  Then  she  went  into  the  dining-room, 


688  JAMES   A.   GARFIELD. 

where  her  breakfast  was  awaiting  her.  Kefreshed  by 
a  night  of  rest  she  was  more  cheerful  than  she  had 
been  for  several  days.  Mr.  Larabee,  unable  to  conceal 
his  emotion,  left  the  room.  Finally  the  old  lady  turned 
to  her  daughter  Mary,  saying  : 

"  Is  there  any  news  yet  this  morning,  Mary  ?  " 

Mrs.  Larabee' s  heart  failed.  She  could  not  blast 
the  hopes  expressed  in  that  voice  and  exhibited  in  that 
dear  old  face. 

"  Eat  your  breakfast,  mother,"  she  said. 

"  But  I  want  to  hear  from  my  James  first,"  said  the 
loving  mother. 

The  telegram  that  was  so  soon  to  bring  grief  and 
anguish  to  her  hopeful  mother  lay  on  the  shelf,  and 
seeing  it,  she  took  it  and  was  about  to  read  it,  saying : 
"  Here  it  is  now.  I  must  read  it  before  I  eat."  Her 
granddaughter,  Ellen  Larabee,  fearing  that  so  sudden 
a  shock  would  be  fatal,  took  the  despatch  from  her 
hand  and  said : 

"  I  will  read  it  to  you,  grandma.  Are  you  prepared 
for — for — bad  news?" 

"  Why,  no,"  said  grandma  ;  "  I  am  not  prepared  for 
bad  news,  and  there  isn't  any  bad  news  this  morning, 
is  there  ?  " 

"Yes,  grandma." 

"  Oh,  Nellie,  he  is  not — he  cannot  be  dead  ?  " 

"  Grandma,  his  spirit  passed  away  last  night." 

"  Oh,  it  cannot  be.  It  must  not  be.  I  cannot  have 
it  so.  My  James,  my  James  dead.  No,  I  cannot  be 
lieve  you ;  let  me  see  the  despatch." 

She  read  it  and  then  that  grand  old  heart  broke. 


ASSASSINATION    OF    PRESIDENT   GARFIELD.  689 

Dropping  the  white  paper,  which  fell  to  the  floor,  its 
terrible  mission  performed,  she  fell  backwards  into  a 
chair  moaning  and  wringing  her  hands,  while  the  bitter 
tears  coursed  down  her  pale  cheeks. 

There  was  an  agony  that  speech  cannot  express  or 
pen  portray,  a  mother  in  Israel  weeping  for  her  son 
who  was  not.  and  refused  to  be  comforted.  The  boy 
who  had  been  her  hope  and  pride,  the  idol  of  her  heart, 
was  dead.  To-morrow  will  be  her  eightieth  birthday 
and  it  will  be  a  sad  day  to  her.  With  tearful  eyes  she 
said : 

"  To-morrow  I  will  be  eighty  years  old,  but  I  will  not 
see  the  beginning  of  another  year.  James  has  gone 
and  I  shall  not  be  long  after  him." 

She  succeeded  in  composing  herself  somewhat  after 
the  first  shock  had  passed  off,  but  all  day  long  an  occa 
sional  sob  would  convulse  her  loving  heart  and  she 
would  repeat  the  sentence :  "  He  is  gone ;  he  is  gone ! 
Oh!  I  cannot  have  it  s0." 

At  Mentor  a  similar  scene  was  enacted.  The  family 
had  been  apprised  of  the  President's  death  *at  about 
twelve  o'clock  by  Dr.  J.  P.  Robinson,  who  received  a 
telegram  from  Mary  Herrick,  of  Cleveland,  about  11.30. 
Rudolph,  Mrs.  Garfield's  father,  Joseph  Rudolph,  her 
brother,  his  wife  and  the  President's  two  little  sons, 
Irving  and  Abram,  and  their  governess,  Mrs.  McGraff, 
were  at  the  residence  when  Dr.  Robinson,  with  an 
outburst  of  sobs,  told  Joseph  that  James  was  dead. 
The  former  grasped  Robinson's  hand,  and  with  white 
lips  and  eyes  moistened  with  tears  replied  in  a  calm 
voice : 

44 


690  JAMES   A.   GARFIELD. 

"I^am  not  disappointed;  we  expected  it,  doctor." 
Only  Joseph,  his  wife  and  father  Rudolph  were  in 
formed  of  his  death   at  that  time.     The  citizens  of 
Mentor  were  sleeping  quietly,  in  hope  that  their  re 
vered  neighbor  was  in  no  immediate  danger. 

Tuesday,  September  20th,  was  passed  at  Elberon  in 
making  arrangements  for  the  transfer  of  the  body  to 
Washington  City,  from  which  it  had  been  decided  the 
funeral  should  take  place.  On  the  same  day  an  autopsy 
was  held  upon  the  body  by  the  surgeons  who  had  been 
in  attendance  upon  the  President,  assisted  by  several 
others.  The  following  is  their  official  statement  of  the 
causes  of  the  President's  death  : 

"  By  previous  arrangement  a  post-mortem  examina 
tion  of  the  body  of  President  Garfield  was  made  this 
afternoon,  in  the  presence  and  with  the  assistance  of 
Drs.  Hamilton,  Agnew,  Bliss,  Barnes,  Woodward,  Rey- 
burn,  Andrew  H.  Smith,  of  Elberon,  and  Acting- 
Assistant  Surgeon  D.  S.  Lamb,  of  the  Army  Medical 
Museum,  Washington.  The  operation  was  performed 
by  Dr.  Lamb.  It  was  found  that  the  ball,  after  fractur 
ing  the  right  eleventh  rib,  had  passed  through  the 
spinal  column  in  front  of  the  spinal  canal,  fracturing 
the  body  of  the  first  lumbar  vertebra,  driving  a  num 
ber  of  small  fragments  of  bone  into  the  adjacent  soft 
parts  and  lodging  below  the  pancreas  about  two  inches 
and  a  half  to  the  left  of  the  spine  and  behind  the 
peritoneum,  where  it  had  become  completely  encysted. 
The  immediate  cause  of  death  was  secondary  hemor- 


ASSASSINATION   OF   PRESIDENT   GARFIELD.  691 

rhage  from  one  of  the  mesenteric  arteries  adjoining  the 
track  of  the  ball,  the  blood  rupturing  the  peritoneum 
and  nearly  a  pint  escaping  into  the  abdominal  cavity. 
This  hemorrhage  is  believed  to  have  been  the  cause  of 
the  severe  pain  in  the  lower  part  of  the  chest  com 
plained  of  just  before  death. 

"An  abscess  cavity,  six  inches  by  four  in  dimensions, 
was  found  in  the  vicinity  of  the  gall  bladder,  between 
the  liver  and  the  transverse  colon,  which  were  strongly 
adherent.  It  did  not  involve  the  substance  of  the  liver 
and  no  communication  was  found  between  it  and  the 
wound.  A  long  suppurating  channel  extended  from 
the  external  wound,  between  the  loin  muscles  and  the 
right  kidney,  almost  to  the  right  groin.  This  channel, 
now  known  to  be  due  to  the  burrowing  of  pus  from  the 
wound,  was  supposed  during  life  to  have  been  the  track 
of  the  ball. 

"  On  an  examination  of  the  organs  of  the  chest  evi 
dences  of  severe  bronchitis  were  found  on  both  sides, 
with  broncho-pneumonia  of  the  lower  portions  of  the 
right  lung,  and,  though  to  a  much  less  extent,  of  the 
left.  The  lungs  contained  no  abscesses  and  the  heart 
no  clots.  The  liver  was  enlarged  and  fatty,  but  free 
from  abscesses.  Nor  were  any  found  in  any  other 
organ  except  the  left  kidney,  which  contained  near  its 
surface  a  small  abscess  about  one-third  of  an  inch  in 
diameter. 

"In  reviewing  the  history  of  the  case  in  connection 
with  the  autopsy  it  is  quite  evident  that  the  different 
suppurating  surfaces,  and  especially  the  fractured. 


692  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD. 

spongy  tissue  of  the  vertebra,  furnish  a  sufficient  ex 
planation  of  the  septic  condition  which  existed. 

D.  W.  Buss, 
J.  K.  BARNES, 
J.  J.  WOODWARD, 
ROBERT  REYBTJRN, 
FRANK  H.  HAMILTON, 
D.  HAYES  AGNEW, 
ANDREW  H.  SMITH, 
D.  S.  LAMB. 

The  arrangements  for  the  funeral  were  prepared 
under  the  supervision  of  the  Attorney-General,  Hon. 
Wayne  MacVeagh.  It  was  decided  to  leave  Elberon 
on  the  morning  of  the  21st,  on  the  special  train  that 
had  brought  the  President  and  his  family  to  Long 
Branch.  Upon  reaching  Washington  the  remains  were 
to  be  conducted  to  the  Capitol,  where  they  were  to  lie 
in  state  in  the  rotunda  until  the  23d,  when  the  same 
spe€ial  train  would  convey  them  direct  to  Cleveland, 
Ohio,  there  to  remain  in  state  until  Monday,  the  26th, 
when  they  would  be  buried  in  Lake  View  Cemetery, 
the  spot  chosen  for  the  interment. 

The  morning  of  the  21st  saw  the  people  of  Elberon 
arid  its  vicinity  astir  at  an  early  hour.  They  came 
from  every  direction  and  in  all  sorts  of  vehicles.  There 
must  have  been  two  thousand  of  them  by  8.30,  when 
the  doors  were  opened,  and  a  more  quiet,  orderly  con 
gregation  never  took  a  farewell  look  at  mortal  remains. 
Two  lines  of  artillerymen  reached  from  the  Elberon 
porch  to  the  driveway  under  the  Franklyn  Cottage,  but 


ASSASSINATION   OF    PRESIDENT   GARFIELD.  693 

they  were  far  enough  apart  to  allow  the  crowd  to  pass 
comfortably  along.  The  body  lay  on  a  bier  in  the 
parlor,  and  the  entrance  was  made  through  the  driveway 
by  turning  to  the  right  and,  after  passing  the  remains, 
turning  to  the  left  and  going  ott  the  great  door  in  the 
east  front.  The  church  bells  tolled  meanwhile  and  the 
occasion  was  an  exceedingly  impressive  one.  Two 
sentries  stood  at  the  entrance  of  the  parlor  in  order  to 
see  that  there  was  no  pushing  and  that  but  one  person 
went  in  at  a  time.  Nobody  was  allowed  to  stop,  but 
simoly  glanced  at  the  face  of  the  dead  President  on  the 
way  through  the  room.  A  soldier  stood  at  the  foot 
and  another  at  the  head  of  the  casket.  The  casket 
was  a  massive  one,  but  unpretentious  in  appearance. 
It  was  covered  with  a  rich  black  cloth,  and  with  the 
exception  of  heavy  silver  mountings  was  entirely  plain. 
It  had  a  satin  lining  across  the  top,  and  from  the  foot 
of  the  casket  upwards  extended  two  long  sago  palm 
leaves.  On  the  lid  was  a  silver  plate  containing  the 
following  inscription : 

JAMES  ABRAM  GARFIELD, 

Born  November  19,  1831. 
Died,  President  of  the  United  States,  September  19,  1881. 

In  the  corridor  forming  the  background  of  the  room 
stood  General  Swaim,^vith  Harry  Garfield  on  his  right 
and  Colonel  Rockwell  on  his  left.  They  stood  almost 
motionless,  save  at  intervals  when  some  lady — and 
there  were  many  such  in  the  groups  that  crowded  into 
the  cottage — would  be  overcome  by  her  feelings.  Young 
Harry  could  not  witness  these  repeated  expressions  of 


694  JAMES    A.    GARFIELD. 

sorrow  and  sympathy  without  emotion,  and  he  would 
look  into  the  face  of  General  Swaini,  while  tears,  that 
he  in  vain  tried  to  repress,  trickled  down  his  cheeks. 
In  spite  of  General  Swairn's  frequent  whispers  to  him 
to  remain  firm  he  was  unable  to  control  himself,  and 
his  deep  distress  attracted  general  attention  as  the 
crowd  moved  by.  It  was  not  known,  except  to  the 
immediate  friends  of  the  family,  that  he  stood  there  at 
the  request  of  his  mother,  and  that  unseen  she  was 
pouring  forth  her  grief.  Colonel  Rockwell  stood  almost 
immovable  as  a  statue,  pale,  resolute  and  cool.  C.  0. 
Rockwell,  brother-in-law  of  Mrs.  Garfield,  sat  behind 
in  company  with  Dr.  Boynton.  At  the  end  of  half  an 
hour  the  casket  was  closed,  preparatory  to  the  funeral 
services,  and  those  who  arrived  after  that  time  were 
not  permitted  to  enter. 

At  half-past  nine  Chief-Justice  Waite,  Secretary  and 
Mrs.  Elaine,  Secretary  and  Mrs.  Windom,  Secretary 
and  Mrs.  Hunt,  Postmaster-General  and  Mrs.  James, 
and  Secretaries  Lincoln,  Kirkwood  and  Attorney-Gen 
eral  MacVeagh  arrived  at  the  cottage.  There  were 
present,  besides  the  family  and  attendants,  the  members 
of  the  Cabinet  and  their  wives  and  a  few  personal 
friends,  not  more  than  fifty  in  all.  When  the  time 
for  the  solemnities  was  announced,  the  doors  and  win 
dows  were  closed  and  all  sounds  were  hushed.  The 
services  were  conducted,  at  Mrs.  Garfield's  request,  by 
the  Rev.  Charles  J.  Young,  the  pastor  of  the  Reformed 
Church  at  Long  Branch.  As  it  was  necessary  to  be 
prompt  at  the  depot,  only  five  minutes  could  be  occu 
pied  by  the  clergyman.  Mr.  Young  read  a  few  appro- 


ASSASSINATION  OF   PRESIDENT   GARFIELD.  695 

priate  passages  from  the  Scriptures  relating  to  death 
and  resurrection,  and  then  offered  a  touching  prayer. 

As  soon  as  the  prayer  was  ended  Mrs.  Garfield, 
heavily  veiled,  accompanied  by  her  son  Harry,  passed 
from  the  cottage  to  the  train  and  entered  the  first 
coach.  She  exhibited  the  same  fortitude  which  lias 
been  so  characteristic  all  through  these  trying  weeks. 
Miss  Mollie  Garfield  and  Miss  Rockwell,  Colonel 
Swaim,  Colonel  and  Mrs.  Rockwell,  Dr.  Boynton  and 
C.  0.  Rockwell  also  entered  the  first  coach.  The 
members  of  the  Cabinet  and  their  wives  took  seats  in 
the  second  coach.  The  following  persons  comprised 
the  rest  of  the  party  on  the  train :  Private  Secretary 
J.  Stanley  Brown,  Executive  Clerk  Warren  S.  Young, 
John  K.  Van  Warmer,  Chief  Clerk  Post  Office  Depart- 
ment ;  John  Jameson,  Railway  Mail  Service ;  Ridgley 
Hunt,  son  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy ;  C.  F.  James, 
son  of  the  Postmaster  General ;  Mr.  Jay  Stone,  private 
secretary  to  Secretary  Lincoln  ;  Ex-Sheriff  Daggett,  of 
Brooklyn ;  Colonel  H.  C.  Corbin  arid  Messrs.  Atchison, 
Rickard  and  the  other  attendants  upon  the  late  Presi 
dent  and  Mrs.  Garfield  during  the  sojourn  here. 

The  casket  was  carried  from  tha  cottage  by  six 
strong  men,  passing  through  a  guard  of  soldiers  formed 
in  parallel  lines.  It  was  placed  in  the  third  coach. 
There  were  five  hundred  people  who  stood  at  a  respect 
ful  distance  watching  the  procession.  The  train  stopped 
on  the  track  about  a  quarter  of  a  mile  above  Elberon 
Station  and  directly  in  front  of  the  cottage.  To  this 
point  the  special  train  which  brought  President  Arthur 
and  General  Grant  from  New  York  was  run.  These 


696  JAMES   A.  GABFIELD. 

gentlemen  left  their  train  and  took  seats  in  the  second 
car  of  the  funeral  train.  Just  before  the  start  Governor 
Ludlow,  of  New  Jersey,  accompanied  by  a  number  of 
minor  State  officials  and  members  of  the  Legislature, 
arrived  on  the  scene  and  stood  with  uncovered  heads 
as  the  train  moved  off. 

The  train  left  Elberon  at  10  o'clock  A.  M.,  and 
reached  Washington  at  4.35  p.  M. 

As  the  train  slowly  rolled  into  the  depot  everybody 
upon  the  platform  was  uncovered,  and  a  stillness  as  of 
the  grave  pervaded  the  vast  throng  upon  the  outside. 
Soon  Mrs.  Garfield,  assisted  by  Secretary  Elaine,  de 
scended  from  the  car,  and  taking  his  arm  upon  her  right 
and  that  of  her  son  Harry  upon  her  left,  she  walked  di 
rectly  to  the  carriage  in  waiting.  Her  face  was  com 
pletely  concealed  by  a  heavy  black  veil,  which  hung 
nearly  to  the  ground,  and  whatever  emotions  she  may 
have  experienced  were  sacred  from  the  sight  of  those 
who  gazed  upon  her  as  the  central  figure  in  that  sad 
pageant.  She  entered  the  state  carriage,  and  was  fol 
lowed  by  her  daughter  Mollie,  her  son  Harry,  Mrs. 
Rockwell  and  Miss  Rockwell.  The  others  of  the  Presi 
dential  party  were  :  President  Arthur,  who  leaned  upon 
the  arm  of  Senator  Jones,  of  Nevada;  General  Grant 
and  General  Beale,  General  Swaim  and  Mrs.  Swaim, 
Colonel  Rockwell,  Colonel  Corbin,  Dr.  Bliss  and  daugh 
ter,  Dr.  Boynton,  Dr.  Agnew,  Dr.  Hamilton,  Attorney- 
General  MacVeagh,  wife  and  two  sons,  Secretary  and 
Mrs.  Hunt,  Secretary  and  Mrs.  Lincoln  and  son,  Post 
master  General  and  Mrs.  James  and  Secretary  Kirk- 
wood.  The  first  three  carriages  received  the  ladies  of 


ASSASSINATION    OF    PRESIDENT    GARFIELD.  697 

the  party,  who  did  not  accompany  the  procession  to  the 
Capitol.  After  they  had  moved  on  a  short  distance 
from  the  entrance  the  casket  appeared,  borne  on  the 
shoulders  of  eight  soldiers  of  the  Second  Artillery,  de 
tailed  from  the  Arsenal  barracks;  on  the  right  in  a  sin 
gle  file  and  headed  by  Adjutant-General  Drum  were  the 
officers  of  the  army,  and  upon  the  left  the  officers  of  the 
navy,  under  the  lead  of  Rear-Ad miral  Nichols.  As  the 

casket  was  borne  to  the  hearse  the  Marine  Band,  sta- 

7  ".«. 

tioned  across  the  street,  played  "Nearer,  my  God,  to 
Thee,"  while  every  head  was  bowed  and  many  eyes 
were  dimmed.  The  sad  strains  of  the  sweetly  familiar 
hymn,  the  hush  that  had  fallen  upon  the  scene  and  the 
grief  mirrored  on  thousands  of  faces  marked  the  picture 
with  shadings  that  years  cannot  efface  from  the  memory 
of  those  who  stood  about  the  bier  of  the  dead  President. 
After  the  casket  had  been  placed  in  the  hearse,  the 
remainder  of  the  party  entered  their  carnages  and  took 
place  in  the  procession.  The  hearse  used  was  furnished 
by  Undertaker  Speare,  of  Washington,  and  is  known  as 
the  Centennial  hearse — it  having  been  awarded  the 
prize  at  the  Centennial  Exhibition.  It  was  draped  in 
black,  of  rich  and  heavy  material,  wholly  unrelieved  by 
any  other  color,  and  was  drawn  by  six  iron-gray  horses, 
whose  trappings  were  also  draped  in  sombre  black. 
President  Arthur's  carriage  followed  immediately  after 
the  hearse,  arid  in  it  were  President  Arthur,  Secretary 
Elaine,  Chief-Justice  Waite  and  Secretary  Windom. 
The  carriage  containing  Mrs.  Garfield  and  daughter  was 
driven  down  Pennsylvania  avenue  to  Four-and-a-Half 
street,  and  thence  to  the  residence  of  Attorney-General 


698  JAMES    A.    GARFIELD. 

MacVeagh,  whose  guest  she  was  during  her  stay  in 
that  city.  As  soon  as  the  last  of  the  Presidential  party 
had  entered  their  carriages  the  signal  was  given  by  the 
bugle,  and  the  military  escort  formed  in  line  and  the 
mournful  procession  started  on  its  way  to  the  Capitol  hi 
the  following  order : 

Platoon  of  Mounted  Police. 

General  Ayres  and  Mounted  Staff. 

Washington  Light  Infantry  and  Band. 

Union  Veteran  Corps. 

National  Rifles. 
Washington  Light  Guard. 

Capitol  City  Guard. 

United  States  Marine  Band  and  Drum  Corps,  £0  men. 
Detachment  of  United  States  Marines. 
Second  United  States  Artillery  Band. 

Four  Companies  of  Heavy  Artillery  and  One  Light  Battery.  » 
Washington  and  Columbia  Commanderies  of  Knights  Templar. 

Then  followed  the  hearse,  flanked  on  either  side  by  a 
single  line  of  army  and  navy  officers,  among  them 
being  General  Sherman  and  Generals  Drum,  Meigs, 
Sackett,  Poe,  Dodge,  McKeever,  Rutigles,  Breck,  Colo 
nel  Barr,  and  about  fifty  others 'of  the  army,  and  Rear- 
Admiral  Nichols,  Commodores  English  and  Sicard,  Pay 
Director  Tooker,  Captain  DeKraft  and  Captain  C.  H. 
Wells,  Commanders  Howell,  Manly,  Howeson,  Law, 
Lieutenants  Schreeder,  Belden,  Wainwright,  Bartlett, 
Spechton  and  Sebree,  and  about  fifty  others.  After  the 
hearse  came  the  carriage  of  President  Arthur,  with  a 
mounted  policeman  upon  either  side,  and  following  it  a 
half  dozen  other  carriages  with  the  members  of  the 
Cabinet  and  others  wrho  had  accompanied  the  remains 
from  Elberon.  A  platoon  of  mounted  police  brought 
up  the  rear. 


ASSASSINATION   OF   PRESIDENT   GARFIELD.  699 

With  muffled  drums  and  solemn  funeral  dirge  the 
procession  moved  slowly  up  the  avenue.  A  dense  mass 
lined  the  sidewalks  all  the  way  from  Sixth  street  to  the 
east  front  of  the  Capitol,  and  along  this  portion  of  the 
route  the  crowd  was  apparently  as  great  as  upon  the 
occasion  of  the  late  President's  inaugural  procession. 
The  comparison  between  the  two  occasions  was  doubt 
less  in  many  minds,  and  numerous  expressions  of  sor 
row  were  made  at  the  sad  contrast.  As  the  procession 
moved  up  the  avenue  scarcely  a  sound  was  heard  save 
that  from  the  feet  of  moving  men  and  horses.  Hats 
were  removed  and  heads  were  bowed  as  by  a  common 
impulse  of  deep  and  unfeigned  grief  as  the  procession 
moved  on  toward  the  Capitol.  Here  at  the  east  front 
of  the  building  a  vast  assemblage  had  congregated  to 
view  the  funeral  cortege.  At  the  foot  of  the  steps  there 
was  a  double  file  of  Senators  and  Representatives, 
headed  by  their  respective  officers,  waiting  in  respectful 
silence  to  escort  the  remains  into  the  rotunda. 

At  precisely  5.10  the  head  of  the  sad  procession, 
moving  around  the  south  side  of  the  Capitol,  arrived  at 
the  east  front,  the  arms  of  the  military  being  reversed 
and  the  bands  playing  the  Dead  March.  The  order 
was  then  given  to  carry  arms,  and  -the  troops  came  to 
a  front  face,  while  amid  the  muffled  beat  of  the  drums 
the  kearse  and  its  attendant  train  of  carriages  drew 
slowly  up  in  front  of  the  escort.  A  hush  came  over 
the  multitude,  and  heads  were  reverently  uncovered  as 
the  casket  was  carefully  lifted  from  the  hearse.  The 
officers  of  the  army  and  navy  drew  up  in  parallel  lines 
on  either  side  of  the  hearse,  and  the  Marine  Band 


700  JAMES   A.    GARFIELD. 

played  again,  with  much  sentiment,  "  Nearer,  my  God. 
to  Thee,"  as  with  solemn  tread  the  remains  of  Presi 
dent  Garfield  were  borne  into  the  rotunda  and  placed 
upon  the  catafalque,  the  Senators  and  Representatives 
preceding  and  ranging  themselves  on  each  side  of  the 
dais.  Close  behind  the  casket  walked  President  Arthur 
and  Secretary  Blaine,  who  were  followed  by  Chief- 
Justice  Waite  and  Secretary  Windom,  General  Grant 
and  Secretary  Hunt,  Secretary  Lincoln  and  Attorney- 
General  MacVeagh,  Secretary  Kirkwood  and  Post 
master-General  James,  Colonel  Rockwell  and  General 
Swaim,  and  Colonel  Corbin  and  Private  Secretary 
Brown. 

At  5.35  the  lid  of  the  casket  was  opened  and  the 
face  of  the  late  President  was  exposed  to  view.  Noise 
lessly  President  Arthur  and  Secretary  Blaine  ap 
proached  and  gazed  upon  the  face  of  the  dead,  and  then 
slowly  and  sadly  passed  out  of  the  hall.  A  line  was 
formed  by  Sergeant-at-Arrns  Bright,  and  one  by  one 
those  present  advanced  and  glanced  at  the  emaciated 
and  discolored  face  of  the  dead  President.  The  public 
at  large  were  then  admitted,  and  hundreds  of  persons 
testified  by  their  reverential  conduct  and  mournful 
countenances  the  Borrow  which  they  experienced  in 
looking  upon  the  features  of  their  murdered  President. 

The  catafalque,  upon  which  the  coffin  of  the  Presi 
dent  was  placed,  is  thus  described  by  an. eye-witness: 

"  The  catafalque  stands  in  the  centre  of  the  rotunda. 
About  six  inches  from  the  stone  floor  there  is  a  plat 
form  covered  with  black  velvet.  Upon  it  rests  the 
structure  which  contains  the  coffin.  It  also  is  heavily 


ASSASSINATION   OF   PRESIDENT   GAfcFIELD.  701 

draped  with  black  velvet  and  silk,  and  a  silver  rim  is 
at  the  head  and  foot.  The  catafalque,  upon  comple 
tion  this  morning,  was  covered  with  the  American  flag. 
It  is  the  same  bier  upon  which  rested  the  remains  of 
President  Lincoln,  Chief- Just  ice  Chase,  Senator  Sum- 
ner  and  Thaddeus  Stevens.  The  surroundings  are- 
decorated  in  good  taste.  Looking  from  the  catafalque 
each  of  the  four  entrances  is  hung  heavy  with  black. 
There  is  a  rosette  in  the  middle  of  these  hangings  and 
one  at  either  side.  The  large  pictures  which  hang  on 
the  walls  around  are  draped  with  rosettes  and  pendants 
of  black  cloth.  On  the  cornices  above  the  pictures 
there  is  a  repetition  of  the  black  pendants  and  rosettes. 
The  first  row  of  big  windows  above  the  cornice  are  in 
black,  also  the  balustrade  below,  which  constitutes  the 
first  inside  balcony.  Above  that  there  are  no  decora 
tions.  The  House  and  Senate  chambers  are  in  black 
and  all  of  the  many  corridors  and  approaches  thereto 
are  hung  along  the  walls  in  black,  with  rosettes  and 
crossed  drapings  over  each  archway. 

The  catafalque  thus  described  was  placed  in  the  cen 
tre  of  the  rotunda,  the  vast  circular  hall  which  lies 
under  the  dome  of  the  Capitol.  This  was  a  blaze  of 
light.  During  the  night  a  guard  of  honor,  composed 
of  officers  of  the  Army  of  the  Cumberland,  kept  watch 
over  the  dead  President.  All  through  the  night  the 
people  poured  through  the  rotunda,  to  gaze  upon  the* 
face  of  their  martyred  chieftain,  and  until  half-past  six 
on  the  afternoon  of  the  22d,  they  came  in  a  steady 
throng.  It  is  estimated  that  over  100,000  persons  thus 
viewed  the  remains.  They  comprised  both  sexes,  all 


702  JAMES    A.    GARFIELD. 

ages  and  conditions,  from  the  new  President  down  to 
the  humblest  negro.  Late  in  the  afternoon  it  was  dis 
covered  that  the  body  of  President  Garfield  was  begin 
ning  to  decompose.  As  it  was  the  wish  of  Mrs.  Gar- 
field  that  in  such  an  event,  the  features  of  her  husband 
should  no  longer  be  exposed  to  view,  Secretary  Elaine, 
about  half-past  six  in  the  afternoon,  ordered  the  coffin 
to  be  closed.  Still  the  vast  throngs  continued  to  pour 
through  the  rotunda,  merely  to  take  a  last  view  of  the 
casket  which  enshrined  their  martyred  President. 
This  continued  until  a  quarter-past  eleven  on  the 
morning  of  the  23d. 

Precisely  as  the  clock  struck  that  hour,  the  doors 
of  the  rotunda  were  closed,  and  the  public  excluded 
from  the  hall.  This  was  the  hour  designated  for  the 
family  of  President  Garfield  to  take  their  last  look  at 
him.  As  soon  as  the  rotunda  had  been  closed,  the 
family  party  entered.  It  consisted  of  Mrs.  Garfield, 
who  entered  leaning  on  the  arm  of  General  Swaim. 
Sergeant-at-Arms  Bright  preceded  the  two.  Then  fol 
lowed  Harry  Garfield,  supporting  his  sister,  Mollie,  and 
his  cousin,  Miss  Rockwell.  Colonel  and  Mrs.  Rockwell 
were  directly  behind,  while  Attorney-General  Mac- 
Veagh  and  Mrs.  Swaim  concluded  the  list.  As  they 
filed  through,  the  rotunda  door  from  the  north  closed 
behind  them.  No  one  else  was  admitted.  Mrs.  Gar- 
field  was  dressed  in  the  same  mourning  garments  she 
wore  from  Elberon.  Realizing  as  she  entered  the 
rotunda  that  they  were  alone  she  seemed  to  throw  off 
her  timid,  hesitating  tiir,  nnd  with  a  quick,  nervous 
gesture  she  cast  aside  her  heavy  veil.  The  face  thus 


ASSASSINATION   OF   PRESIDENT   GARFIELD.  703 

disclosed  was  pale,  but  no  paler  than  it  has  appeared 
for  some  time  past.  Her  eyes,  always  bright  and  clear, 
showed  no  evidence  of  recent  weeping.  On  the  con 
trary,  they  shone  with  a  brighter  lustre,  as  if  the  con 
sciousness  of  being  alone  with  her  dead  gave  to  her 
an  added  courage  and  strength.  Of  the  two  Mrs. 
Rockwell  showed  the  greater  evidence  of  mental  and 
physical  depression.  Her  head  was  bowed  and  her 
general  mien  was  that  of  one  struggling  under  a  load 
greater  than  she  could  bear.  Harry  Garfield,  too, 
looked  broken,  while  Miss  Mollie's  face  was  pitifully 
pale  and  sad. 

Within  a  few  feet  of  the  catafalque  Mrs.  Garfield 
paused  and  bowed  her  head  as  if  in  prayer.  The  chil 
dren  aifd  others  advanced  to  the  casket.  The  face 
which,  owing  to  decomposition,  was  hidden  from  view 
through  the  day,  was  disclosed  for  their  benefit.  But, 
oh,  how  changed !  The  features,  once  so  manly  and 
strong,  were  pinched  and  worn.  The  face  was  terribly 
discolored,  and  none  but  the  eyes  of  love  could  discover 
in  its  lineaments  aught  that  looked  familiar.  Harry, 
who  was  the  first  to  approach,  gazed  for  a  moment  at 
the  inanimate  form,  then  bending  forward  he  gravely 
imprinted  a  kiss  on  the  wrinkled  brow;  then  placing 
his  kerchief  to  his  face  walked  sadly  away.  Miss 
Mollie  displayed  greater  emotion.  Throwing  one  arm 
lovingly  over  the  casket,  as  if  to  embrace  it,  she  ex 
claimed,  "Oh,  papa,  papa."  She  then  kissed  the  face 
repeatedly,  her  graceful  form  trembling  with  grief, 
until  gently  removed  by  Mrs.  Rockwell.  After  the 
others  had  paid  their  last  tribute  of  respect,  they  all 


T04  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD. 

withdrew  and  Mrs.  Garfield  was  alone  with  the  dead. 
What  thoughts  must  have  filled  her  mind  as  she  stood 
beside  that  bier!  Doubtless  she  recalled  his  early 
struggles  to  attain  an  education,  while  battling  man 
fully  to  gain  the  necessaries  of  life,  their  youthful  mar 
riage  and  happy  home  life,  the  birth  of  their  children, 
his  honored  career  as  a  soldier  and  statesman  and  this 
— this  was  the  end  of  all  his  greatness.  At  the  expira 
tion  of  twenty  minutes  she  joined  her  friends  in  the 
corridor.  Her  veil  was  again  lowered,  her  step  hesitat 
ing  and  slow.  In  her  hand  she  bore  some  of  the 
llowers  that  adorned  the  bier.  She  entered  the  car 
riage  and  was  hastily  driven  away.  Those  eyes  that 
beheld  her  to-day  will  never  see  her  again,  for  Lucretia 
Garfield  has  paid  her  last  visit  to  Washington  City.  Its 
vpry  presence  is  hateful  to  her  by  reason  of  the  sad 
tragedy  that  has  robbed  her  of  her  husband  devoted 
and  true,  and  the  nation  of  one  of  the  grandest  figures 
in  the  history  of  our  day. 

Three  o'clock  was  the  hour  fixed  for  the  funeral 
services.  By  that  time  over  one  hundred  thousand 
people  surrounded  the  Capitol.  Long  before  that  time 
those  entitled  to  participate  in  these  services  began  to 
seek  admission.  Entrance  was  by  card  only,  and  the 
space  assigned  to  the  general  public  was  very  limited. 
Seats  had  been  reserved  for  the  few  thus  honored. 
The  remainder  of  the  audience  were  admitted  by 
reason  of  their  official  positions.  The  whole  number 
of  seats  prepared  was  fifteen  hundred.  The  bulk  of 
them  were  for  members  of  the  Cabinet  and  their  ladies, 
the  foreign  legations,  officers  of  the  army  and  navy, 


JAMBS  G.   ELAINE,  PRES.  GARFIELD'S  SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 


ASSASSINATION   OF    PRESIDENT    GARFIELD.  705 

Senators  and  members  of  the  House  of  Representatives 
and  of  the  press.  The  rotunda  was  divided  into  loin- 
sections  of  seats.  The  division  was  made  by  the  lines 
of  entrance  from  each  of  the  four  doors.  The  seats 
back  of  the  first  row  circling  around  the  catafalque 
were  chairs.  The  first  row  of  the  circle,  only  broken 
by  the  aisles  of  entrance,  was  made  up  of  sofas,  with  a 
leather  chair  here  and  there.  The  row  was  devoted 
to  the  use  of  the  representatives  of  the  President's 
family  and  the  Cabinet  officers.  From  the  west  the  first 
three  rows  of  chairs  in  the  semi-circle  were  reserved  for 
the  members  of  the  House.  The  first  three  rows  to  the 
left  were  reserved  for  the  members  of  the  Senate.  The 
diameter  of  the  circle  enclosed  by  the  first  row  of  seats 
and  in  the  centre  of  which  stood  the  catafalque  was 
about  thirty  feet.  At  the  head  of  the  coffin  was  raised 
a  small  platform  about  one  foot  high.  It  was  covered 
with  black.  Upon  this  platform  was  a  small  table 
with  black  covering  for  the  use  of  the  officiating 
minister.  The  seats  south  of  the  catafalque  were 
placed  for  Mrs.  Garfield's  immediate  friends — General 
Swaim,  Colonel  Rockwell,  Mrs.  and  Miss  Rockwell 
and  others.  On  the  north  side  of  the  catafalque  the 
front  row  of  seats  was  reserved  for  the  President,  ex- 
Presidents  Grant  and  Hayes,  and  the  Cabinet  and  their 
families.  The  second  row  on  that  side  was  occupied 
by  the  Senators  and  their  wives.  Back  of  the  Senators 
sat  the  Diplomatic  Corps  and  back  of  them  the  Army 
of  the  Cumberland,  leaving  about  eight  rows  of 
chairs  still  farther  back  on  that  side  for  the  general 
public. 

45 


706  JAMES    A.   GARFIELD. 

The  first  arrival  in  body  was  the  Beauseant  Com- 
mandery  of  Knights  Templar  from  Baltimore.  They 
marched  in,  took  a  position  surrounding  the  corpse  and 
performed  what  is  known  as  the  silent  service  of  the 
order.  They  then  marched  out  of  the  rotunda.  The 
chief  object  of  their  visit  to  the  coffin  was  to  deposit 
a  floral  offering.  The  rotunda  filled  up  slowly,  riot- 
withstanding  the  immense  throng  that  had  surrounded 
the  Capitol.  The  coffin  and  catafalque  remained  as 
on  the  previous  day,  but  the  floral  offerings  had  been 
rearranged  to  the  greatest  advantage. 

About  two  o'clock  the  survivors  of  the  Army  of  the 
Cumberland,  wearing  white  badges  on  their  breasts  and 
crape  on  the  left  arm,  filed  into  the  rotunda  by  the  door 
leading  from  the  Senate  side  and  took  the  seats  spe 
cially  provided  for  them.  Ropes  had  been  stretched 
on  the  outside  of  the  Capitol  to  keep  back  the  pressure 
of  the  crowds,  and  by  this  means  the  doorkeepers  were 
enabled  to  perform  their  duty  in  the  way  of  taking 
tickets  without  being  overrun.  This  accounted  for  the 
gradual  filling  of  the  hall.  The  Diplomatic  Corps 
formed  in  procession  in  the  Senate  wing  and  entered 
the  rotunda,  headed  by  Chin  Lan  Pin  and  the  Chinese 
delegation.  Among  the  diplomats  were  Chin  Lan  Pin, 
Aristarchi  Bey,  Victor  Drummond,  the  Spanish  Minis 
ter,  the  Charge  d' Affaires  of  Germany,  the  Russian 
Minister,  two  secretaries  of  the  Russian  legation,  the 
Brazilian  Minister  and  secretary  and  about  twenty 
others.  The  corps  was  in  full  uniform.  As  their 
uniforms  are  gaudy  and  rich  they  made  the  spot  where 
they  sat  readily  distinguishable  and  one  that  caught 


ASSASSINATION   OP   PRESIDENT   GARFIELD.  707 

the  eye  at  once.  The  officers  of  the  army  and  navy 
sat  in  groups.  They  were  as  a  rule  unaccompanied  by 
ladies,  though  there  was  a  sprinkling  of  womankind. 
All  the  employes  of  the  White  House  were  present. 
They  came  in  together,  accompanied  by  the  ladies  of 
their  families.  All  the  seats  in  the  circular  space  were 
occupied  by  three  o'clock. 

It  was  half-past  two  when  the  pall-bearers,  who  were 
selected  by  Mrs.  Garfield  from  the  members  of  their 
little  church  on  Vermont  avenue,  entered  and  took 
their  seats.  They  were  followed  by  the  Judges  of  the 
Supreme  Court,  Colonel  Cbrbin,  Dr.  Boynton,  Private 
Secretary  Brown  and  the  other  White  House  people, 
with  their  ladies.  A  few  minutes  later  the  Philhar 
monic  Society,  to  the  number  of  twenty-five  or  thirty, 
came  in,  standing  near  the  bier.  Then  came  the  mem 
bers  of  the  House  and  next  the  Senators,  by  their 
respective  doors,  and  these  were  immediately  followed 
by  a  delegation  from  Philadelphia.  The  greatest  in 
terest  was  apparently  awakened  when  General  Grant 
and  ex-President  Hayes  entered.  They  came  from 
the  Senate  side  arm  in  arm,  and  as  they  entered  the 
entire  audience  rose  to  their  feet.  Following  the  dis 
tinguished  pair  came  President  Arthur,  leaning  on  the 
arm  of  his  Secretary  of  State.  They  took  the  right 
of  the  front  row  of  chairs  and  sofas,  Mr.  Arthur 
being  next  to  the  ministers  and  the  coffin.  He  was 
dressed  with  faultless  taste  in  plain  black,  with  black 
scarf  and  pin  and  black  kids,  and  carried  his  black 
silk  hat  in  his  right  hand,  his  left  being  upon  Blaine's 
arm. 


708  JAMES    A.   GARFIELD. 

At  three  o'clock  every  seat  was  filled  and  all  avail 
able  standing  room  was  occupied.  The  funeral  cere 
monies  began  exactly  at  three  o'clock  and  were  very 
impressive.  The  ceremonies  were  opened  with  the 
hymn,  "Asleep  in  Jesus,"  beautifully  rendered  by  the 
volunteer  choir.  Rev.  Dr.  Rankin  then  ascended  the 
raised  plat  form  at  the  head  of  the  catafalque  and  read 
in  a  clear,  distinct  voice 'a  number  of  selections  from 
the  Scriptures,  which  were  listened  to  with  breathless 
attention.  Rev.  Dr.  Isaac  Errett  then  offered  an  im 
pressive  prayer.  As  the  closing  words  of  the  prayer 
died  away,  the  Rev.  T.  D.  Power,  of  the  Vermont 
avenue  Christian  Church,  of  which  President  Garfield 
was  a  member,  delivered  a  feeling  address.  He  spoke 
in  a  clear  voice  and  was  distinctly  heard  in  every  por 
tion  of  the  hall.  His  eulogy  of  the  dead  President 
was  touching.  His  example,  he  said,  as  son,  husband 
and  father,  is  a  glory  to  this  nation.  He  had  no  enemies. 
The  hand  that  struck  him  was  not  the  hand  of  his 
enemy,  but  the  enemy  of  the  position,  the  enemy  of  the 
country,  the  enemy  of  God.  At  the  conclusion  of  Dr. 
Power's  address  Rev.  J.  G.  Butler  offered  prayer  and 
the  ceremonies  were  over. 

The  ceremonies  lasted  one  hour,  and  when  the  last 
prayer  was  pronounced  the  army  and  navy  officers  com 
posing  the  body-guard  filed  out  the  east  door  of  the  ro 
tunda  and  down  the  steps,  taking  their  places  around 
the  hearse.  Then  came  the  coffin,  borne  by  the  pall 
bearers  designated.  The  immense  multitude  which  had 
stood  patiently  waiting  the  termination  of  the  services 
at  once  uncovered  and  remained  perfectly  quiet  while 


ASSASSINATION   OF    PRESIDENT   GARFIELD.  709 

the  corpse  was  carried  and  placed  in  the  hearse,  the 
clergymen,  led  by  the  Rev.  Mr.  Power,  following.  At 
this  stage  the  scene  was  one  which  never  could  be  for 
gotten.  As  the  coffin  was  borne  slowly  down  the  steps, 
the  vast  assemblage,  which  had  been  waiting  for  hours 
in  the  hot  sun,  uncovered  their  heads.  Many  women 
snatched  off  their  bonnets,  forgetful  of  appearances  and 
only  eager  to  exhibit  their  respect  for  the  remains  of 
the  late  President.  The  bugler  on  his  prancing  horse 
beyond  blew  the  attention;  the  word  of  command 
passed  down  the  line;  the  minute  gun  to  the  right 
belched  forth  its  thunder;  the  Marine  Band  directly 
opposite  struck  up :  "  Nearer,  my  God,  to  Thee,"  and 
the  head  of  the  military  wheeled  into  platoon  and 
moved  on.  From  the  steps  above  it  was  a  grand  sight. 
While  the  procession  moved  to  permit  the  carriages  to 
approach  the  curb  the  distinguished  throng  waited  in 
line  upon  the  steps.  It  was  a  collection  of  intellectual 
and  official  greatness  rarely  ever  seen  together.  The 
pall-bearers  stood  on  the  asphaltum  below.  The  officers 
of  the  army  and  navy — from  the  young  and  beardless 
sub-lieutenant  to  the  battle-scarred,  grizzled  old  colonel, 
from  youthful  ensign  to  aged  admiral — stood  about  the 
hearse.  On  the  lower  step  were  the  officiating  clergy 
men  ;  then  next  above  the  relatives  of  the  family ; 
above  them  the  attaches  of  the  White  House ;  then  ex- 
Presidents  Grant  and  Hayes;  above  them  President 
Arthur  and  Secretary  Blame ;  then  the  Cabinet.  The 
Diplomatic  Corps,  in  a  blaze  of  gold  and  jewels  and  side 
arms,  were  still  further  up,  and  then  the  Supreme 
Court,  followed  by  Senators  and  members  of  the  House 


710  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD. 

— these  last  upon  the  portico  itself.  For  twenty  min 
utes  they  stood  thus,  silently  waiting,  until,  pair  by 
pair,  they  filled  the  hundred  carriages  which  had  been 
parked  below.  The  procession  was  not  so  long,  but  it 
was  a  funeral  procession  and  consumed  an  entire  hour 
in  reaching  the  depot,  a  third  of  a  mile  away.  Passing 
between  the  thousands  packed  densely  against  the 
ropes,  it  was  a  most  remarkable  and  striking  journey. 
Every  head  was  uncovered  as  they  passed.  Not  a 
sound  was  heard,  save  the  occasional  clash  of  a  hoof 
upon  the  iron  tramway  and  the  low  funeral  dirge  of 
the  band. 

At  the  depot  the  scene  was  brief,  and  when  the  cof 
fin  was  borne  from  the  hearse  it  was  quickly  ended. 
As  the  head  of  the  mounted  procession  rounded  the 
Sixth  street  corner  and  turned  toward  the  depot,  the 
gate  leading  to  the  cars  was  pushed  back  and  twelve 
soldiers  issued  forth.  These  were  the  picked  men,  with 
an  officer,  who  were  to  accompany  the  remains  to 
Cleveland.  At  the  same  time  the  open  gate  disclosed 
ten  of  the  most  distinguished  officers  in  the  military 
and  naval  service  of  the  United  States.  They  were 
ranged  facing  each  other,  the  military  on  the  left  as  we 
enter,  the  navy  on  the  right.  On  the  one  hand  were 
Generals  Sherman,  Sheridan,  Hancock,  Meigs  and 
Drum.  On  the  other  were  Admirals  Rogers  and  Stan 
ley,  Commodore  English,  Surgeon-General  Wales  and 
Pay  Director  Luther.  They  were  in  full  regimentals 
and  quarter-deck  and  presented  an  interesting  sight. 
It  was  only  when  the  gate  was  sliding  back  and  forth 
that  the  old  heroes  in  their  blue  and  gold  flashed  before 


ASSASSINATION   OF   PRESIDENT   GARFIELD.  711 

the  crowd  which  pressed  against  the  ropes  outside. 
When  the  hugler  blew  a  halt  the  troops  formed  in  line 
on  the  opposite  side  of  the  street,  and  the  hearse  and 
following  carriage  drove  up.  As  the  coffin  was  re 
moved  therefrom  the  bugle  again  sounded,  the  present 
was  given,  the  cannon  boomed,  the  bells  of  the  city 
tolled,  the  draped  colors  were  dropped  and  the  band 
again  played  a  dirge.  The  coffin  was  borne  on  the 
shoulders  of  the  eight  soldiers  between  the  double  ranks 
of  the  army  and  navy,  between  the  Generals  and  Ad 
mirals  within,  and  the  pageant  was  over.  The  car- 
rages  then  began  to  arrive,  one  after  another  depositing 
tieir  loads  upon  the  curb.  The  coffin  bore  the  Queen  of 
England's  wreath  and  the  crossed  palm  leaves  as  it  dis- 
cppeared  from  sight.  The  carriage  containing  Dr.  Boyn- 
ton,  Colonel  Rockwell,  Colonel  Corbin,  and  C.  0.  Rock- 
vvell,  landed  its  load  immediately  after  the  preachers. 
Then  came  the  White  House  attaches,  then  Grant  and 
Hayes,  then  President  Arthur  and  Secretary  Blaine, 
then  Secretaries  Lincoln  and  Windom  and  their  wives, 
then  Postmaster-General  James  and  Secretary  Hunt 
and  their  wives,  Secretary  Kirkwood  and  Gen.  Beale 
and  Assistant  Secretary  Hitt  and  Mrs.  Blaine.  These 
were  followed  by  Senators  and  Members  and  others 
who  were  going  to  Cleveland  with  the  remains.  The 
legations  merely  drove  past  without  getting  out.  The 
Justices  of  the  Supreme  Court  went  with  the  body. 
In  a  short  time  President  Arthur  returned  to  his  car 
riage  from  the  depot  and  was  quickly  joined  by  General 
Grant,  the  two  driving  away  together. 

To  avoid  the  crowd  about  the  depot  Mrs.  Garfield 


712  JAMES   A.    GARFIELD. 

was  taken  to  the  corner  of  Maine  Avenue  and  Sixth 
street,  and  an  engine  and  two  cars,  including  the  one 
intended  for  her  use,  were  run  down  the  track,  and  she 
was  taken  on  board  the  train  without  attracting  any 
attention.  The  funeral  train  was  the  same  used  on 
the  trip  from  Long  Branch,  with  two  additional  cars. 
The  first  was  the  baggage  car  and  the  second  was  oc 
cupied  by  Mrs.  Garfield,  her  daughter  and  son,  Mrs. 
Reed,  General  Swaim,  Colonel  Rockwell,  Dr.  Boynton, 
J.  Stanley  Brown,  Warren  Young  and  Mr.  Judd.  The 
third  carried  the  members  of  the  Cabinet  and  wives, 
ex- President  Hayes,  Justices  of  the  Supreme  Court  and 
S.  A.  Brown,  Chief  Clerk  of  the  State  Department. 
Upon  the  fourth  car  were  General  Sherman  and  Ger- 
erals  Sheridan,  Hancock,  Meigs,  Drum  and  Sackett, 
Admiral  Porter,  Vice-Admiral  Rowan,  Commodore 
English,  Surgeon-General  Wales  and  Pay-Director 
Tucker.  The  fifth  bore  the  remains  of  the  President 
and  the  military  guard,  composed  of  six  soldiers  and  a 
sergeant  from  the  Second  Artillery.  The  sixth  and 
last  car  of  the  train  was  a  baggage  car. 

The  train  left  Washington  at  5.16  P.  M.,  an  hour  be 
hind  time.  It  was  followed  by  a  second  train  at  5.24, 
bearing  a  number  of  'members  of  the  two  Houses  of 
Congress  and  other  distinguished  personages,  and  was 
known  as  "  the  Congressional  Train."  It  kept  about 
twenty  minutes  behind  "  the  Funeral  Train  "  through 
out  the  journey.  The  times  of  arrival  at  the  following 
places  refer  to  "  the  Funeral  Train."  Baltimore  was 
reached  at  6.30  P.  M. ;  Marysville,  Pa.  (the  junction  of 
the  Northern  Central  with  the  Pennsylvania  Railway, 


ASSASSINATION   OF   PRESIDENT   GARFIELD.  713 

and  a  few  miles  above  Harrisburg)  at  9.31  p.  M. ;  Al- 
toona,  at  1.35  A.  M.,  on  Saturday,  24th ;  Pittsburgh,  at 
6  A.  M. ;  Wellsville,  at  8.30  A.  M.  ;  and  Cleveland,  at 
1.30  P.  M.  on  the  24th. 

It  was  the  wish  of  Mrs.  Garfield  that  the  "  Funeral 
Train"  should  stop  only  at  such  points  as  the  judg 
ment  of  the  railway  officials  should  deem  necessary. 
This  wish  was  obeyed.  She  also  requested  that  the 
people  along  the  route  should  refrain  from  all  demon 
strations.  But  the  great  heart  of  the  nation  was  too 
deeply  moved  to  allow  the  people  to  carry  out  this  course 
of  action  entirely.  All  along  the  route  immense  crowds 
gathered  at  the  stations.  From  the  moment  the  "  Fu 
neral  Train "  left  Washington  until  its  arrival  at 
Cleveland,  it  passed  through  a  steady  line  of  people. 
At  every  station  they  gathered  by  the  thousands,  and 
in  the  fields  and  along  the  tracks  the'y  stood  with 
heads  uncovered  until  the  train,  covered  with  crape, 
whizzed  by  them.  The  expressions  of  grief  were  uni 
versal.  Hardly  a  house  along  the  entire  route  that 
was  not  covered  with  emblems  of  mourning.  On  every 
hand  flags  at  half-mast  and  drooping  crape  told  of  the 
sorrow  in  every  heart.  Whenever  the  train  entered  a 
town  the  church  bells  tolled,  and  in  many  places 
flowers  were  strewn  upon  the  track.  The  first  great 
demonstration  after  leaving  Washington  was  at  Balti 
more,  where  several  thousand  people  gathered  and 
reverentially  uncovered  to  the  train  of  mourning. 
Along  the  line  of  the  Northern  Central  Railroad  to 
Harrisburg  great  crowds  of  people  gathered  at  every 
station.  The  crowds  usually  remained  until  the  Con- 


714  JAMES   A.   GARFIELD. 

gressional  train  had  also  passed.  It  followed  through 
out  the  night  about  twenty  minutes  behind  the  funeral 
train. 

Although  the  run  from  Harrisburg  to  Pittsburgh  over 
the  Pennsylvania  Railroad  was  made  entirely  at  night 
the  crowds  were  everywhere  enormous.  It  was  one 
continual  demonstration  from  beginning  to  end.  The 
funeral  train  reached  Altoona  at  1.35  Saturday  morn 
ing.  Ten  thousand  people  were  assembled  at  the 
depot.  All  the  church,  fire  and  other  large  bells  in 
the  city  were  tolled  from  the  moment  the  train  entered 
the  eastern  limits  of  the  town  until  it  passed  out  of  the 
western.  The  Hancock  and  Garfield  campaign  clubs 
marched  together  in  full  uniform  into  the  depot  and 
stood  drawn  up  in  line  on  both  sides  of  the  track  while 
the  train  passed.  At  all  stations  there  were  crowds, 
and  in  the  windows  of  houses  along  the  route  were 
people  waving  draped  flags.  At  Lewistown  the  track 
was  strewn  with  flowers.  At  Tyrone  and  Huntington 
the  demonstrations  were  particularly  imposing.  The 
train  reached  Cresson  at  2.29.  The  trains  steamed  up 
the  mountain  west  of  Altoona  dragged  by  engines  each, 
and  the  crowds  that  had  lingered  at  the  depot  until 
after  2  o'clock  reluctantly  went  homeward.  Between 
Altoona  and  Cresson  there  were  hundreds  of  the  moun 
taineers  standing  along  the  track  with  uncovered  heads 
in  the  darkness  of  the  night.  The  train  passed  Johns 
town  at  3.15  A.  M.  About  three  thousand  people  had 
congregated  at  the  depot  with  uncovered  heads,  and 
all  were  silent.  The  bells  of  the  churches,  school 
houses  and  engine  companies  were  tolled.  No  stop 


ASSASSINATION   OF   PRESIDENT   GARFIELD.  715 

was  made  until  Derry  was  reached.  By  this  time  it 
was  nearly  5  o'clock,  but  even  at  that  hour  hundreds 
of  men  and  women,  boys  and  girls  gathered  around  the 
train.  From  that  point  to  Pittsburgh,  forty-two  miles, 
no  stop  was  made.  The  average  of  twenty-eight  miles 
an  hour  was  maintained,  the  sections  running  twenty 
minutes  apart.  For  ten  miles  outside  of  Pittsburgh 
the  track  was  lined  with  people,  some  of  whom  had 
apparently  remained  up  all  night. 

Pittsburgh  depot  was  reached  at  six  o'clock.  Dense 
throngs  of  people  gathered  in  various  parts  of  the  city 
to  see  it  pass.  When  the  train  came  to  a  stop  to 
change  engines  an  elegant  pillow  of  flowers  was  taken 
into  the  funeral  car  and  placed  upon  the  coffin.  The 
train  remained  at  the  depot  fourteen  minutes  and  then 
pulled  slowly  out.  All  the  people  about  the  station 
remained  with  uncovered  heads  and  the  fire-alarm  cen 
tral  bell  and  the  various  ones  on  the  churches  of  the 
city  tolled  a  morning  requiem.  At  Liberty  street  and 
Pennsylvania  avenue  crossings  thousands  of  persons 
were  assembled,  but  were  kept  back  from  the  track  by 
a  cordon  of  policemen.  All  uncovered  their  heads  as 
the  train  passed.  In  Allegheny  there  were  the  same 
dense  masses  of  people  at  each  street-crossing.  The 
train  passed  through  Allegheny  station  without  stop 
ping  and  drew  slowly  through  the  park,  where  fully 
fifteen  thousand  persons  had  gathered,  including  sev 
eral  posts  of  the  Grand  Army  of  the  Republic,  who 
lowered  their  colors  as  the  cars  went  by.  Many  ladies 
were  in  the  throng,  and  these  had  brought  flowers, 
which  were  laid  on  the  track  for  a  quarter  of  a  mile. 


716  JAMES   A.   GARFIELD. 

From  a  rustic  bridge  crossing  the  tracks  flowers  were 
also  dropped  upon  the  cars  as  they  passed  beneath. 
The  crowd  was  as  silent  as  the  funeral  itself,  and  the 
signs  of  grief  and  affection  were  everywhere  apparent. 
At  the  Allegheny  outer  depot  two  cars  containing  the 
committee  having  in  charge  funeral  arrangements  at 
Cleveland,  who  arrived  last  evening,  were  attached  to 
the  train,  and  the  engine  used  within  the  city  limits 
was  replaced  by  a  powerful  transit  locomotive.  The 
funeral  train  was  then  started  upon  the  last  stage  of 
the  journey. 

As  the  two  trains  steamed  west  from  Pittsburgh  the 
crowds  at  the  way-stations  grew  larger.  The  Grand 
Army  of  the  Republic  in  line  at  Rochester,  Pa., 
saluted  each  car  as  it  passed,  while  the  surrounding 
crowd  stood  with  uncovered  heads.  After  leaving 
Rochester  the  black  drapery  on  the  left  side  of  the 
lunch-car  on  the  second  section  caught  .fire  from  a 
spark,  and  it  was  nearly  all  burned  from  that  side  of 
the  car  before  the  fire  could  be  extinguished.  The  car 
itself  was  not  damaged.  At  East  Liverpool  the  crowd 
numbered  at  least  two  thousand,  and  a  brass  band 
played  a  slow  march  as  the  train  passed.  The  fire 
department  of  the  town  was  drawn  up  in  line  at  the 
depot.  Wellsville,  Ohio,  was  reached  by  the  funeral 
train  at  8.39.  The  Congressional  train  caught  up  at 
this  place  with  the  funeral  train,  which  was  delayed 
because  of  a  request  of  Mrs.  Garfield  that  the  coach  in 
which  she  was  riding  should  be  placed  in  the  rear  of 
the  train.  The  ladies  did  not  sleep  well  last  night 
because  of  the  heat  and  being  too  close  to  the  engine. 


ASSASSINATION   OF   PRESIDENT   GARFIELD.  717 

Another  reason  for  the  change  was  that  Mrs.  Garfield 
desired  to  be  out  of  reach  of  the  crowd  on  arriving  at 
Cleveland.  Whenever  the  train  made  a  stop  the  cur 
tains  of  Mrs.  Garfield's  car  were  drawn  down.  There 
was  a  large  crowd,  as  the  funeral  train  stopped  for 
some  time. 

Grand  preparations  had  been  made  at  Cleveland  for 
the  reception  of  the  funeral  party.  Long  before  its 
arrival  there  was  not  standing  room  on  the  ground  or 
on  the  house-tops  within  an  eighth  of  a  mile  of  Euclid 
Avenue  Station.  A  large  stand  was  erected  on  the 
avenue  and  the  seats  sold  on  it  for  one  dollar.  Win 
dows  in  Harkness  Block  and  neighboring  buildings 
sold  for  five  dollars.  Pen  is  inadequate  to  describe  the 
great  wavering,  crowded  gathering  of  human  beings 
about  the  depot,  on  the  sidewalks,  in  the  streets,  in 
trees,  in  windows  and  on  the  roofs.  The  intersection 
of  the  avenues  looked  like  a  great  sea  of  heads;  the 
side-streets  poured  in  their  portion,  like  the  delta 
streams  of  a  river  whose  waters  are  separated  by  a 
thousand  little  islands  and  go  rushing  and  bounding 
in  different  directions  until  they  encounter  the  swell 
of  the  ocean,  when  their  identity  is  lost.  Everybody 
fought  on  tiptoe  for  a  view  of  what  was  going  on,  with 
out  regard  to  age,  color,  sex  or  social  distinction.  The 
swell  of  the  avenue  stood  shoulder  to  shoulder  with  the 
burly  negro,  the  fashionably-attired  belle  squeezed  and 
elbowed  her  way  side  by  side  with  the  beggar-woman. 

After  some  waiting  a  puff  of  white  smoke  was  seen 
issuing  over  the  curve  toward  the  workhouse.  There 
was  a  roar  as  hundreds  in  the  vast  multitude  saw  the 


718  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD. 

faint  smoke-cloud  and  exclaimed:  "It's  coming." 
Every  man,  woman  and  child  was  on  tiptoe,  with 
necks  stretched  and  clinging  to  his  neighbor's  shoul 
ders.  In  a  second,  when  the  dark  outline  of  the  engine 
made  a  break  in  the  long  line  of  sun-reflecting  rails  and 
the  train  suddenly  shot  around  the  curve,  everybody 
made  some  exclamation,  and  the  screaming  all  at  one 
time  created  a  sound  like  the  roar  of  Niagara  Falls  at 
a  distance.  In  another  second  every  spectator  was 
struggling  with  his  neighbor  to  get  a  sight  of  the  train, 
which  slackened  speed  gradually  and  finally  stopped 
across  the  avenue.  The  hearse  and  carriages  were 
drawn  up  at  the  curbstone  and  a  sad  procession  wended 
its  way  from  the  train  to  the  avenue.  The  car  in 
which  the  casket  was  brought  was  filled  with  flowers 
which  almost  hid  the  coffin  from  sight.  The  coifin 
was  wrapped  in  triple  folds  of  fine  crape  and  a  huge 
flag.  Upon  it  were  a  few  white  flowers  and  great  green 
leaves.  It  was  borne  from  the  train  by  ten  United 
States  artillerymen,  who  wore  white  helmets  and  who, 
with  drawn  swords,  took  up  their  positions  beside  the 
hearse.  Next  came  the  Cleveland  committee  of  escort, 
who  took  their  position  in  two  files  leading  from  the 
train  to  the  hearse.  Then  came  Mrs.  Garfield,  lean 
ing  on  the  arm  of  Mr.  Elaine,  her  face  covered  with  a 
dark  veil,  which  almost  concealed  her  identity.  They 
were  followed  by  General  Swaim,  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Rock 
well  and  Harry  and  Mollie  Garfield.  Mrs.  Garfield, 
Harry  and  Mollie  immediately  entered  James  Mason's 
private  carriage  and  went  to  his  home,  where  they 
were  to  remain  as  guests.  Following  Mrs.  Garfield's 


ASSASSINATION   OF    PRESIDENT   GARFIELD.  719 

immediate  party  came  the  Cabinet  and  the  guard  of 
honor,  among  whom  were  General  Sherman,  General 
Sheridan,  General  Hancock,  Quartermaster-General 
Meigs  and  Admiral  Porter,  and  one  turned  from  the 
gilt  glare  of  the  army  officer  to  the  quiet  dress  of  the 
civilian  to  admire  the  ease  and  grace  of  Blaine  as  he 
handed  the  widow  into  her  carriage,  bowed  low  as  she 
was  driven  away,  and  turned  to  join  Secretaries  Hunt 
and  Kirkwood  and  thus  made  a  little  coterie  who  are 
to  feel  heavily  the  loss  of  the  friendship  of  the  great 
man  in  whose  honor  all  the  representative  men  of  the 
nation  were  assembled  with  tear-dimmed  eyes  and 
bowed  heads. 

As  soon  as  the  casket  had  been  tenderly  placed  in 
the  hearse  the  beautiful  black  horses  drew  it  slowly 
down  the  avenue  toward  the  files  of  soldiers  and 
Knights  Templar,  who  were  drawn  up  on  the  west 
side  of  the  avenue  and  faced  the  east,  with  heads  bared 
and  reverently  bowed.  Each  horse  was  led  by  a 
colored  groom.  Slowly  the  procession  took  its  march 
down  the  avenue  in  the  following  order : 

Colonel  Wilson  and  Staff. 
Silver  Gray  Band. 
First  City  Troop. 

Hearse  and  horses,  guarded  by  Knights  Templar  in  columns  of  threes, 

and  flanked  by  ten  horsemen  of  the  City  Troop  on  each  side. 

Forty-second  Ohio  Volunteers. 

The  Cabinet. 

General  Sherman  and  Aides. 
Guards  of  honor,  composed  of  officers  of  the  army  and  navy. 

The  catafalque  was  reached  shortly  before  three 
o'clock.  Immediately  a  detail  of  Garfield's  own  com- 


720  JAMES    A.   GAKFJELD. 

mandery  surrounded  the  gilded  bier,  with  its  four  tall 
gilt  columns,  with  the  chaplain  in  the  white  robes  of 
office  and  the  insignia  of  his  station.  A  slight  pause 
followed,  during  which  several  distinguished  citizens, 
Governor  Foster  and  others,  formed  on  each  side  of 
the  catafalque,  the  Knights  Templar  forming  in  line 
on  each  side  of  the  street  entrance  to  the  catafalque. 
The  hearse  followed  next  and  rested  until  the  coffin 
was  taken  out  and  borne  inside  the  catafalque  by  the 
guard  of  honor  of  the  Second  United  States'  Artillery 
to  the  bier,  where  it  was  deposited  by  the  Templars 
with  uncovered  heads  and  presented  swords.  The  band 
played  a  funeral  dirge.  A  detail  of  Cleveland  Grays, 
to  guard  the  remains,  marched  into  the  catafalque  and 
took  position.  The  Knights  countermarched,  and  led 
by  the  band  the  crowd  slowly  wended  away.  An  im 
mense  concourse  gathered  at  the  line  around  the 
square,  gazing  with  longing  eyes  toward  the  catafalque 
and  all  that  is  mortal  of  James  A.  Garfield. 

Shortly  after  placing  the  remains  on  the  bier  on 
the  catafalque  Governor  Foster  announced,  at  the  re 
quest  of  Mrs.  Garfield,  that  the  coffin  would  not  be 
opened. 

The  pavilion  containing  the  catafalque  on  which  the 
remains  of  the  President  were  thus  laid  in  state  was 
erected  in  the  centre  of  Monumental  Park,  the  finest 
public  square  in  Cleveland,  and  was  probably  the 
handsomest  ornamental  structure  of  its  kind  ever 
constructed.  It  was  forty  feet  square  at  the  base. 
The  four  fronts  were  spanned  by  arches  thirty-six  feet 
high  and  twenty-four  feet  wide  at  the  base.  The  cata- 


THE  CATAFALQUE   AT  CLEVELAND,  OHIO. 


GENERAL  JAMES  A.  GARFIELP 


ASSASSINATION   OF    PRESIDENT   GARFIELD.  721 

falque  upon  which  the  casket  will  rest  was  five  and  a 
half  feet  high,  covered  with  black  velvet  and  hand 
somely  festooned.  A  long  carpeted  walk  ascended  the 
tloor  from  the  east  and  west  fronts.  The  pavilion  was 
seventy-two  feet  high  to  the  apex  of  the  roof.  From 
the  centre  of  the  roof  rose  a  beautiful  gilt  spire,  sup 
porting  the  figure  of  an  angel  twenty-four  feet  high. 
The  columns  at  each  side  of  the  arches  were  orna 
mented  by  shields  and  exquisitely  draped.  Over  these 
were  suspended  unfurled  flags.  The  centres  of  the 
arches  bore  similar  shields.  On  the  angles  of  the  roof 
were  groups  of  furled  flags.  Projecting  from  the  angles 
of  the  base  were  elevated  platforms  occupied  by  fully 
uniformed  guards.  Each  platform  was  provided  with 
a  suitable  piece  of  field  artillery. 

The  structure  was  appropriately  decorated  from  base 
to  dome  with  black  and  white  crape.  Flowers  and  flags 
were  displayed  on  various  portions  of  the  pavilion. 
The  interior  was  beautified  with  rare  plants,  choice 
flowers  and  exquisite  floral  designs,  two  car-loads  of 
which  were  from  Cincinnati.  At  the  east  and  west  en 
trances  to  Monumental  Park  were  heavy  gothic  arches,, 
with  drive-ways  and  openings  for  foot  passengers  on 
each  side.  They  were  situated  a  sufficient  distance 
from  the  catafalque  to  appear  to  be  a  part  of  it.  The 
eastern  one  was  covered  with  crape,  with  white  and 
black  trimmings  running  down  each  column  and  the 
top  bordered  with  blue  and  white  stars.  Added  to 
these  were  several  golden  shields.  The  western  gate 
way  was  similar  in  construction  and  seemed  fairly  to 
close  up  Superior  street.  On  the  extreme  outside 

46 


722  JAMES   A.    GARFIELD. 

pillars  were  the  names  of  the  States  in  black  letters. 
The  north  and  south  approaches  were  in  reality  gate 
ways,  being  built  with  bas  reliefs  draped  in  white, 
with  one  large  central  arch  and  heavy  posts  on  either 
side.  Surmounting  all  appear  large  golden  eagles  and 
other  appropriate  designs. 

The  catafalque  was,  however,  the  great  temporary 
monument  of  attraction.  Standing  with  its  four  open 
arches  and  surmounted  by  its  massive  golden  ball,  its 
combined  grandeur  required  a  closer  scrutiny  to  fully 
appreciate.  Resting  on  each  of  its  four  corners  was  a 
cannon,  heavily  draped  in  black.  Large  black  flags 
drooped  from  each  side  immediately  beneath  the  cor 
nice,  and  still  lower  fell  the  national  colors,  with 
streamers  of  crape  alternating  with  the  bars  of  red  and 
white.  An  elegant  shield,  several  feet  in  length,  com 
posed  of  swords,  was  conspicuously  displayed  on  the 
octagon  faces  of  the  four  sides.  Half-circling  the 
.arches  were  choice  ferns  upon  a  white  background, 
arranged  in  triangular  shape,  and  heavy  gold  lining 
.ran  around  the  pillars.  The  interior  was  draped  in 
plain  and  appropriate  bands  of  rich  black  goods.  At 
the  south  of  the  structure  a  large  platform  was  erected 
•on  a  level  with  the  catafalque,  on  which  sat  the  emi 
nent  visitors,  the  clergy  and  the  singing  societies.  The 
catafalque  was  entered  from  the  east  and  west  by  an 
inclined  platform  covered  with  matting.  It  was  suffi 
ciently  wide  to  allow  of  the  passage  of  not  less  than 
thirty  persons  abreast.  During  the  forenoon  wreath 
upon  wreath  of  rare  green  were  attached  to  the  upper 
part  of  the  structure.  Two  car-loads  of  ferns,  leaves, 


ASSASSINATION   OF   PRESIDENT   GARFIELD.  723 

plants,  etc.,  came  Saturday  morning  from  the  Cincinnati 
Exposition.  Also  a  car-load  from  parties  in  Philadel 
phia.  The  arches  were  beautifully  draped  with  strings 
of  evergreen. 

During  Saturday  afternoon  and  night  the  guards 
stationed  around  the  pavilion  had  strict  orders  to 
refuse  admittance  to  eveYy  one,  so  the  thousands  which 
surrounded  it  could  only  stand  off  and  gaze  at  it.  All 
night  long  a  large  crowd  kept  moving  around  the  bier. 
The  inside  of  the  catafalque  was  illuminated  by  two 
electric  lights,  and  their  ghostly  brilliancy  falling  over 
the  sombre  bier  and  the  immovable  figures  of  the 
uniformed  Knights  Templar,  who  kept  a  loving  vigil 
throughout  the  night,  gave  to  all  a  weird  and  un 
earthly  appearance.  The  sentries  paced  their  beats 
with  slow  and  measured  tread,  and  there  was  a  hush 
over  all  that  filled  the  beholder  with  awe.  All  passes 
for  admittance  to  the  inside  of  the  guard-line  were 
countermanded  early  in  the  evening,  and  orders  given 
the  guard  to  allow  no  one  to  enter  without  a  written 
permit  from  the  Mayor.  This  created  some  dissatis 
faction,  and  many  believed  a  view  of  the  casket  was 
not  to  be  permitted.  It  became  known,  however,  that 
those  who  wished  could  begin  to  pass  through  the 
pavilion  at  9  o'clock  this  morning. 

During  the  25th  the  public  were  allowed  to  pass 
through  the  pavilion  and  view  the  catafalque.  Moving 
forward,  the  mourning  multitude  walked  slowly  past 
the  receptacle  of  all  that  remained  of  the  man  who 
had  many  times  passed  over  the  same  spot  in  all  the 
magnificent  vigor  of  manhood.  Many  a  tear  was  shed 


724  JAMES   A.   GARFIELD. 

and  many  a  silent  prayer  uttered  within  the  sacred 
precincts  of  that  solemn  place.  One  man,  who  could 
not  control  his  emotions,  and  forgetful  of  the  generous 
and  forgiving  spirit  of  the  man  to  whose  clay  he  was 
paying  homage,  said,  as  the  tears  streamed  down  his 
cheek:  "James  A.  Garfield,  you  will  be  avenged,  and 
I  will  be  your  avenger."  Those  who  waited  until  the 
rush  was  over,  thinking  they  could  pass  through  the 
pavilion  with  ease  later  in  the  day,  were  sadly  disap 
pointed.  Each  incoming  train  was  loaded  down  with 
people  from  all  parts  of  the  country,  and  by  12  o'clock, 
although  at  least  35,000  persons  had  passed  through 
the  funeral  arch,  the  crowd  had  swelled  to  such  pro 
portions  that  the  troops  had  to  clear  the  streets.  Lines 
of  soldiers  formed  on  each  side  of  the  streets  leading  to 
the  arch  for  half  a  mile,  and  no  one  could  join  the  pro 
cession  without  passing  down  the  outside  of  these  lines. 
The  soldiers  were  kept  on  duty  in  that  capacity  all 
day,  and  in  the  evening,  although  a  drizzling  rain  has 
begun  to  fall,  the  same  solid  mass  of  humanity  half  a 
mile  long  and  five  abreast  is  surging  forward.  As  fast 
as  one  moves  ahead  another  takes  his  place,  and  thus 
it  is  kept  going.  Men  who  have  visited  all  quarters  of 
the  globe  say  it  was  the  grandest  sight  they  ever 
beheld.  Ex- Minister  Noyes  stood  mournfully  watching 
the  throng,  and  said,  "  There  is  something  about  this 
sight  which  impresses  me  as  nothing  has  ever  impressed 
me  before." 

Monday,  September  26th,  the  day  appointed  for  the 
public  funeral  of  President  Garfield,  came  in  bright  and 
clear.  The  sun  rose  brilliantly,  and  a  cool  breeze  swept 


ASSASSINATION  OF   PRESIDENT   GARFIELD.  725 

fn  from  the  lake.  At  an  early  hour  the  streets  were 
alive  with  people,  and  by  10  o'clock  Monumental  Park 
was  surrounded  by  a  surging  mass  of  struggling  human 
beings,  so  densely  packed  that  women  fainted,  children 
screamed,  and  strong  men  gasped  for  breath,  as  the  liv 
ing  mass  surged  from  place  to  place  in  the  vain  en 
deavor  to  get  nearer  the  guard  line  along  the  route  of 
the  procession.  The  street  peddlers  were  up  with  the 
rest,  and  at  work  with  all  their  usual  noise  and  clatter. 
Upon  every  corner  was  a  little  square  stand,  surmounted 
and  covered  by  a  white  canopy,  in  which  was  done  a 
business  of  which  those  who  conducted  it  and  the 
patrons  as  well  may  feel  justly  proud.  On  each  of  the 
four  sides  of  these  canopies  was  painted  in  large  black 
letters,  "  Garfield  Monument  Fund ;  $1  subscriptions 
received  and  registered."  In  one  of  these  alone  $4,000 
was  collected  in  the  forenoon. 

A  few  moments  before  10  o'clock  a  closed  carriage 
came  slowly  down  the  street  leading  to  the  square.  It 
was  driven  up  to  the  catafalque.  A  lady  clad  in  deep 
mourning  alighted  and  walked  slowly  up  the  incline  to 
the  entrance.  Every  eye  was  turned  that  way,  and  a 
thousand  voices  said,  "There  she  is,  poor  woman."  It 
was  Mrs.  Garfield.  She  was  soon  followed  by  the  fam 
ily  and  relatives,  the  Cabinet,  ex-President  Hayes,  ex- 
Secretary  Evarts,  and  the  members  of  the  official 
household  at  Washington  who  are  in  the  city.  When 
the  party  had  all  assembled  around  the  bier  the  sides 
of  the  catafalque  were  closed  with  luxuriantly  foliaged 
tropical  plants,  cutting  off  the  inside  from  public  gaze, 
and  the  family  and  friends  were  alone  with  their  dead. 


726  JAMES    A.    GARFIELD. 

After  a  few  moments  the  sides  were  again  opened,  and 
the  services  began.  The  immediate  members  of  the 
family  and  near  relatives  and  friends  took  seats  about 
the  casket,  and  at  each  corner  was  stationed  a  member 
of  the  Cleveland  Grays,  each  of  whom  stood  like  a 
statue  during  the  entire  services.  Meanwhile  the  crowd 
in  the  neighborhood  had  grown  to  enormous  propor 
tions.  It  was  far  greater  than  ever  before  seen  in  the 
city,  but  it  was  decorous,  and  was  seemingly  impressed 
with  the  solemnity  of  the  occasion.  Some  dissatisfaction 
was  expressed  when  it  was  known  that  the  crowd  would 
not  be  admitted  to  the  Park  during  the  funeral  exer 
cises,  but  no  attempts  were  made  to  break  through  the 
guard,  and  all  contentedly  accepted  the  situation. 

The  services  began  promptly  at  10.30.  Dr.  J.  P. 
Robinson,  president  of  the  ceremonies,  arose,  and, 
amid  the  most  profound  silence,  announced  Beetho 
ven's  "  Funeral  Hymn,"  which  was  finely  rendered  by 
the  Cleveland  Vocal  Society.  At  its  conclusion  Bishop 
Bedell,  of  the  Episcopal  diocese  of  Ohio,  read  selections 
from  the  Scriptures,  beginning  with  the  fourteenth 
chapter  of  Job.  Rev.  Ross  C.  Houghton,  pastor  of  the 
First  M.  E.  Church,  followed  with  a  fervent  prayer. 
It  was  short  and  impressive.  After  the  vocal  society 
had  sung  "  To  Thee,  0  Lord,  I  yield  my  spirit,"  Rev. 
Isaac  Errett,  of  Cincinnati,  delivered  an  eloquent  ad 
dress,  taking  for  his  text  the  following :  "And  the 
archers  shot  King  Josiah,  and  the  King  said  to  his 
servants,  have  me  away,  for  I  am  sore  wounded,"  etc. 
He  said  there  was  never  a  mourning  in  all  the  world 
like  unto  this  mourning.  "  I  am  not  speaking  extrava- 


ASSASSINATION   OF   PRESIDENT   GARFIELD.  727 

.gantly,"  he  said,  "  for  I  am  told  it  is  the  result  of  cal 
culations  carefully  made  that  certainly  not  less  than 
300,000,000  of  the  human  race  share  in  the  sadness 
and  the  lamentations,  the  sorrow  and  the  mourning 
that  belong  to  this  occasion  here  to-day.  It  is  the 
chill  shadow  of  a  calamity  that  has  extended  itself 
into  every  home  in  all  this  land  and  into  every  heart, 
and  that  has  projected  itself  over  vast  seas  and  oceans 
into  distant  lands  and  awakened  the  sincerest  and  pro- 
foundest  sympathies  with  us  in  the  hearts  of  the  good 
of  all  nations  and  among  all  peoples."  The  speaker 
then  went  into  a  eulogy  upon  the  life  of  the  dead 
President  to  show  why  the  whole  civilized  world 
should  thus  be  cast  down  because  of  his  sad  death. 
Said  he :  "  The  great  lesson  to  which  I  desire  to  call 
your  attention  can  be  expressed  in  a  few  words.  James 
A.  Garfield  went  through  his  whole  public  life  without 
surrendering  for  a  single  moment  his  Christian  integ 
rity,  his  moral  integrity,  or  his  love  for  the  spiritual. 
Coming  into  the  exciting  conflicts  of  political  life  with 
a  nature  as  capable  as  any  of  feeling  the  force  of  every 
temptation  ;  with  temptation  to  unholy  ambition,  with 
unlawful  prizes  within  his  reach,  with  every  induce 
ment  to  surrender  all  his  religious  faith  and  be  known 
merely  as  a  successful  man  of  the  world,  from  first  to 
last  he  has  manfully  adhered  to  his  religious  convic 
tion  and  found  the  more  praise,  and  gathers  in  his 
death  all  the  pure  inspiration  of  the  hope  of  everlast* 
ing  life."  The  speaker  concluded  with  a  most  touch 
ing  allusion  to  the  stricken  family.  When  he  had 
concluded  Rev.  Jabez  Hall,  of  the  Euclid  Avenue 


728  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD. 

Presbyterian  Church,  read  the  "reaper  song,"  which  was 
a  favorite  of  the  late  President,  and  after  it  was  sung 
by  the  Cleveland  Vocal  Society,  Rev.  Charles  S.  Pome- 
roy  offered  prayer  and  the  benediction. 

Grandma  Garfield  bore  the  services  remarkably  well, 
as  did  also  the  widow  of  the  President.  The  only  in 
cident  which  occurred  at  the  pavilion  was  the  request 
of  Grandma  Garfield  for  a  drink  of  water.  Many  per 
sons  construed  this  as  an  indication  that  the  old  lady 
was  faint,  but  such  was  not  the  case.  No  one  except 
the  family,  members  of  the  general  committee  and  dis 
tinguished  guests  were  admitted  within  the  gates  of 
the  Park. 

"While  the  solemn  ceremony  was  in  progress  the  vast 
crowds  were  industriously  at  work  arranging  them 
selves  along  the  streets  through  which  the  procession 
was  to  pass.  A  line  of  soldiers  was  stationed  on  each 
side  of  the  streets  the  whole  distance  from  the  square 
to  the  cemetery,  six  miles,  and  by  that  means  the  peo 
ple  were  kept  in  bounds.  The  curbstones  were  first 
sought  for  by  spectators,  and  all,  men,  women  and 
children,  eagerly  sought  for  and  occupied  this  low  posi 
tion.  Then  chairs  were  arranged  directly  behind  the 
curbstone,  and  were  rapidly  filled.  Every  conceivable 
elevation  which  could  ^  afford  the  slightest  view  of  the 
streets  was  occupied.  House-tops,  balconies  and  win 
dows  were  filled,  and  many  citizens  had  private  plat 
forms  for  the  accommodation  of  their  friends.  By  this 
time  the  sun,  which  had  brought  so  much  brightness 
at  early  morn,  seemed  to  have  been  reinforced  with 
much  more  brilliancy,  and  the  lake  breeze  had  died 
away,  leaving  the  air  hot  and  motionless. 


ASSASSINATION   OF    PRESIDENT   GARFIELD.  729 

Immediately  after  the  completion  of  the  religious 
ceremonies,  the  coffin  was  removed  from  the  catafalque 
to  the  funeral  car ;  this  occupied  fifteen  minutes  time. 
A  corps  of  United  States  marines  from  the  United 
States  steamer  Michigan  formed  parallel  lines  from  the 
east  side  of  the  pavilion  to  the  east  entrance  to  the 
Park,  through  which  the  casket  was  borne  on  the 
shoulders  of  the  United  States  artillerymen,  under 
command  of  Lieutenant  Weaver,  Second  United  States 
Artillery,  to  the  funeral  car,  followed  by  the  mourners, 
who  took  seats  in  carriages. 

The  casket  having  been  placed  in  the  car,  the  pro 
cession  moved  off  at  five  minutes  before  twelve  in  the 
following  order : 

Marshal-in-chief,  General  Jas.  Barnett ;  with  the  fol 
lowing  staff : 

General  Ed.  S.  Meyer,  Adjutant-General;  Major  W. 
F.  Goodspeed,  Assistant  Adjutant-General;  Captain  C. 
C.  Dewstoe,  Assistant  Adjutant-General;  Aides-de-camp, 
General  J.  J.  Elwell,  Colonel  J.  F.  Isom,  Colonel  E. 
Sawers,  Colonel  M.  L.  Dernpsy,  Colonel  A.  M.  Burns, 
Colonel  E.  S.  Coe,  Colonel  A.  F.  Brinsmade,  Major  W. 
P.  Edgerson,  Colonel  L.  R.  Davis,  Colonel  S.  V.  Lamer- 
ttux,  Colonel  W.  F.  Kinman,  Captain  Felix  Rosenberg, 
Captain  J.  C.  Hutchins,  Captain  J.  B.  Allender,  Cap 
tain  N.  D.  Fisher,  Captain  W.  J.  Gleason,  Captain  D. 
H.  Kimberly,  Captain  Frank  Rielly,  Captain  J.  Weid- 
enkoff,  Captain  F.  W.  Petton,  Captain  N.  Weidenkoflf, 
Captain  Percy  W.  Rice,  Captain  W.  Smith,  Captain 
Theodore  Voges,  Captain  C.  E.  Burke,  Captain  Geo. 
W.  Howe,  Captain  Q.  J.  Carran,  Captain  W.  H.  Fer- 
rand. 


730  JAMES    A.    GARFIELD. 

First  Division.— Colonel  H.  M.  Duffield,  Detroit  In 
fantry,  commanding.  Detachment  of  police ;  Silver 
Gray's  Band  of  Cleveland ;  Boston  Independent  Fu- 
sileers;  Spaulding  Guards;  Company  B,  74th  Regiment 
New  York  National  Guards ;  Owen  City  Guards ; 
Company  F,  74th  Regiment  New  York  National 
Guards ;  Buffalo  City  Guards  ;  Cadet  Band ;  Buffalo  City 
Cadets;  United  States  Barracks  band,  of  Columbus, 
Ohio;  Governor's  Guard,  Columbus,  Ohio;  Toledo 
Cadets'  band ;  Toledo  Cadets ;  Detroit  Infantry  band ; 
Detroit  Infantry ;  Washington  Infantry  band,  of  Pitts- 
burgh  ;  Washington  Infantry ;  Gatling  Gun  battery  ; 
First  Ohio  battery. 

Second  Division. — Uniformed  Societies,  Colonel  Al 
bert  Barnitz,  commanding.  Aids,  Captain  M.  B.  Gary, 
Major  A.  W.  Fenton,  Captain  E.  M.  Hessler,  Captain 
C.  C.  Anns,  Captain  W.  A.  Ludlum,  Captain  W.  J. 
Starkweather.  Columbia  Cornmandery,  No.  2,  Wash 
ington,  D.  C. ;  Detroit  Commandery,  No.  1,  Detroit; 
Hugh  De  Payne  Commandery,  Buffalo;  De  Molay 
Commandery,  Louisville,  Ky. ;  Oliva  Commandery, 
Erie,  Pa. ;  Cincinnati  Commandery,  No.  3,  Cincinnati ; 
Reed  Commandery,  No.  6,  Dayton ;  Toledo  Command 
ery,  No.  7,  Toledo ;  Hanselman  Commandery,  Cincin 
nati  ;  Mansfield  Commandery,  No.  21,  Mansfield  ;  Erie 
Commandery,  Sandusky;  Akron  Commandery,  Akron, 
Ohio;  Cachte  Commandery,  Conneaut,  Ohio;  Eagle 
Commandery,  Painesville,  Ohio ;  Norwalk  Command 
ery,  Norwalk,  Ohio;  Holy  Rood  Commandery,  Cleve 
land  ;  Oriental  Commandery,  Cleveland ;  N.  W.  Battal 
ion,  Uniform  Patriarchs,  I.  0.  0.  F. ;  Preux  Chevaliei 


ASSASSINATION   OF   PRESIDENT   GARFIELD.  731 

Division,  K.  of  P.;  Cleveland  Division,  K.  of  P.;  Camp 
Cordes  Drill  Battalion,  I.  0.  0.  F. ;  other  uniform  socie 
ties  not  reported. 

Third  Division. — Veteran  Societies,  General  M.  D. 
Leggett,  commanding.  Aids,  Captain  John  Crowell, 
Jr.,  Captain  G.  A.  Groot,  Captain  G.  H.  Foster,  Cap 
tain  J.  A.  Bennett,  Captain  P.  B.  Smith,  Lieutenant 
Fred  Kinsman,  Jr.,  Lieutenant  Sedmund  Clark,  George 
W.  Stockley,  Forty-second  Regiment,  0.  V.  I.  (Gar- 
field's  regiment)  ;  Cuyahoga  County  Soldiers'  and 
Sailors'  Union,  excluding  all  veteran  regimental 
organizations;  Grand  Army  of  the  Republic;  Gen 
eral  Lyon  Post,  East  Liverpool,  Ohio;  Paulus 
Post,  Ashtabula,  Ohio ;  Custer  Post,  Conneaut,  Ohio; 
Hart  Post,  Massilon,  Ohio;  Tod  Post,  Youngstown, 
Ohio ;  Canton  Post,  Canton,  Ohio ;  Grand  Army  Post, 
Pittsburgh,  Pa. ;  other  posts  of  the  department  of  Ohio. 
Societies — Williams  College,  Western  Reserve  Univer 
sity,  Hudson ;  Delta  Epsilon  Fraternity,  Republican 
Invincibles,  Philadelphia;  Life  Saving  Service,  Gar- 
field  and  Arthur  Glee  Club,  Columbus ;  Independent 
Order  of  Foresters,  Ancient  Order  of  Foresters,  Inde 
pendent  Order  of  Red  Men,  Independent  Order  of 
Free  Sons  of  Israel,  Hungarian  Societies,  I.  0.  B. 
and  S.  S.  B.,  Verein  Deutscher  Kriezer,  Bohemian 
Societies,  Swiss  Beneficial  Society,  Order  of  Sons  of 
St.  George. 

Fourth  Division. — Civic  Societies,  Captain  E.  H. 
Bohm,  commanding.  Aids,  Captain  L.  E.  Lambert, 
Herman  Mueller,  Ed.  Vopaleckey,  E.  E.  Klauyman,  F. 
Seelbach,  Emil  J.  Weil  and  Herrnon  Schmidt.  First 


732  JAMES   A.   GARFIELD. 

Voters'  Battalion,  Socialer  Turnverein,  German  Order 
of  Harigari,  Trades  Unions,  Cleveland  Lodge,  No.  61, 
K.  of  P.,  Bricklayers'  Union,  No.  5,  of  Ohio;  Garfield 
and  Arthur  Escort  Corps,  of  Pittsburgh  ;  Ancient  Order 
United  Workmen,  of  Buffalo ;  nine  Lodges  Ohio  Divi 
sion  I.  0.  0.  F. 

Fifth  Division. — Irish  and  Catholic  Societies,  Cap 
tain  M.  A.  Foran,  commanding.  Aids,  Patrick  Reilly, 
J.  P.  Darnley,  Thomas  Humphrey,  Jerry  Sheehan,  P. 
A.  Dempsey,  James  McNeil,  Geo.  Kcssler,  John  Knick- 
ing,  J.  J.  Jerdra,  T.  Glidden.  Societies — Irish  Ameri 
can  Legion,  Cleveland;  German  American  Legion, 
Cleveland ;  Knights  of  St.  Winceslaus,  Cleveland ; 
Knights  of  St.  Louis,  Cleveland ;  Knights  of  St. 
George,  Cleveland ;  Hibernian  Rifles,  Cleveland ;  St. 
Cyril  and  Methodius  Societies,  Cleveland ;  St.  John's 
Society,  Cleveland ;  St.  Patrick  T.  A.  Society,  Cleve 
land  ;  St.  Malachi  T.  A.  Society ;  Father  Mathew  Total 
Abstinence  Society,  Newburg ;  Immaculate  Conception 
T.  A.  Society,  Cleveland ;  Annunciation  T.  A.  Society, 
Cleveland;  Sfc  Patrick's  T.  A.  Cadets,  Cleveland;  St. 
Malachi's  T.  A.  Cadets,  Cleveland ;  Ancient  Order 
Hibernians  (ten  divisions),  Cleveland;  Knights  of 
Erin,  Cleveland;  Knights  of  Erin,  Newburg;  St. 
Patrick's  Benevolent  Society,  Cleveland ;  St.  Joseph's 
Society,  St  Peter's  Church,  Cleveland;  St.  Joseph's 
Society,  St  Mary's  Church,  Cleveland  ;  St.  Joseph's 
Society,  St  Joseph's  Church,  Cleveland ;  St.  Stephen's 
Society,  CJ-eveland  ;  Knights  of  St.  Joseph,  Cleveland  ; 
Knights  of  St.  John,  Cleveland  ;  Young  Men's  Sodality, 
Cleveland  ;  St.  Anthony's  Society,  Cleveland ;  St. 


ASSASSINATION   OF   PRESIDENT  GARFIELD.  733 

Albert's  Society,  Cleveland ;  St.  Bridget's  Society, 
Cleveland. 

Sixth  Division. — Colonel  H.  N.  Wilbeck,  commanding. 
Aids,  Captain  W.  C.  Cowein,  Captain  J.  N.  Estabrook, 
Captain  T.  K.  Dissette,  Captain  D.  N.  Alvord,  Cap 
tain  Thos.  Smith,  Captain  Henry  Gordon,  Hon.  Joseph 
Breck,  Hon.  J.  M.  Curtiss,  James  W.  Deveney,  Frank 
Brown,  C.  P.  Dryden,  William  Hanna,  W.  Horton,  Jr. 
Citizens  of  Detroit ;  citizens  of  Canton  ;  citizens  of  the 
Nineteenth  Congressional  District,  and  other  organized 
bodies  of  citizens  from  abroad. 

Seventh  Division. — Funeral  escort,  Colonel  John  M. 
Wilson,  U.  S.  A.,  commanding.  Aids,  Captain  T.  A. 
Kendell,  Lieutenant  Sanbarn,  Lieutenant  G.  H.  An 
drews,  Lieutenant  Bawker,  Marine  Band  of  Washing 
ton,  D.  C.,  Cleveland  City  Troop,  Funeral  Car  and 
bearers  (detachment  of  Second  U.  S.  Artillery,  under 
command  of  Lieutenant  Weaver),  battalion  of  Knights 
Templar,  Cleveland  Grays. 

Eighth  Division. — Colonel  W.  H.  Hay  ward,  com 
manding.  Vehicles  containing  guard  of  honor;  Gen 
eral  W.  T.  Sherman,  General  P.  H.  Sheridan,  General 
W.  S.  Hancock,  General  R.  C.  Drum,  Admiral  D.  S. 
Porter,  Pay  Director  Looker,  Surgeon  General  P.  S. 
Wales,  Commodore  Carl  English,  ex-Presidents  of  the 
United  States,  Cabinet  officers,  members  of  Diplomatic 
Corps,  Judges  of  the  Supreme  Court,  United  States 
Senators,  Governors  of  States  and  their  staffs,  Members 
of  Congress,  Society  of  the  Army  of  the  Cumberland, 
Mayors  of  cities,  distinguished  guests  invited  by  the 
Secretary  of  State. 


734  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD. 

Ninth  Division. — Ohio  National  Guard,  General  S. 
P.  Smith,  Adjutant-General  of  Ohio,  commanding. 
Consisting  of  the  following  companies :  Third  Regi 
ment  0.  N.  G.,  Fourth  Regiment  0.  N.  G.,  Fifth  Regi 
ment  0.  N.  G.,  Sixth  Regiment  0.  N.  G.,  Seventh 
Regiment  0.  N.  G.,  Eighth  Regiment  0.  N.  G.,  Ninth 
Regiment  0.  N.  G.,  Eleventh  Regiment  0.  N.  G., 
Fourteenth  Regiment  0.  N.  G.,  Sixteenth  Regiment  0. 
N.  G. 

The  military  moved  past  with  reversed  guns,  draped 
colors  and  muffled  drums,  and  in  the  order  detailed 
ahove.  After  the  Detroit  Company  came  the  Boston 
Fusileers,  an  old  and  time-honored  organization.  They 
were  followed  by  Companies  B  and  F,  Seventy-fourth 
Regiment  National  Guard,  State  of  New  York;  the 
Buffalo  City  Guard  Cadets,  who  were  much  admired, 
and  the  Buffalo  City  Guard.  Next  came  the  famous 
United  States  Barracks  Band,  of  Columbus,  followed  by 
the  Governor's  Guard,  a  magnificent  and  finely  propor 
tioned  body  of  men.  The  Toledo  Cadets  made  a  very 
handsome  showing,  and  received  marked  recognition 
from  the  spectators  for  their  precision  in  marching. 
Much  favorable  comment  was  made  upon  the  Wash 
ington  Infantry  of  Pittsburgh.  The  Gatling  gun  and 
the  Cleveland  Light  Artillery  followed  in  platoon  front, 
and  their  appearance  delighted  the  spectators.  With 
erect  form  and  noble  carriage  came  the  Knights  Tem 
plar  and  Knights  of  Pythias,  whose  floating  plumes 
and  drawn  swords  carried  one  back  to  the  days  of  "an 
cient  lore."  Next  came  the  veterans  of  the  war,  who 
to  the  inspiring  strains  of  music  seemed  to  forget  their 


ASSASSINATION   OF   PRESIDENT   GARFIELD.  735 

age  and  infirmities,  and  marched  with  the  swinging, 
steady  gait  they  had  learned  while  serving  their  coun 
try  in  the  war. 

The  fourth,  fifth  and  sixth  divisions  comprised  only 
civic  societies,  mostly  ununiformed,  and  the  crowd 
availed  every  opportunity  to  rest  as  it  passed.  Then 
every  eye  was  strained  and  every  neck  stretched  to  see 
the  division  of  honor,  the  seventh,  in  charge  of  Major 
Wilson.  First  came  the  famous  Marine  Band,  of 
Washington,  then  the  First  City  Troop,  in  platoons, 
and  the  funeral-car,  drawn  by  twelve  black  horses, 
four  abreast,  which  impatiently  champed  their  bits  at 
the  slow  and  solemn  progress.  The  car  was  surrounded 
by  the  guard  of  honor,  composed  of  detachments  from 
the  artillery,  the  marines,  seamen,  Cleveland  Grays 
and  Washington  and  Cleveland  Knights  Templar,  in 
nearly  the  same  order  as  when  the  body-guard  escorted 
from  the  station  on  Saturday,  the  Cleveland  Grays 
occupying  the  extreme  left.  As  the  division  passed 
many  heads  were  uncovered,  but  in  the  main  the 
crowd  was  too  anxious  to  see,  and  even  this  slight 
tribute  of  respect  to  the  illustrious  dead  was  forgotten.' 
Such  expressions  as  "  There's  Hancock,"  "  there's 
Elaine,"  or  "there's  Sherman,"  were  heard  on  every 
hand,  and  many  declared  fhat  Grant  was  a  fine-looking 
man  when  they  had  mistaken  Admiral  Porter  for  the 
silent  soldier.  After  the  division  of  honor  came  the 
mourners,  and  many  an  eye  which  had  but  a  moment 
before  dilated  with  admiration  at  the  gay  uniforms  of 
the  military  and  naval  officers,  now  filled  with  tears 
as  they  gazed  at  the  carriage  in  which  rode  the  sor- 


736  JAMES   A.  GARFIELD. 

rowing  widow  and  the  bereaved  mother.  Grandma 
Garfield  had  her  veil  thrown  back,  exposing  her  dear, 
sweet  face  and  silvery  locks,  the  features  drawn  by 
grief. 

The  scene  was  a  striking  one.  The  gay  uniforms  of 
the  soldiers,  followed  by  the  long  line  of  citizens  arid 
the  hearse,  with  its  mournful  surroundings,  made  a 
pageant  which  was  beautiful  and  imposing.  The  six 
miles  of  Euclid  avenue  were  decorated  in  a  manner 
becoming  the  occasion.  The  designs  were  varied  and 
handsomely  and  tastefully  arranged.  Life-size  pictures 
of  the  dead  President  were  hung  in  front  of  many  of 
the  beautiful  mansions  along  the  avenue,  draped  with 
the  national  colors  and  entwined  with  black  crape,  re 
lieved  by  festoons  of  white.  In  the  lawns  in  front  of 
a  large  number  of  the  residences  tasteful  designs  had 
been  erected.  Broken  shafts  surrounded  with  smilax ; 
massive  crosses,  shields,  anchors,  harps  and  crowns 
were  seen  on  every  hand,  elaborately  decorated  with 
evergreens  and  flowers  suitable  for  mourning  designs. 
On  Prospect  street,  second  in  beauty  to  Euclid  avenue 
only,  and  on  the  other  streets  leading  to  the  cemetery, 
there  was  the  same  universal  expression  of  mourning 
by  the  residents.  Elegant  silk  flags  trimmed  with 
black  hung  from  many  a  staff,  and  broad  bands  of  crape 
were  stretched  from  roof  to  foundation  on  many  of  the 
residences.  The  Ashtabula  Battery,  which  was  sta 
tioned  along  the  line  of  march,  divided  into  two  sec 
tions  three  miles  apart,  fired  minute  guns  as  the  funeral 
procession  passed.  The  State  militia  were  stationed  at 
the  entrance  to  the  cemetery  and  on  each  side  of  the 


THE  FUNERAL  CAR  ENTERING   LAKWIEW  CEMETERY 


4 
\VM.  WINDOM,  PRES.   GARFIELDS  SECRETARY  OF  THE  TBEASUBY, 


ASSASSINATION   OF   PRESIDENT    GARFIELD.  737 

driveways  leading  to  the  vault,  where  at  Mrs.  Garfield's 
request  it  was  decided  to  place  the  remains.  The  steps 
to  the  vault  were  carpeted  with  Mowers,  and  on  both 
sides  of  the  entrance  were  anchors  of  tuberoses  and  a 
cross  of  white  srnilax  and  evergreen.  Festooned  above 
a  heavy  black  canopy  was  stretched  over  the  steps 
from  which  the  exercises  were  to  be  conducted. 

The  procession  occupied  two  hours  and  a  quarter 
in  passing  a  given  point.  It  was  about  four  miles  in 
length.  At  3.30  it  entered  the  gateway  of  the  cemetery, 
which  was  arched  over  with  black,  with  appropriate 
inscriptions.  On  the  keystone  were  the  words,  "Come 
to  Rest;"  on  one  side  were  the  words,  "Lay  him  to  rest 
whom  we  have  learned  to  love;"  upon  the  other,  "Lay 
him  to  rest  whom  we  have  learned  to  trust."  A  massive 
cross  of  evergreen  issued  from  the  centre  of  the  arch. 
The  United  States  Marine  Band,  continuing  the  mourn 
ful  strains  it  had  kept  up  during  the  entire  march, 
entered  first.  Then  came  the  Forest  City  Troop,  of 
Cleveland,  who  were  the  escort  of  the  President  to  his 
inauguration.  Behind  them  came  the  funeral  ear,  with 
its  escort  of  twelve  United  States  artillerymen,  followed 
by  a  battalion  of  Knights  Templar  and  the  Cleveland 
Grays.  The  mourners'  carriage  and  those  containing 
the  guard  of  honor  comprised  all  of  the  precession  that 
entered  the  grounds.  The  cavalry  halted  at  the  vault 
and  drew  up  in  line  facing  it,  with  sabres  presented. 
The  car  drew  up  in  front,  with  the  mourners'  carriage 
and  those  of  the  Cabinet  behind.  The  band  pla}Ted 
*;  Nearer,  my  God,  to  Thee,"  as  the  military  escort 
lifted  the  coffin  from  the  car  and  carried  it  into  the 

47 


738  JAMES    A.  GARFIELD. 

vault,  the  local  committee  of  reception,  Secretary 
Blaine,  Marshall  Henry  and  one  or  two  personal 
friends  standing  at  each  side  of  the  entrance.  None 
of  the  President's  family,  except  two  of  the  boys,  left 
the  carriages  during  the  exercises,  which  occupied  less 
than  half  an  hour.  Dr.  J.  P.  Robinson,  as  president 
of  the  day,  opened  the  exercises  by  introducing  Rev. 
J.  H.  Jones,  chaplain  of  the  Forty-second  Regiment 
Ohio  Volunteer  Infantry,  which  General  Garfield  com 
manded.  Chaplain  Jones  spoke  at  considerable  length 
of  his  old  comrade-in-arms.  A  beautiful  hymn  was 
rendered  by  the  German  singing  societies,  President 
Ilinsdale,  of  Hiram  College,  pronounced  the  benedic 
tion,  and  the  last  sad  rites  over  James  A.  Garfield,  the 
martyr  President,  were  completed.  Quite  a  shower 
of  rain  fell  while  the  exercises  at  the  grave  were  going 
on,  which  was  the  only  feature  to  mar  the  perfect 
fulfilment  of  the  day's  sad  ceremonies.  The  pro 
cession  reformed  at  the  cemetery  and  inarched  back  to 
the  city  in  the  same  order  that  it  started  from  the 
catafalque. 

So  ended  the  last  honors  the  Nation  could  pay  to 
its  Martyred  President.  Yet  his  name  and  fame  will 
live  a  bright  example  to  all  the  world,  and  one  of 
the  proudest  and  most  valued  possessions  of  the  great 
people  for  whom  he  died. 


THE   LIFE   AND   PUBLIC   SERVICES 


OP 


0-KN.  CHESTER  A.  ARTHUR. 


CHAPTER  I. 

rind  Parentage — College  Life — Teaches  a  Country  School — Studies 
Law — Admitted  to  Practice — Settles  in  New  York — Marries  the  Daugh 
ter  of  a  Hero — Defends  two  Fugitive  Slaves — Carries  his  Case  to  a  Tri 
umphant  Issue — Appointed  Engineer-in-Chief  of  Governor  Morgan's 
Staff — An  Honorable  Record — Refuses  to  accept  Presents  for  his  Public 
Services — His  Record  on  Civil  Service  Reform — Made  Collector  of  the 
Port  of  New  York — Puts  a  stop  to  Frauds  upon  the  Government — At 
tempts  to  fasten  Charges  of  Fraud  upon  Him  are  Unsuccessful — Re 
moved  from  Office  by  President  Hayes — Offered  the  post  of  Consul 
General  to  Paris — Refuses  it — Personal  Appearance — Nominated  for 
Vice-President — His  Letter  of  Acceptance. 

CHESTER  A.  ARTHUR,  was  born  in  Franklin  County,  Ver 
mont,  on  the  5th  of  October,  1830.  He  is  the  oldest  of 
a  family  of  two  sons  and  five  daughters.  His  father,  the 
Rev.  Dr.  William  Arthur,  a  Bnptist  clergyman,  emigrated 
from  the  County  of  Antrim,  in  Ireland,  to  this  country, 
in  his  eighteenth  year,  and  died  in  Newtonville,  near 
Albany,  New  York,  October  27,  1875.  General  Arthur 
was  educated  at  Union  College,  and  was  graduated 
in  the  class  of  '49.  After  leaving  college  he  taught  a 
country  school  during  two  years  in  Vermont,  and  then, 

739 


740  CHESTER   A.  ARTHUR. 

having  managed  by  rigid  economy  to  save  about  §500,  lie 
started  for  New  York,  and  entered  the  law  office  of  ex- 
Judge  E.  D.  Culver  as  a  student.  After  being  admitted 
to  the  bar,  he  formed  a  partnership  with  his  friend,  Henry 
D.  Gardiner,  with  the  intention  of  practising  in  the  West, 
but  in  the  end  they  returned  to  New  York,  where  they 
entered  upon  a  successful  career  almost  from  the  start. 
General  Arthur  soon  afterwards  married  the  daughter  of 
Lieutenant  Herndon,  United  States  Navy,  who  was  lost 
at  sea.  Mrs.  Arthur  died  only  a  short  time  ago. 

In  1852,  Jonathan  and  Juliet  Lemmon,  Virginian 
slaveholders,  intending  to  emigrate  to  Texas,  came  to 
New  York  to  await  the  sailing  of  a  steamer,  bringing 
eight  slaves  with  them.  A  writ  of  habeas  corpus  was 
obtained  from  Judge  Paine  to  test  the  question  whether 
the  provisions  of  the  Fugitive  Slave  law  were  in  force  in 
New  York  State.  Judge  Paine  rendered  a  decision  hold 
ing  that  they  were  not,  and  ordering  the  Lemmon  slaves 
to  be  liberated.  Henry  L.  Clinton  was  one  of  the  counsel 
for  the  slaveholders.  A  howl  of  rage  went  up  from  the 
South,  and  the  Virginia  legislature  authorized  the  Attor 
ney-General  of  that  State  to  assist  in  taking  an  appeal. 
William  M.  Evarts  and  Chester  A.  Arthur  were  employed 
to  represent  the  people,  and  they  won  their  case,  which 
then  went  to  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States. 
Charles  O'Conor  espoused  the  cause  of  the  slaveholders, 
but  he,  too,  was  beaten  by  Messrs.  Evarts  and  Arthur, 
ani  a  long  step  was  taken  towards  the  emancipation  of 
the  black  race.  Another  great  service  was  rendered  by 
General  Arthur  in  the  same  cause  in  1850.  Lizzie  JOT;- 
nings,  a  respectable  colored  woman,  was  put  off  a  Ne\v 


LIFE   AND    SERVICES.  741 

York  street-car  with  violence,  after  she  had  paid  her  fare. 
General  Arthur  sued  on  her  behalf,  and  secured  a  verdict 
of  $500  damages.  The  next  day  the  company  issued  an 
order  to  permit  colored  persons  to  ride  on  their  cars,  and 
the  other  car  companies  quickly  followed  their  example. 

General  Arthur,  previous  to  the  outbreak  of  the  war, 
was  Judge-Advocate  of  the  2d  Brigade  of  the  New  York 
State  Militia,  and  Governor  Edwin  D.  Morgan,  soon  after 
his  inauguration,  selected  him  to  fill  the  position  of  Engi 
neer-in- Chief  of  his  staff.  In  1861  he  held  the  post  of 
Inspector-General,  and  soon  afterward  was  advanced  to 
that  of  Quartermaster-General,  which  he  held  until  the 
expiration  of  Morgan's  term  of  office.  No  higher  en 
comium  can  be  passed  upon  him  than  the  mention  of 
the  fact  that,  although  the  war  account  of  the  State  of 
New  York  was  at  least  ten  times  larger  than  that  of  any 
other  State,  yet  it  was  the  first  audited  and  allowed  in 
Washington,  and  without  the  deduction  of  a  dollar,  while 
the  Quartermaster's  accounts  from  other  States  were 
reduced  from  $10,000,000  to  $1,000,000.  During  his 
term  of  office  every  present  sent  to  him  was  immedi 
ately  returned.  Among  others,  a  prominent  clothing 
house  offered  him  a  magnificent  uniform,  and  a  printing 
house  sent  him  a  costly  saddle  and  trappings.  Both 
gifts  were  indignantly  rejected.  When  Mr.  Arthur  be 
came  Quartermaster- General  he  was  poor.  When  his 
term  expired  he  was  poorer  still.  He  had  opportuni 
ties  to  make  millions  unquestioned.  Contracts  larger 
than  the  world  had  ever  seen  were  at  his  disposal.  He 
had  to  provide  for  the  clothing,  arming,  and  transporta 
tion  of  hundreds  of  thousands  of  men  His  own  words 


742  CHESTER   A.  ARTHUR. 

in  regard  to  this  matter  amply  illustrate  his  character. 
".If  I  had  misappropriated  five  cents,  and  on  walking 
down  town  saw  two  men  talking  on  the  corner  together, 
I  would  imagine  they  were  talking  of  my  dishonesty, 
and  the  very  thought  would  drive  me  mad." 

At  the  expiration  of  Governor  Morgan's  term,  Ar 
thur  returned  to  his  law  practice.  Business  of  the  most 
lucrative  character  poured  in  upon  him,  and  the  firm 
of  Arthur  &  Gardiner  prospered  exceedingly.  Much  of 
their  work  consisted  in  the  collection  of  war  claims  and 
the  drafting  of  important  bills  for  speedy  legislation, 
and  a  great  deal  of  General  Arthur's  time  wras  spent  in 
Albany  and  Washington,  where  his  success  won  for  him 
a  national  reputation.  For  a  short  time  he  held  the 
position  of  counsel  to  the  Board  of  Tax  Commissioners 
of  New  York  city,  at  $10,000  per  annum.  Gradually  he 
was  drawn  into  the  arena  of  politics.  He  nominated, 
and  by  his  efforts  elected,  the  Hon.  Thomas  Murphy  a 
State'  Senator.  When  the  latter  resigned  the  collector- 
ship  of  the  port  of  New  York,  November  20,  1871, 
President  Grant  nominated  General  Arthur  to  the  vacant 
position,  and  four  years  later,  when  his  term  expired, 
renominated  him,  an  honor  that  had  never  been  shown 
to  any  previous  collector  in  the  history  of  the  port.  In 
a  letter  written  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  in  the 
winter  of  1877,  after  the  New  York  Custom  House  In 
vestigating  Committee  had  finished  their  labors,  General 
Arthur  said  : 

"  The  subject  of  civil  service  reform  and  the  modes 
of  appointment  to  office  is  that  to  which  the  commission 
2;ives  most  attention.  The  essential  elements  of  a  secret 


LIFE    AND    SERVICES.  743 

civil  service  I  understand  to  be  first,  permanence  .11 
office,  which,  of  course,  prevents  removals  except  for 
cause ;  second,  promotion  from  the  lower  to  the  higher 
grades,  based  upon  good  conduct  and  efficiency;  third, 
prompt  and  thorough  investigation  of  all  complaints,  and 
prompt  punishment  of  all  misconduct.  In  the  face  of 
the  misstatements  of  the  commission,  and  in  spite  of 
persistent  misrepresentations,  I  claim  that  the  adminis 
tration  of  my  office  has  been  characterized  by  the  ob 
servance  of  all  these.  In  this  respect  I  challenge  com 
parison  with  any  department  of  the  Government,  and 
maintain  that  civil  service  reform  has  been  more  faith 
fully  observed,  and  more  thoroughly  carried  out,  in  the 
New  York  Custom  House  than  in  any  other  branch  or 
department  of  the  Government,  either  under  the  present 
or  under  any  past  national  administration.  I  am  pre 
pared  to  demonstrate  the  truth  of  this  statement  on  any 
fair  investigation."  He  did  demonstrate  it  absolutely 
from  figures  and  statistics  taken  from  the  records  of  the 
Custom  House,  and  his  letter  was  unanswerable  and  has 
been  unanswered.  He  showed  that  during  his  term  of 
over  six  years  in  office  the  percentage  of  removals  was 
only  2J  against  an  annual  average  of  28  per  cent,  under 
his  three  immediate  predecessors,  and  an  annual  average 
of  about  24  per  cent,  since  1857,  when  Collector  Scholl 
took  office.  Of  the  923  persons  in  office  prior  to  his 
appointment.  531  were  still  retained  on  May  1,  1877. 
As  to  promotions,  Collector  Arthur  gave  statistics  which 
proved  that  during  his  whole  term  the  uniform  practice 
was  to  advance  men  from  the  lower  to  the  higher  grades, 
and  almost  without  exception  on  the  recommendation  of 


714  CHESTER    A.  ARTHUR. 

the  heads  of  bureaus.  All  appointments  except  two  to 
the  100  positions  commanding  salaries  of  $2,000  per 
year,  were  made  on  this  plan,  and  none  at  all  at  the  in 
stance  of  outsiders.  No  such  civil  service  was  ever 
maintained  in  any  other  government  bureau  in  the 
country.  It  also  appeared  from  the  statistics  and  history 
of  the  Custom  House,  as  quoted  in  the  collector's  letters, 
a  great  number  of  improvements  were  introduced  during 
his  administration ;  in  fact,  that  a  constant  series  of 
reforms  were  being  put  into  practice.  In  this  connec 
tion  General  Arthur  said  :  "It  is  not  my  purpose  here 
to  enumerate  them  all,  but  I  may  call  your  attention  to 
some.  The  general  order  system,  so  called,  had  been  for 
more  than  a  quarter  of  a  century  a  constant  subject  of 
complaint  by  the  merchants,  of  investigation  by  Con 
gress,  and  of  alleged  corruption.  Since  the  changes  in 
the  system  and  in  the  charges  for  storage  introduced  five 
years  ago,  no  whisper  of  complaint  has  been  heard.  By 
a  change  in  the  system  of  ordering  goods  for  examina 
tion,  the  methods  of  fraud  and  corruption  by  which  the 
Government  had  lost  large  sums  has  been  effectually 
checked.  By  another  change  triplicate  consular  invoices 
have  been  for  the  first  time  rendered  of  some  value,  and 
frauds  in  the  suppression  of  invoices  and  the  procure 
ment  of  appraisement  orders,  so  called,  have  been  stopped 
Fraud  or  misconduct  under  the  former  system  led  to  the 
removal  of  six  or  eight  officers  of  the  Appraiser's  Depart 
ment.  'l*he  introduction  of  a  system  by  which  prompt 
notice  is  given  to  merchants  of  refunds  of  duties  has 
saved  them  from  imposition  and  delay  in  the  receipt  of 
moneys  due.  A  change  in  the  liquidating  department 


LIFE    AND    SERVICES.  745 

ha*  reduced  the  time  needed  for  the  liquidation  of  en 
tries  from  months  to  weeks.  Only  importers  can  appre 
ciate  the  value  of  this  change.  The  efficiency  of  the 
bureau  in  charge  of  the  public  store  has  been  so  in 
creased  that  the  complaints  of  petty  pilfering  and  delays 
have  almost  ceased.  And  in  general  the  efficiency  of  the 
entire  force,  including  that  immediately  under  the  con 
trol  of  the  surveyor,  has  been  so  increased  us  to  be 
greater  than  at  any  previous  period." 

The  New  York  Custom  House,  during  General  Ar 
thur's  administration,  was  the  best  investigated  place  in 
the  country,  but  every  attempt  to  find  a  flaw  resulted 
the  same.  It  came  out  from  each  ordeal  without  a  single 
breath  of  allegation  against  its  head.  It  may  be  that 
these  attempts  were  made  because  Collector  Arthur  stood 
up  so  steadfastly  for  his  people.  When  new  administra 
tions  come  into  power,  and  there  are  new  crowds  of 
office  seekers  to  satisfy,  there  is  apt  under  such  circum 
stances  to  be  some  jarring.  It  is  a  fact  that  the  only  at 
tempts  at  violation  of  the  civil  service  rules  were  made, 
not  by  him,  but  from  Washington.  An  examination  of 
the  Custom  House  files  would  reveal  many  letters  from 
Washington,  accompanied  by  the  strongest  recommenda 
tions,  urging  the  appointment  of  their  bearers  to  various 
positions  in  the  New  York  Custom  House,  from  that  of 
Deputy  Collector  down.  These  efforts  to  violate  his  sys 
tem  of  civil  serviqe  reform  were  steadily  withstood  by 
Collector  Arthur. 

General  Arthur  was  admirably  fitted  to  discuss  the 
legal  questions  continually  arising  under  the  manifold 
revenue  laws,  and  it  was  his  constant  habit  at  the  close 


746  CHESTER    A.  ARTHUR. 

of  each  day's  business  to  carefully  go  over  and  settle  the 
many  points  raised  in  the  correspondence  bureau,  and  by 
application  from  merchants.  The  New  York  Custom 
House  thus  became  under  his  management  a  reference 
not  only  of  the  Treasury  Department,  but  of  nearly  all 
the  other  Custom  Houses  in  the  country,  and  perhaps  no 
more  instructive  school  could  be  found  than  the  one 
where  the  revenue  laws  were,  under  his  supervision,  daily 
interpreted. 

General  Arthur  was  removed  by  President  Hayes  on 
July  12,  1878,  despite  the  fact  that  two  special  commit 
tees  made  searching  investigation  into  his  administration, 
and  both  reported  themselves  unable  to  find  anything 
upon  which  to  base  a  charge  against  him.  In  their  pro- 
nunciamentos  announcing  the  change,  both  President 
Hayes  and  Secretary  Sherman  bore  official  witness  to  the 
purity  of  his  acts  while  in  office.  A  petition  for  his  re 
tention  was  signed  by  every  judge  of  every  court  in  New 
York,  by  all  the  prominent  members  of  the  bar,  and  by 
nearly  every  important  merchant  in  the  collection  dis 
trict,  but  this  General  Arthur  himself  suppressed.  Im 
mediately  upon  his  removal  from  the  New  York  collec- 
torship,  General  Arthur  was  offered  by  President  Hayes 
the  Consul-Generalship  at  Paris.  In  a  letter  acknowl 
edging  the  tender  of  the  office,  General  Arthur  expressed 
his  appreciation  of  the  compliment,  and  his  regret  that 
his  private  interests  were  in  such  a  condition  that  he 
could  not  accept  it. 

In  person  General  Arthur  is  over  six  feet  in  height, 
broad-shouldered,  athletic,  and  handsome.  He  is  an 
ardent  disciple  of  Izaak  Walton  and  a  member  of  tho 


LIFE   AND   SERVICES.  747 

Restigouche  Salmon  Fishing  Club.  He  is  a  man  of  great 
culture  and  wide  experience,  an  able  lawyer,  with  refined 
tastes,  and  manners  of  the  utmost  geniality. 

Although  General  Arthur's  prominence  in  the  party 
was  so  great,  it  was  not  generally  supposed  that  he  would 
receive  either  nomination.  After  the  nomination  of  Gen 
eral  Garfield  on  the  8th  of  June,  the  convention  ad 
journed  until  the  afternoon. 

The  convention  began  to  reassemble  at  five  o'clock. 

On  the  chairman's  table  stood  a  large  floral  effigy  of 
a  full-rigged  ship  floating  on  a  sea  of  color,  in  which  the 
name  of  Garfield  was  worked  in  scarlet  flowers. 

The  convention  was  called  to  order  at  5.30.  Lum- 
bard's  male  quartet,  of  Chicago,  opened  the  proceedings 
with  the  song  "  My  Country  'tis  of  Thee,"  eliciting  much 
applause  and  a  recall,  to  which  they  responded  by  giving 
the  comic  negro  campaign  song  known  as  "  Old  Shady." 

When  the  music  ceased  Mr.  Geary,  of  Maryland, 
moved  that  the  convention  proceed  to  receive  the  nomi 
nation  for  a  candidate  for  Vice-President  Adopted. 

On  California  being  called,  Mr.  Pixley  rose  to  put  in 
nomination  by  his  own  delegation  a  nominee  for  the  sec 
ond  place  on  the  ticket.  He  commended  the  nomination 
of  Garfield  as  a  strong  one,  and  urged  the  importance  of 
nominating  an  equally  strong  man  for  the  second  place. 
He  named  Elihu  13.  Washburne,  of  Illinois,  whose  career 
in  Congress  was  most  creditable,  and  to  whose  wise,  hu 
mane,  and  manly  course  in  Paris  during  the  Commune  the 
speaker  was  an  eye-witness,  a  man  whose  conduct  on  thai 
occasion  should  and  would  draw  to  the  ticket  on  which 
he  is  placed  the  great  mass  of  the  German  vote. 


748  CHESTER    A.  ARTHUR. 

While  Mr.  Pixley  was  speaking,  Mr.  Logan  was 
seen  talking  to  the  Ohio  delegation,  apparently  in  ex 
cited  remonstrance  against  their  support  of  the  Wash- 
burne  movement. 

Mr.  McCarthy,  of  New  York,  seconded  Washb time's 
nomination,  but  the  confusion  rendered  his  utterance 
nearly  unintelligible  at  the  reporters'  seats.  He  was  un 
derstood,  however,  to  eulogize  Washburne's  career  both  at 
home  and  abroad,  and  elicited  a  cordial  and  hearty  ap 
plause  from  the  galleries. 

Mr.  Robinson,  of  Connecticut,  presented  the  name  of 
Marshall  Jewell,  of  that  State. 

Mr.  Hicks,  of  Florida,  after  an  earnest  presentation 
of  the  sufferings  of  Republicans  in  the  South,  because 
they  had  the  courage  of  their  convictions,  presented  the 
name  of  Thomas  Settle,  of  Florida  [applause],  whose 
nomination  would  help  to  break  the  solid  South. 

Mr.  Harris,  of  North  Carolina,  a  colored  delegate, 
seconded  Mr.  Settle's  nomination  as  one  that  would  com 
mand  general  approval  in  the  South,  because  of  his  ser 
vices  to  the  Republican  party,  and  his  efforts  to  secure  to 
all  men  their  equal  rights  before  the  law.  He  was  the 
sledge-hammer  with  which  to  break  the  backbone  of 
the  solid  South. 

Mr.  Conger,  of  Michigan,  in  accordance  with  the 
unanimous  vote  of  the  Michigan  State  Convention,  said 
he  would  htive  been  glad  to  present  the  name  of  Thomas 
\V.  Ferry,  but  he  had  a  letter  from  the  senator  abso 
lutely  declining  the  use  of  his  name,  and  he  asked  to 
have  it  received  and  made  part  of  the  record.  Agreed  to. 

Mr.  Houck,  of  Tennessee,  in  obedience  to  the  Repub- 


LIFE    AND    SERVICES.  749 

lican  convention  of  that  State,  and  the  common  senti 
ment  of  the  Republicans  of  the  South,  put  in  nomination 
Horace  Maynard,  of  Tennessee. 

Mr.  Frye  was  called  to  the  chair. 

Mr.  Wood  ford,  of  New  York,  said  the  great  majority 
of  the  delegates  from  New  York  came  here  with  the 
earnest  desire  and  purpose  to  secure  the  nomination  of 
General  Grant.  In  this  they  had  been  disappointed,  but 
would  give  the  ticket  hearty  support.  In  behalf  of  many 
of  the  New  York  delegation,  he  presented  the  name  of 
Chester  A.  Arthur,  of  New  York,  for  Vice-President. 

Mr.  Dennison,  of  Ohio,  seconded  Arthur's  nomination. 
He  embraced  the  occasion  briefly,  in  the  name  of  the 
Ohio  delegation,  to  thank  the  convention  for  their  action 
in  nominating  General  Gar  field. 

The  chairman  read  a  telegram  from  Oregon  to  dele 
gate  Scott,  announcing  that  the  Republicans  carried  that 
State  by  1,000  majority  yesterday,  and  that  Garfield's 
nomination  excited  great  enthusiasm. 

Mr.  Kilpatrick,  of  New  Jersey,  seconded  Arthur's 
nomination  as  one  well  calculated  to  secure  the  vote  of 
New  York  for  the  ticket. 

Mr.  Storrs,  of  Illinois,  on  behalf  of  the  majority 
of  the  Illinois  delegation,  supported  Arthur's  nomination, 
which  would  be  gratifying  to  the  old  guard,  which,  dur 
ing  thirty-six  ballots  here,  had  never  wavered  in  its  sup 
port  of  the  silent  old  soldier.  (Applause.) 

Mr.  Lynch  (colored),  of  Mississippi,  said  for  the 
Southern  Grant  Republicans,  that  they  willingly  and 
heartily  concurred  in  New  York's  choice,  and  hoped  it 
would  be  ratified  by  the  convention. 


750 


CHESTER    A.  ARTHUR. 


A  Maryland  delegation  also  seconded  Arthur's  nom 
ination,  and  said  his  delegation  would  sustain  it  with  a 
solid  vote.  He  regretted  that  he  could  not  yet  promise 
that  Maryland  would  give  a  majority  for  the  ticket  in 
November  next,  but  the  nomination  already  made  and 
the  one  proposed  would  give  Maryland  Republicans  the 
best  possible  opportunity  to  battle  for  a  political  revolu 
tion  in  that  State.  (Applause.) 

Mr.  Filley,  of  Missouri,  announced  that  his  State 
would  give  thirty  votes  to  Arthur. 

Mr.  Chambers,  of  Texas,  presented  the  name  of  ex- 
Governor  Davis,  of  that  State,  and  got  a  little  excited  by 
interruptions  of  those  who  called  "  Time  "  and  "  Ques 
tion."  Florida  withdrew  Settle  in  favor  of  Arthur.  Mr. 
Cessnn,  of  Pennsylvania,  said  his  delegation  was  within 
two  votes  of  a  unit  for  Arthur. 

Mr.  White,  of  Kentucky,  said  his  delegation  was  a 
unit  for  Arthur. 

Mr.  McCarthy,  of  New  York,  withdrew  his  second  to 
Washburne's  nomination,  and  moved  that  Arthur's  nomi 
nation  be  made  by  acclamation. 

The  chair  ruled  that  the  roll  must  be  called  on  this 
ballot,  and  that  Mr.  McCarthy's  motion  was  out  of  order. 

Texas  withdrew  Mr.  Davis's  name.  Mr.  Hoar  re 
sumed  the  chair,  and  stated  that  it  was  in  order  to  sus 
pend  the  rules  by  a  two-thirds  vote. 

A  delegate  moved  that  the  rules  be  suspended,  and 
the  nomination  of  Mr.  Arthur  be  made  by  acclamation 
The  motion  to  suspend  was  lost. 

Roll  was  called  on  the  ballot,  which  resulted  as  fol 
lows  : 


LIFE    AND    SERVICES. 


751 


THE   VICE-PRESIDENTIAL   BALLOT. 
The  followinu  is  the  detailed   vote  for  Vice-President : 


STATES. 

1 

K 

/. 

00 

<•, 

£ 

< 

OD 

SETTL?;. 

JEWELL. 

WOODFOHJ). 

u; 

ta 
a; 
CQ 

MAYXAKD. 

ALCORN. 

20 

18 

0 

Arkansas 

12 

12 

California             ... 

12 

12 

6 

G 

12 

12 

Delaware     

<5 

0 

Florida  

8 

8 

Georgia 

22 

22 

Illinois     

42 

18 

24 

Indiana 

30 

11 

1 

5 

J 

2 

4 

•» 

00 

Kansas  

10 

10 

Kentucky  

24 

24 

Ijouisiana          

10 

10 

2 

4 

Maine  

14 

14 

Maryland                               . 

10 

16 

9(} 

22 

2 

1 

22 

14 

G 

1 

Minnesota,                          . 

10 

2 

8 

Mississippi     

10 

11 

1 

^ 

Missou  ri 

30 

30 

Nebraska      .                . 

G 

6 

Nevada        

G 

G 

\e\v  Hampshire 

10 

8 

3 

4 

New  Jersey     

lo 

14 

3 

1 

New  York     

70 

1 

09 

Nortli  Carolina     . 

20 

°0 

Ohio               

44 

o, 

49! 

fi 

6 

Pennsylvania      .        .        . 

58 

11 

47 

Rb  3de  Island      

8 

8 

South  Carolina 

14 

14 

Tennessee       .                      ... 

24 

-4 

10 

5 

9 

Vermont 

10 

0 

4 

1 

Virginia      

29 

2 

19 

1 

10 

9 

1 

?,0 

16 

a 

1 

1 

7:;8 

18(» 

457 

?, 

1 

41 

1 

s 

:to 

4 

752 


CHESTER    A.  ARTHUR. 


TKKRITORIRS. 

| 

WASTIUUKXE. 

AKTIIUH. 

cc 

•^ 

SETTLE. 

1 

0 

<^- 

w 

•?:< 

| 

Brought  forward  

78S 

189 

4o7 

o 

1 

41 

1 

8 

30 

4 

Arizona  

2 

2 

Dakota 

o 

District  of  Columbia  

9, 

1 

1 

Idaho 

9 

0 

Montana             . 

2 

1 

1 

New  Mexico     

2 

a 

U<ah  

o 

\Vashiiififton 

2 

i 

1 

Wvominar.  . 

Totals  ... 

756 

J^T 

4(»S 

2 

1 

44 

1 

8 

ojj 

4 

Five  delegates  did  not  vote. 


Whole  number  of  votes  cast 751 

Necessary  to  a  choice 376 


Washburne 193 

Jewell  44 

Settle 1 

Maynard 30 

Arthur 468 


Davis 

Wood  ford, 


Bruce,,  of  Mississippi 8 

Alcorn,  of  Mississippi 4 


Mr.  Frye,  in  the  chair,  said  that  Mr.  Arthur,  having 
received  a  majority  of  all  the  votes  cast,  was  the  candi 
date  for  Vice-President,  and  inquired,  "  Shall  the  nomi 
nation  be  made  unanimous  ?  "  - 

Mr.  Raymond,  of  California,  moved  that  it  be  made 
unanimous. 

Votes  of  thanks  were  then  passed  to  the  officers  of 
the  convention,  and  the  usual  committee  of  one  from  each 
State  was  authorized  to  apprise  the  candidates  of  their 
nominations,  when  the  convention  adjourned  sine  die. 

General  Arthur  was  duly  informed  of  his  nomination, 
and  accepted  it  in  an  eloquent  letter. 


CHAPTER  II. 

THE   VICE-PRESIDENCY  AND  THE    PRESIDENCY. 

Elected  Vice-President — Inaugurated— Rides  with  the  Stalwarts — Informed 
of  the  Assassination  of  the  President — Summoned  to  Washington — Inter 
view  with  Mrs.  Garfield — Grief  of  General  Arthur — Incidents  of  his 
Stay  in  Washington — Returns  to  New  York — Efforts  to  Induce  him  to 
Assume  the  Presidential  Office — His  Refusal — Noble  and  Dignified  Con 
duct  of  General  Arthur — Informed  of  the  President's  Death — Takes  the 
Oath  of  Oflfice  as  President — Message  to  the  Cabinet — Goes  to  Elberon — 
Returns  to  New  York — Back  to  Long  Branch — Attends  the  Funeral  Ser 
vices — Accompanies  the  Funeral  Party  to  Washington — Takes  the  Oath 
a  Second  Time — His  Inaugural — Takes  Part  in  the  President's  Funeral 
at  Washington — Remains  at  Washington — Appoints  a  Day  of  Fasting 
and  Prayer — Calls  an  Extra  Session  of  the  Senate. 

WE  have  already,  in  a  previous  portion  of  this  work, 
related  the  triumphant  election  of  General  Arthur  to 
the  Vice-Presidency  of  the  United  States.  It  is  need 
less  to  repeat  the  figures  by  which  this  victory  was 
achieved. 

On  the  4th  of  March,  1881,  at  twelve  o'clock  noon, 
the  Senate  met  in  extraordinary  session  for  the  pur 
pose  of  participating  in  the  inaugural  ceremonies  of 
President-elect  Garfield  and  Vice-President-elect  Ar 
thur.  Immediately  thereafter  General  Arthur  entered 
the  Chamber  escorted  by  the  committee  appointed  by 
the  Senate  for  that  purpose.  When  the  business  of 
organizing  the  new  Senate  had  been  concluded  he  was 


754  CHESTER   A.   ARTHUR. 

formally  introduced  to  the  Senate  by  the  retiring  Vice- 
Preeident  Wheeler,  after  which  he  took  the  oath  of 
office  and  delivered  a  brief  but  eloquent  inaugural,  and 
assumed  his  place  as  the  second  officer  of  the  Kepublic. 

During  the  contest  which  subsequently  ensued  be 
tween  Senator  Conkling  and  President  Garfield,  Gen 
eral  Arthur  sided  actively  with  the  New  York  Senator. 
After  the  resignation  of  Senators  Conkling  and  Platt, 
and  the  adjournment  of  the  United  States  Senate, 
Vice-President  Arthur  proceeded  to  Albany,  and  took 
an  active  part  in  the  Stalwart  campaign,  lending  all 
his  influence  to  secure  the  re-election  of  Senators  Conk 
ling  and  Platt. 

The  news  of  the  assassination  of  President  Garfield 
was  at  once  telegraphed  by  Secretary  Blaine  to  Vice- 
President  Arthur.  It  was  felt  by  the  entire  Cabinet 
that  it  was  necessary  for  them  to  be  in  communication 
with  the  Vice-President,  in  case  the  wound  should 
prove  speedily  fatal.  Four  telegrams  were  sent  by 
Secretary  Blaine  during  the  day,  but  no  answer  was 
returned  to  either.  Postmaster-General  James  then 
telegraphed  to  New  York  as  follows : 

"  WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  July  2d. 

"  Secretary  of  State  has  telegraphed  Vice-President 
Arthur  four  times  to-day.  The  gravity  of  the  situa 
tion  requires  that  we  should  communicate  with  him  at 
once.  Can  you  tell  us  where  a  telegram  will  reach 
him  ?  "  T.  L.  JAMES,  Postmaster-General." 

The  following  reply  at  once  came  to  hand  at  8  P.  M. : 
"  To  T.  L.  JAMES  : — I  have  nothing  officially  regard- 


LIFE   AND   SERVICES.  7/>f> 

ing  the  President's  condition.  I  have  relied  upon 
newspaper  accounts.  I  hope  to  hear  more  favorable 
tidings.  Please  answer  at  once.  Please  present  my 
deepest  sympathy  to  Mrs.  Garfield. 

"  C.  A.  ARTHUR." 

The  rejoinder  to  this  was  an  earnest  request  to  cc  me 
to  Washington  at  once,  and  General  Arthur  accord 
ingly  left  New  York  on  the  midnight  train  in  com 
pany  with  Senator  Jones  of  Nevada,  and  reached 
Washington  at  six  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  July 
3d.  The  two  gentlemen  drove  to  the  residence  of  Sen 
ator  Jones  on  Capitol  Hill,  and  after  remaining  there 
a  while  went  to  the  Arlington  hotel.  Early  in  the  day 
the  Vice-President  expressed  to  Attorney-General  Mac- 
Veagh  and  others  an  earnest  desire  to  see  the  Presi 
dent.  He  was  informed  that  it  was  thought  best  that 
no  one  except  the  physicians,  members  of  the  family 
and  attendants  should  be  allowed  in  the  room,  and 
that  it  was  necessary  that  the  President  should  have 
perfect  quiet.  Senator  Jones  called  at  the  White 
House  several  times  during  the  day.  He  spoke  inva 
riably  of  Arthur's  deep  depression  over  the  situation. 

Vice-President  Arthur  called  at  the  Executive  Man 
sion  shortly  after  nine  o'clock  that  evening  and  paid 
his  respects  and  expressed  his  sympathy  with  Mrs. 
Garfield  and  her  family.  We  have  already  given  an 
account  of  this  touching  interview  in  another  portion 
of  this  work,  and  it  is  needless  to  repeat  it.  All  pres 
ent  were  impressed  with  the  noble  and  manly  bearing 
and  the  profound  sorrow  of  the  Vice-President.  Dur 
ing  the  day  General  Arthur  remained  in  communica- 


756  CHESTER    A.    ARTHUR. 

tion  with  the  members  of  the  Cabinet,  and  was  guided 
by  their  suggestions  in  all  his  actions. 

On  the  4th  of  July — the  saddest  national  anniver 
sary  the  country  has  ever  known — General  Arthur  re 
mained  at  Senator  Jones'  residence  all  the  morning. 
He  did  not  retire  to  rest  on  the  previous  night  until 
the  last  bulletin  was  announced  from  the  White  House. 
The  Viee-President  was  not  reassured  by  the  news  in 
the  bulletins  during  the  day.  He  had  shared  the 
opinion  of  those  in  attendance  upon  the  President  that 
the  latter  was  improving.  He  went  to  bed,  however, 
with  the  consciousness  that  the  doctors  were  disposed 
to  believe  that  the  President  could  not  recover.  Gen 
eral  Arthur  received  early  information  as  to  the  condi 
tion  of  General  Garfield  this  morning.  He  was  kept 
constantly  informed  of  what  was  taking  place  at  the 
White  House,  and  was  buoyed  up  with  some  of  the 
views  which  he  received.  Senator  Jones  kept  messen 
gers  going  to  and  from  the  White  House,  and  in  addi 
tion  to  the  information  thus  received  the  Vice-Presi 
dent  himself  sent  every  hour  for  additional  news. 
General  Arthur  went  out  for  a  while  in  the  evening, 
but  for  the  rest  of  the  day  remained  in  doors.  He  saw 
no  callers  except  a  few  personal  friends,  and  to  these 
he  did  not  talk  except  to  inquire  what  news  they  had 
of  the  President's  condition.  He  anxiously  read  every 
bit  of  information  he  could  obtain,  and  seemed  to  espe 
cially  relish  the  news  when  it  was  reported  that  Dr. 
Bliss  had  said  early  in  the  day  that  the  President  WHS 
in  good  condition,  with  a  fair  chance  of  recovery.  This 
appeared  to  nerve  General  Arthur,  but  a  subsequent 


LIFE  AND   SERVICES.  757 

report  of  the  gloomy  remarks  made  by  Dr.  Agnew,  of 
Philadelphia,  as  to  General  Garfield's  condition,  were 
not  reassuring.  In  this  state  of  suspense  the  Vice- 
President  passed  the  day  and  evening. 

A  gentleman  who  saw  him  at  the  time  thus  writes 
of  the  Vice-President : 

"As  General  Arthur  sat  in  Senator  Jones'  parlor  to- 
i.ight  he  looked  like  a  man  full  of  anxiety  and  sorrow. 
He  scarcely  spoke  a  word  to  his  friend  the  Senator, 
and  often  did  not  answer  questions  that  were  put  to 
hirn.  Aside  from  the  grief  which  the  Vice-President 
feels  for  the  President  in  his  deplorahle  condition,  there 
is  the  dreadful  sense  of  the  great  responsibility  that 
must  be  laid  upon  him  if  the  President  should  not  re 


cover." 


The  correspondent  of  the  New  York  Herald,  writing 
on  the  5th  of  July,  says : 

"  Vice-President  Arthur  has  been  much  indisposed  to 
day.  The  unfavorable  news  of  last  evening,  which  he 
received  hourly  by  messengers,  had  the  effect  of  keep 
ing  him  from  sleeping,  and  he  passed  a  miserable  night. 
This  morning  he  was  much  fatigued  and  denied  him 
self  to  all  callers.  Senator  Jones  and  General  Arthur 
passed  the  forenoon  together,  and  those  who  called  to 
see  the  Vice-President  were  notified  by  attendants  that 
they  could  not  be  gratified,  as  the  General  was  not 
well.  He  looks  several  years  older  than  when  he 
arrived  here.  Seated  in  one  of  the  parlors  of  Senator 
Jones'  residence  the  Vice-President  appeared  pale  and 
haggard  this  morning.  He  looked  like  a  man  who 
was  in  great  sorrow,  and  was  making  every  effort  to 


758  CHESTER   A.   ARTHUR. 

appear  calm.  He  says  nothing.  Great  injustice  has 
been  done  him  by  the  published  reports  of  utterances 
he  is  alleged  to  have  made  to  newspaper  correspond 
ents  and  to  Senator  Jones.  General  Arthur  has  told 
nothing  of  his  feelings  to  any  of  the  correspondents, 
who  have,  instead,  reported  what  they  imagined  he 
should  have  said.  The  man  is  bowed  down  by  thought, 
and  his  feelings  are  not  of  the  nature  to  be  expressed 
to  every  idler  who  calls  upon  him.  He  is  keenly  sen 
sitive  of  the  position  in  which  he  has  been  placed  by 
the  assassination  of  the  President,  and  has  been  very 
careful  to  keep  his  sorrow  to  himself  and  to  see  and 
address  no  one  but  his  intimate  personal  friends.  He 
has  been  utterly  misrepresented  -by  the  wholly  unau 
thorized  reports  sent  broadcast  over  the  country,  and  he 
is  too  sensitive  to  personally  contradict  them.  He 
came  here  at  the  solicitation  of  the  members  of  the 
Cabinet,  and  proposes  for  the  present  to  act  under  the 
directions  of  its  members  while  he  is  in  Washington. 
Should  the  President  recover  he  will  have  shown  his 
sympathy  for  his  trouble,  while,  should  the  President 
die,  he  will  be  on  hand  to  take  the  oath  of  office  aS 
President,  and  thus  prevent  an  interregnum.  Whether 
it  may  be  necessary  for  him  to  do  anything  not  advised 
by  the  Cabinet  cannot,  of  course,  be  now  determined. 
There  can  be  no  doubt  of  the  cordial  agreement  that  at 
present  exists  between  the  Vice-President  and  the 
Secretaries,  and  Mr.  Blaihe  is  pronounced  in  his  ad 
miration  of  General  Arthur's  course  thus  far.  Even 
those  who  dislike  the  Vice-President  personally  or 
politically  agree  in  saying  that  his  demeanor  since  the 
attempted  assassination  has  been  most  proper. 


LIFE   AND   SERVICES.  759 

"  During  the  afternoon  the  Vice-President  visited  the 
White  House.  He  was  accompanied  by  Senator  Jones. 
General  Arthur  did  not  see  the  President.  He  might 
have  done  so,  only  the  wounded  Chief  Magistrate  was 
asleep  and  *t  was  not  deemed  advisable  to  disturb  him. 
The  Vice-Pres'.dent  remained  in  the  Cabinet-room  for 
about  three-quarters  of  an  hour.  Secretary  Blaine 
talked  with  him  for  a  time,  and  the  party  was  increased 
later  by  the  presence  of  Secretaries  James  and  Hunt. 
Mr.  Blaine  and  the  other  Cabinet  officers  informed  the 
Vice-President  of  the  favorable  condition  of  the  Presi 
dent,  and  Genera^  Arthur  said  that  he  was  more  than 
pleased  at  the  turn  affairs  had  taken.  The  gentlemen 
remained  in  the  Cabinet-room  all  the  time  during  his 
stay  in  the  White  House,  and  when  Senator  Jones  left 
with  his  guest  he  cordially  invited  Mr.  Blaine  and  his 
colleagues  in  the  Cabinet  to  visit  General  Arthur. 

"This  invitation  was  accepted  by  Mr.  Blaine,  and 
early  in  the  evening  he  and  Secretaries  Hunt,  Windorn 
and  Lincoln  went  to  Senator  Jones'  residence,  on  Cap 
itol  Hill.  They  were  ushered  into  the  parlor  on  the 
second  floor  and  there  met  the  Vice-President.  Sec 
retary  Blaine  again  informed  General  Arthur  of  the 
promising  condition  of  the  President,  and  said  that 
since  the  visit  of  the  Vice-President  General  Garfield 
had  shown  further  signs  of  improvement.  General 
Arthur  said  he  hoped  and  prayed  that  the  symptoms 
would  continue  as  favorable,  and  declared  that  he  was 
overjoyed  to  think  that  there  was  reason  to  suppose 
that  the  President  would  live.  He  had  steadily  hoped 
that  there  would  be  no  necessity  for  him  to  assume  the 


760  CHESTER   A.   ARTHUR. 

Presidency,  and  now  he  thought  his  hopes  would  be 
realized  in  the  recovery  of  the  President. 

"  The  members  of  the  Cabinet  were  very  courteous  to 
the  Vice-President  and  the  best  of  feeling  prevailed. 
The  call  of  the  Secretaries  was  merely  a  social  one 
and  will  be  repeated  to-morrow.  General  Arthur  again 
passed  the  night  at  Senator  Jones'  house.  He  received 
hourly  bulletins  from  the  White  House,  all  of  which 
were  of  a  reassuring  character." 

General  Arthur  remained  in  Washington  several 
days,  and  then,  as  the  President  continued  to  improve, 
returned  to  New  York. 

The  long  illness  of  President  Garfield  proved  a  sore 
trial  to  General  Arthur.  His  position  was  a  very  deli 
cate  one,  and  he  was  constantly  beset  by  reporters  and 
correspondents  who  sought  to  draw  from  him  his  views 
on  the  condition  of  affairs.  To  these  he  returned  a 
courteous,  but  firm  refusal  to  converse  upon  the  subject, 
and  all  through  the  sad  period  bore  himself  with  a 
manly  firmness  which  won  for  him  the  admiration  of 
the  entire  nation. 

It  was  urged  by  an  influential  party  toward  the 
latter  part  of  the  President's  sickness,  that  the  inability 
of  the  executive  to  discharge  the  duties  of  his  office 
was  such  as  was  contemplated  by  the  framers  of  the 
National  Constitution,  and  that  it  was  the  plain  duty 
of-  the  Vice-President  to  assume  the  office  of  Chief 
Magistrate,  and  proceed  to  administer  the  government. 
To  all  these  suggestions  the  Vice-President  turned  a 
deaf  ear.  He  was  willing  to  take  such  a  step  if 
summoned  thereto  by  the  Cabinet,  but  would,  for 


LIFE   AND   SERVICES. 

himself,  await  the  course  of  events,  in  the  meantime 
joining  earnestly  in  the  prayers  of  the  nation  for  the 
President's  recovery.  He  made  no  secret  of  his  utter 
reluctance  to  go  to  Washington  while  the  President 
lived.  The  manly  delicacy  thus  exhibited  by  the  Vice- 
President  won  him  many  friends,  even  among  those 
who  had  previously  been  his  political  enemies.  In  this 
frame  of  mind  he  calmly  and  sadly  awaited  the  course 
of  events,  remaining  almost  the  whole  time  at  his 
residence  in  New  York,  and  denying  himself  to  all 
visitors  save  a  few  of  his  most  intimate  friends. 

Immediately  after  the  deatli  of  the  President  the 
members  jqf  the  Cabinet,  present  at  Elberon,  united  in 
the  following  telegram  to  the  Vice-President : 

"HoN.  CHESTER  A.  ARTHUR, 

"  No.  123  Lexington  avenue,  New  York  : 
"  It  becomes  our  painful  duty  to  inform  you  of  the 
death  of  President  Garfield,  and  to  advise  you  to  take 
the  oath  of  office  without  delay.  If  it  concurs  with 
your  judgment  we  will  be  very  glad  if  you  will  come 
down  on  the  earliest  train  to-morrow  morning. 

"  WILLIAM  WINDOM, 
"  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 
"  WILLIAM  H.  HUNT, 
"  Secretary  of  the  Navy. 
"  THOMAS  L.  JAMES, 

"  Postmaster-General. 
"  WAYNE  MACVEAGH, 

"Attorney-General. 
"  L.  J.  KIRKWOOD, 
"  Secretary  of  the  Interior." 


762  CHESTER   A.   ARTHUR. 

The  Vice-President  immediately  replied  as  follows : 

"  NEW  YORK,  September  19. 

"  HON.  WAYNE   MACVEAGH, 

"Attorney -General,  Long  Branch  : 
"  I  have  your  telegram,  and  the  intelligence  fills  me 
with  profound  sorrow.     Express  to  Mrs.  Garfield  my 
deepest  sympathies. 

"  CHESTER  A.  ARTHUR." 

In  accordance  with  the  advice  of  the  Cabinet,  General 
Arthur  decided  to  take  the  oath  without  delay,  and 
Judges  Brady  and  Donohoe,  of  the  Supreme  Court  of 
the  State  of  New  York,  were  at  once  sent  for.  Judge 
Brady  arrived  at  the  residence  of  the  Vice-President,  in 
company  with  Messrs.  Rollins  and  Root,  at  ten  minutes 
before  two,  but  the  ceremony  was  out  of  courtesy 
deferred  until  Judge  Donohoe's  arrival  at  a  little  after 
2  o'clock,  with  ex-Commissioner  French.  On  Judge 
Donohoe's  arrival  General  Arthur  rose  from  his  seat  in 
the  library  and  advanced  to  the  front  parlor.  It  is  a 
large  room.  The  carpet  is  soft  and  deep  and  of  a  dark 
tint.  Heavy  curtains  to  match  the  carpeting  hang 
from  the  large  French  windows.  Oil  paintings  by  old 
masters  hang  from  the  ceiling.  Despatches,  books  and 
writing  materials  were  scattered  all  over  the  large 
table  that  stands  in  the  centre.  General  Arthur  stood 
behind  this  table,  facing  the  window.  He  had  gained 
his  composure;  and  his  eye  was  clear,  and  his  manner 
dignified.  The  gas  in  the  library  was  burning  dimly, 
and  his  fine,  tall  form  stood  out  grandly  from  the  dark 
background.  Old  allegorical  pictures  loomed  out  from 


LIFE   AND   SERVICES.  763 

the  darkness — pictures  of  conquests  and  of  triumphs, 
of  defeat  and  despair — and  above  all  was  the  white 
marble  bust  of  Henry  Clay.  Judge  Brady  stood  on 
the  other  side  of  the  table,  facing  General  Arthur. 
Grouped  around  the  two  men  were  Judge  Donohoe, 
Elihu  Root,  Commissioner  French,  Daniel  G.  Rollins 
and  General  Arthur's  son.  Judge  Brady  slowly 
advanced  a  step  and  slowly  raised  his  right  hand. 
General  Arthur  did  likewise.  A  moment  of  impressive 
silence  followed.  General  Arthur's  features  were  al 
most  fixed.  Then  Judge  Brady  administered  the  oath. 
General  Arthur,  speaking  in  a  clear,  ringing  voice,  said  : 

"I  do  ^solemnly  swear  that  I  will  faithfully  execute 
the  office  of  President  of  the  United  States,  and  will 
to  the  best  of  my  ability  preserve,  protect  and  defend 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States." 

After  this  he  remained  standing  a  moment  longer, 
his  hand  still  raised.  No  one  spoke,  nor  did  the  Presi 
dent  afterwards  give  expression  to  any  emotion. 

Soon  after  this  President  Arthur  sent  the  following 
telegram  to  the  members  of  the  Cabinet : 

"  NEW  YORK,  September  20. 

"  I  have  your  message  announcing  the  death  of 
President  Garfield.  Permit  me  to  renew  through  you 
the  expression  of  sorrow  and  sympathy  which  I 
have  already  telegraphed  to  Attorney-General  Mac- 
Veagh.  In  accordance  with  your  suggestion  I  have 
taken  the  oath  of  office  as  President  before  the  Hon. 
John  R.  Brady,  Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the 
State  of  New  York.  I  \vill  soon  advise  you  further  in 
regard  to  the  other  suggestion  in  your  telegram. 

"C.  A.  ARTHUR." 


764  CHESTER   A.    ARTHUR. 

Early  on  'the  morning  of  the  20th  President  Arthur 
left  New  York  for  Long  Branch.  He  reached  that 
place  at  1.10  P.  M.,  and  drove  at  once  to  Attorney-Gen 
eral  MacVeagh's  cottage.  After  an  informal  conference 
with  the  members  of  the  Cabinet,  the  President  walked 
over  to  Elberon  Cottage  and  left  a  card  of  sympathy 
for  Mrs.  Garfield.  He  then  returned  to  New  York. 
On  the  21st  he  again  returned  to  Long  Branch, 
took  part  in  the  funeral  ceremonies  at  Elberon, 
and  accompanied  the  funeral  train  to  Washington, 
where  he  became  the  guest  of  Senator  Jones.  During 
the  remainder  of  the  day  and  evening  he  remained  in 
strict  seclusion. 

Early  on  the  morning  of  the  22d  the  members  of 
the  Cabinet  repaired  to  the  residence  of  Senator  Jones, 
to  call  on  the  President.  During  the  forenoon  a  num 
ber  of  the  members  of  the  two  Houses  of  Congress  called 
to  pay  their  respects.  This  was  ended  at  half-past 
eleven,  and  a  little  later  the  President  and  Cabinet 
went  over  to  the  east  front  of  the  Senate  wing  of  the 
Capitol,  which  they  entered,  then  went  directly  to  the 
room  of  the  Vice-President,  the  magnificent  marble  cham 
ber  north  of  the  Seriate  Chamber.  When  they  went  in 
nobody  outside  of  their  circle  who  saw  them  seemed 
to  know  what  was  on  foot.  It  was  not  until  the  Chief- 
Justice  of  the  United  States,  clad  in  his  dark  robes  of 
office,  was  seen  approaching  from  the  main  corridor 
that  it  was  guessed  that  the  President  was  about  to  go 
through  the  formality  of  taking  the  oath  of  office  as 
President  at  the  hands  of  the  Chief-Justice  of  the 
Supreme  Court.  This  was  considered  but  a  formality, 


LIFE   AND   SERVICES.  765 

as  Mr.  Arthur  had  been  sworn  in  New  York  early  on 
Tuesday  morning.  It  was  thought  by  the  Cabinet, 
however,  that  it  would  be  as  well  to  follow  a  custom 
which  had  been  established  by  having  the  oath  admin 
istered  by  the  highest  judicial  officer  in  the  country. 
The  scene  when  the  oath  was  taken  was  impressive  in 
the  extreme.  At  the  right  of  the  President  stood 
Senator  Jones  and  Speaker  Sharpe,  of  New  York.  Ex- 
President  Hayes  was  a  conspicuous  figure  well  in  the 
foreground,  with  General  Grant  but  a  few  steps  behind. 
All  of  the  Cabinet  were  present.  Of  the  Senators  there 
were  present  Hale,  Jones,  Sherman,  Dawes^and  An 
thony,  and  Representatives  Hiscock,  McCook,  Town- 
send  and  others.  During  the  ceremony  ex-President 
Hayes  sat  near  ex-President  Grant.  The  administra 
tion  of  the  oath  was  followed  by  the  President's  brief 
inaugural,  which  he  read  from  manuscript. 

Secretary  Blaine  was  the  first  one  to  grasp  the  Pres 
ident's  hand  when  he  had  finished  reading  his  address. 
The  Secretary  was  followed  by  members  of  the  Cabinet 
and  by  others  present.  There  were  about  forty  wit 
nesses  in  the  room.  An  important  Cabinet  meeting 
followed  the  ceremonies.  This  meeting  lasted  nearly 
an  hour.  The  first  official  act  of  the  new  President 
was  then  performed.  It  was  the  issuance  of  a  procla 
mation  designating  Monday,  September  26th,  as  a  day 
of  humiliation  and  prayer  on  account  of  the  death  of 
the  late  President.  The  members  of  the  Cabinet  then 
one  after  another  tendered  their  resignations.  This 
formality  was  expected.  The  President  made  no  inti 
mation  as  to  whether  they  would  or  would  not  be 


766  CHESTER   A.   ARTHUR. 

accepted.  He  simply  asked  them  to  continue  to  ad 
minister  the  business  of  their  respective  departments. 

On  the  23d  of  September,  President  Arthur  attended 
the  funeral  ceremonies  of  his  martyred  predecessor,  and 
accompanied  the  remains  to  the  railway  station.  It 
was  his  wish  to  go  with  the  funeral  party  to  Cleveland, 
but  in  view  of  the  facts  that  a  railway  journey  of  such 
length  is  always  dangerous,  and  that  an  attempt  might 
be  made  upon  his  life  by  some  fanatic,  and  that  in  the 
event  of  his  death  the  country  would  be  without  an 
official  head,  there  being  no  Vice-President,  President 
of  the  Senate,  or  Speaker  of  the  House,  the  Cabinet 
advised  him  to  remain  in  Washington,  and  he  con 
sented  to  do  so. 

On  the  23d*  of  September,  President  Arthur  issued 
his  proclamation  summoning  the  Senate  of  the  United 
States  to  convene  in  extraordinary  session  on  the  10th 
of  October,  1881. 

'APPENDIX. 

Not  only  did  the  dastardly  attempt  of  the  assassin 
Guiteau  plunge  the  nation  into  the  gloom  of  sorrow, 
but  it  entailed  upon  it  an  extraordinary  burden  of 
pecuniary  expense. 

President  Garfield  was  shot  on  the  second  day  of 
July,  died  on  the  19th  of  September,  and  was  buried, 
or  placed  in  a  tomb,  on  the  26th  of  September,  in  all 
eighty-five  days.  Congress  will  be  called  upon  to 
defray  the  expenses  of  the  sickness  and  of  the  funeral. 
It  is  also  understood  that  Congress  will  be  called 
upon  to  vote  a  sum  of  money  to  Mrs.  Garfield.  It 
will  be  remembered  that  when  the  illustrious  Lincoln 


APPENDIX.  767 

was  assassinated  Congress  managed  to  vote  his  widow 
a  pension  of  $3,000  a  year.  It  is  quite  probable  that 
Congress  will  vote  Mrs.  Garfield  the  full  salary  of  the 
President  for  the  year,  which  will  give  her,  say  $25,000. 
An  effort  will  be  made  to  give  her  a  pension  of  $5,000. 
Should  that  be  done,  a  demand  will  be  made  to  increase 
Mrs.  Lincoln's  pension  to  that  amount.  Mrs.  Garfield 
is  now  well  provided  for;  an  income  of  at  least  $12,000 
a  year  is  already  secured.  If  she  obtains  a  pension  of 
£3,000,  her  regular  income  during  her  life  cannot  fall 
short  of  $15,000  a  year.  In  addition  to  this,  the 
widow  will  doubtless  have  about  $100,000,  and  in  a 
pecuniary  point  of  view,  she  will  be  vastly  better  off 
than  the  widow  of  the  lamented  Lincoln. 

Mr.  Private  Secretary  Brown,  who  has  attended  to 
all  the  purchases  of  the  President's  sick-room  and 
receipted  for  all  goods  received,  estimates  the  cost  of 
the  President's  sickness  at  $100,000,  which  would  be 
at  the  rate  of  $1,250  a  day.  Of  this  cost  the  doctors' 
bills  will  form  the  largest  item,  say  $53,000.  Of  this 
amount  Dr.  Bliss  will  want  $25,000,  Drs.  Agnew  and 
Hamilton  $12,000  each,  Dr.  Keyburu  $3,000,  and  Mrs. 
Dr.  Edson  $1,000.  Drs.  Woodward  and  Barnes  will 
get  nothing,  unless  Congress  chooses  to  recognize  their 
services  as  being  not  strictly  in  the  line  of  their  duty 
as  army  officers.  It  is  thought  that  the  total  cost  of 
drugs  will  not  exceed  $500. 

Such  things  as  beef  extract,  koumiss,  whisky, 
brandy,  and  wine  were  all  donated,  and  there  is  said 
to  be  "a  vast  accumulation  of  drugs,  patent  medicines, 
liquors,  etc.,  at  the  White  House,  forwarded  from  all 
parts  of  the  country,  which  will  doubtless  be  given  to 
the  poor  of  Washington.  The  Pennsylvania  Railroad 
moved  the  President  to  Long  Branch,  brought  the 
remains  back  to  Washington,  and  took  them  to  Cleve 
land,  for  which,  it  is  understood,  no  charge  will  be 
made. 


7G8  APPENDIX. 

The  expenses  at  Elberon  are  sot  clown  at  $1,000. 
The  funeral  ceremonies  at  the  capital  are  estimated 
at  $1.000,  including  the  decoration  of  buildings.  The 
cost  of  the  trip  to  Cleveland  for  Senators  and  Repre 
sentatives,  hire  of  carriages,  etc.,  is  estimated  at  85,000, 
cost  of  telegraphic  messages,  §2,000;  undertakers'  bills 
are  estimated  at  $5,000,  and  it  now  looks  as  though 
§100,000  would  meet  every  demand,  but  there  is  a 
possibility  that  much  more  will  be  required.  The 
State  of  Ohio  pays  all  expenses  of  transportation  of 
body,  escort,  etc.,  after  passing  State  line,  estimated  as 
follows  : 

Pay  of  troops  fur  four  days $5,000 

Transportation 1 3,0110 

Subsistence  4fOOO 

Artillery  service  l,oou 

Tran  spur  tat  ion  of  bodv  1,000 

Miscellaneous 10,000 


Total $-'4,000 

At  Cleveland  the  expenses  are  estimated  as  follows 

Catafalque $3,000 

Arrln's  0,000 

Transportation  K>o<>rt  Committee 15o 

Funeral  t-ar 1,500 

Decorations 1 

Horses (  1,000 

Hearse j 

<  'a  mages 2,500 

Music 2,000 

Kxtra  police 2,500 

Accommodation* 100,000 

Floral    decorations  on  catafalque  and  arches,  contributed   by  • 

private  patties  2,000 

Same  contributed  by  other  cities 1,OOO 

I>ecoratioiis  of  other  public  buildings .3,000 

Decorations  on  private  buildings 100,000 


Total $L'J3,»;50 

These  figures  show  a  grand  total  of  expenditures  for 
sickness  Jind  funeral  of  $347,650,  of  which  the  United 
States  will  pay,  say,  $100.000,  leaving  $247,650  for 
Ohio,  Cleveland,  and  private  individuals. 


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